Black Immigrants and School Engagement

Abstract

School engagement is an important contributor to students’ academic success; however, the available literature on the school engagement of Black immigrants is limited. This study examined the associations between school engagement, perceived ethnic discrimination, ethnic identity, and American identity in a sample of first- and second-generation immigrants of African descent. A total of 125 Cape Verdean high school students (aged 13-19 years) participated in the study. Results indicate that American identity moderated the association between perceived ethnic discrimination and school engagement. American identity buffered the effect of perceived ethnic discrimination on engagement in school. The findings highlight the need to consider Black immigrant students’ identification with American culture in developing interventions aimed at enhancing school engagement.

Keywords

Black immigrants American identity ethnic identity perceptions of discrimination school engagement

The Black immigrant population in the United States is becoming increasingly diverse and experiencing rapid growth, from 816,000 in 1980 to 3.2 million in 2009 (Capps, McCabe, & Fix, 2011; Kent, 2007). The uniqueness and diversity within Black immigrants of African descent is reflective of the changing immigrant population in the United States and is worthy of study; however, it is rarely examined (Rong & Brown, 2001). Understanding the unique experience of Black immigrant students as they are integrated into mainstream secondary education is vital to support their future success in American society. This is particularly relevant, given that foreign-born students’ rates of school dropout are three times higher than those of native-born students (Aud, Fox, & KewalRamani, 2010). Additionally, Black foreign-born students make up 6% of school dropouts (Aud et al., 2012). As students of color, Black immigrants of African descent are faced with adjusting to the American educational system while contending with racial climates that, for many of them, are unfamiliar (Rong & Brown, 2001). For adolescents in particular, experiences in high school have significant implications for future adaptive outcomes (Choy, Horn, Nuñez, & Chen, 2000).

Given the current disparities in academic outcomes that exist between ethnic minority children and non-Latino White children (Aud et al., 2012), it is important to further understand the factors that may affect Black immigrant children and their families’ integration into mainstream education in order to enhance children’s school success. School engagement is an important aspect of academic achievement that needs to be further explored in this population (Rong & Brown, 2001), as the connection that immigrant students have with school and school supports has been shown to enhance their academic achievement (Suárez-Orozco, Bang, & Onaga, 2010). For children of families who immigrate to the United States, factors related to the immigration and acculturation process (Koinis-Mitchell et al., 2011; Koinis-Mitchell et al., 2012) affect children’s ability to engage with their school environment and the mainstream’s academic learning process (Suárez-Orozco et al., 2010; Suárez-Orozco, Suárez-Orozco, & Todorova, 2008). For first- and second-generation high school students, cultural factors, including ethnic identity, national identity, and perceptions of discrimination, are important factors to consider when understanding their engagement in school. Adolescence is a time in which individuals begin to explore and define their identity, and it is a period in which perceptions of discrimination within the school context can have implications for the extent to which they feel a sense of belonging in school, with implications for their school achievement (Phinney, 1989; Quintana, 2007; Suárez-Orozco et al., 2008). The current study examines factors relevant to the immigration process, such as, perceptions of ethnic discrimination, ethnic identity, and American identity, as they relate to school engagement in a sample of Black first-generation (foreign born) and second-generation (U.S. born) immigrant adolescents of Cape Verdean descent. Please note that throughout this article, we will use the term Black immigrant to refer to recent Black immigrants to the United States, within the past century, including the first- and second-generation immigrant participants in the current study. We use the term African American to denote the experience of U.S.-born Blacks who have been a part of this country since its founding (Kent, 2007).

Cape Verdean Immigration to the United States

The Cape Verdean population exemplifies the richness and complexity of the current immigrant community hailing from West Africa. Cape Verdeans represent the first wave of voluntary migration to the United States from Africa, starting in the nineteenth century (Halter, 1993, 2007). The history of the Cape Verde Islands is marked by Portuguese colonization and interracial mixing (Halter, 1993). On arrival in the United States, a history of distrust and rejection by the Portuguese American community, as well as, a history of resistance to the Black/White racial paradigm found in the United States by Cape Verdean immigrants continues to affect their acculturation experience (Halter, 1993). Currently, Cape Verdean immigrant communities are found in metropolitan areas in New England (Boston and Brockton in Massachusetts, Providence, Rhode Island), as well as smaller communities in New Jersey and Florida. Given the important role that the immigration experience can have on caregiver and children’s experience with the school environment (Suárez-Orozco et al., 2008) and given the richness of Cape Verdean’s history of immigration, it is important to further understanding of how aspects of their immigration experience (e.g., perceived ethnic discrimination, ethnic identity, and national identity) may affect students’ engagement in school and their academic success.

School Engagement and Immigrant Youth

School engagement is a multidimensional concept associated with academic achievement that is considered essential for students’ academic success (Fredricks, Blumenfeld, Friedel, & Paris, 2005; Jimerson, Campos, & Greif, 2003). School engagement includes students’ participation in school-related tasks and activities, their emotional responses to various aspects of the school experience (e.g., school-related tasks, peers, and teachers), as well as their willingness to engage with complex ideas and intellectual challenges (Finn, 1989; Fredricks, Blumenfeld, & Paris, 2004; Fredricks et al., 2005; Glanville & Wildhagen, 2007; Jimerson et al., 2003). Each of these components has been found to be important for school success (Fredricks et al., 2005). In particular, emotional engagement has been identified as a particularly significant predictor of school success for immigrant populations (Morrison, Cosden, O’Farrell, &Campos, 2003; Suárez-Orozco et al., 2010). Conversely, the existing research points to risk factors that undermine immigrant students’ school engagement. These include inadequate academic and social support, low English language proficiency, as well as, discrimination by peers and staff in school (Meador, 2005; Morrison et al., 2003; Norrid-Lacey & Spencer, 1999; Yeh, Kim, Pituc, & Atkins, 2008).

Perceived Discrimination in Schools

Perceived ethnic discrimination is defined as an individual’s perception of unfair treatment because of his or her ethnicity (Brondolo et al., 2005; DeGarmo & Martinez, 2006; Greene, Way, & Pahl, 2006; Stone & Han, 2005). Experiences of perceived discrimination in school can involve peer, adult and institutional discrimination (Fisher, Wallace, & Fenton, 2000). Within the African American population, daily experiences of discrimination have been negatively associated with academic motivation and achievement (Eccles, Wong, & Peck, 2006; Wong, Eccles, & Sameroff, 2003). Similarly, perceived discrimination was identified as a risk factor for African American students’ engagement in school (Smalls, White, Chavous, & Sellers, 2007). Students who perceive discrimination toward their ethnic group in school may see the school environment as less welcoming and concerned with their well-being and as a result, may become less interested and invested in school. However, ethnic identity has been found to serve as a buffer to perceived discrimination, decreasing its negative effects on African American students’ high school engagement (Eccles et al., 2006) and school achievement (Wong et al., 2003).

Ethnic Identity, National Identity, and School Engagement

Ethnic identity refers to one’s identity as a member of an ethnic group and sense of positive connection to that group (Cokley, 2005; Phinney, 2003). Ethnic identity development is conceptualized as an important task for youth of color during their adolescent years (Phinney, 1989; Quintana, 2007). Phinney (1989) proposed a model in which individuals move from an unexamined ethnic identity to a stage of identity exploration, in which they attempt to understand what it means to be a member of a particular group, and lastly to an achieved identity when individuals have a sense of what it means to be a member of a particular ethnic group. Consistent evidence supports the concept of a normative increase in ethnic identity exploration during adolescence (Quintana, 2007). The literature also supports the contention that perceptions of discrimination trigger ethnic identity exploration (Pahl & Way, 2006, Sellers & Shelton, 2003).

National identity refers to feelings of belonging to and attitudes toward the dominant society (Phinney, Horenczyk, Liebkind, & Vedder, 2001). Ethnic identity and national identity are conceptualized as independent aspects of the individual’s identity (Phinney et al., 2001; Phinney & Ong, 2007). National identity has not been as widely studied as ethnic identity (Phinney, Cantu, & Kurtz, 1997). Immigrant adolescents may ascribe to both national and ethnic identities (Suarez-Orozco et al., 2008) and it is important to consider the impact of both on their engagement in school. Current theory on cultural identity supports the concept of a bicultural identity when individuals retain their ethnic identity while establishing and maintaining a national or dominant identity (Berry, Phinney, Sam, & Vedder, 2006; Phinney & Devich-Navarro, 1997). Within the school environment, embracing an individual’s ethnic identity may contribute to that individual’s sense of uniqueness and his/her acceptance. Simultaneously, an individual’s national identity may contribute to greater ease in navigating the mainstream school culture contributing positively to engagement in school.

National identity’s contribution to school engagement has not been examined independently, but as an aspect of immigrant adolescents’ acculturation experience. Immigrant adolescents who have strong links to both their ethnic and national cultures demonstrate more positive psychological and sociocultural adaptations as well as greater levels of academic achievement (Berry et al., 2006; Martinez, DeGarmo, & Eddy, 2004; Suárez-Orozco & Suárez-Orozco, 2007). Immigrant students reporting less contact with American culture were more likely to identify discrimination as a barrier to engagement in school (Valencia & Johnson, 2006). In sum, the literature points to the importance of school engagement to immigrant students’ school success and the pernicious effects of perceived discrimination to their school experiences. Additionally, previous findings indicate that a strong identification with one’s ethnic culture while also identifying with the mainstream culture may help students to be better equipped to navigate the school setting and this may influence school success (Berry et al., 2006). While important, this research does not specifically address the experiences of Black immigrants in the United States. Examining the extent to which their ethnic and national identities may add to the experience of school engagement would further refine our understanding of Black immigrants’ school experience. Given that this study focuses on immigrants in the United States, herein we will refer to national identity as American identity.

Current Study

The overall goal of this study is to examine the associations between Black immigrant students’ engagement in school, perceptions of ethnic discrimination, ethnic identity, and American identity. Given the important role of discrimination in this group of immigrant youth, we sought to examine the extent to which ethnic identity and American identity moderated the association between perceived ethnic discrimination and school engagement. Previous findings (Eccles et al., 2006; Wong et al., 2003) indicate a buffering effect of ethnic identity in the association of perceived discrimination and school engagement for African American students. Consequently, we expected that higher levels of ethnic identity will buffer exposure to perceived ethnic discrimination and will be linked with higher levels of school engagement. Last, we also examined the moderating role of American identity on the relationship of perceived ethnic discrimination and school engagement. We expect that a strong American identity will serve as buffer to perceived ethnic discrimination and will be linked with higher levels of school engagement.

Method

Data for the current study were collected as part of a larger study examining career development and school engagement in first- and second-generation Cape Verdean immigrant students. The students were recruited from high schools in urban areas in the Northeast of the United States. In order to participate, students had to be (a) currently attending high school, (b) born in Cape Verde and living in the United States for at least 3 years (first-generation immigrants) or (c) born in the United States with at least one parent who was born in Cape Verde (second-generation immigrants). The 3-year U.S. residence requirement was based on feedback from educators working with Cape Verdean immigrant students. After examining the study protocol, these consultants advised that students with 3 years in the United States would be able to fully understand and answer the study questions.

Students were informed of the study through presentations at high school assemblies and other events held at community centers. Those who expressed interest in participating were given consent forms that they returned to a contact person at the school or community center. Information describing the number of students informed about the study, those ineligible for participation, and those who were eligible but refused participation is not available. While the study questionnaires and assent forms were available only in English, parental consent forms were offered in English and/or Portuguese (the official language of Cape Verde). Parental consent was obtained from 125 students, who also provided assent to participate. Questionnaires were administered in a 1-hour long session in a group format at school and community centers during the students’ free time (e.g., afterschool, lunch periods). Students who participated were entered into a raffle to receive a store gift card. This study was completed as part of the first author’s doctoral dissertation. The study and procedures were reviewed and approved by the Boston College Institutional Review Board as well as the research administration boards of the school districts where data were collected.

Measures

Demographic Questionnaire

The questionnaire included questions regarding age, gender, place of birth, number of years in the United States and grade level in school.

School Engagement

The 16-item Identification with School Questionnaire (IWS; Voelkl, 1996) was developed to assess the emotional aspects of school engagement. The IWS assesses the degree to which students feel a sense of belongingness at school (e.g., “I feel proud of being a part of my school”) and the extent to which students value school and school-related outcomes (e.g., “Most of what I learn in school will be useful when I get a job”). Each item is rated using a 4-point Likert-type scale ranging from 1= strongly agree to 4 = strongly disagree. Higher scores indicate greater school engagement. The measure was developed and validated in a study that included about 3,500 White and Black middle school students (Voekl, 1996). School identification scores have been associated with classroom participation and academic achievement among White and African American eighth-grade students (Voelkl, 1997).The IWS can be used as either a total score or as two separate subscales, school belongingness, and value (Voelkl, 1996, 1997). For the present study, we examined only the school belonging subscale. We believe that this subscale may be more relevant for students’ experiences of discrimination. The author reports a Cronbach alpha of .76 for the school belonging subscale (Voelkl, 1996). For this sample, the Cronbach alpha was .56.

Perceived Ethnic Discrimination

A measure developed by Berry et al. (2006) for the International Comparative Study of Ethnocultural Youth (ICSEY) was used to assess individuals’ perceptions of ethnic discrimination. This instrument, which is based on an earlier measure developed by Hocoy (1993, as cited in Berry et al., 2006), assesses perceived discrimination by peers, teachers, and other adults. Four items assess the frequency of unfair treatment because of ethnicity and five items assess the experience of being discriminated. Examples of items are, “How often do teachers treat you unfairly or negatively because of your ethnic background?,” with responses ranging in a 5-point Likert-type scale from 1 = never to 5 = very often; “I have been teased or insulted because of my ethnic background,” with answers ranging from 1 = strongly disagree to 5 = strongly agree. Total scores can range from 9 to 45, with higher scores indicating greater perceived discrimination. Higher scores have been associated with negative psychological adaptation and outcomes in immigrant youth (Berry et al., 2006; Virta, Sam, & Westin, 2004). The authors reported a Cronbach alpha of .83 while for this sample it was .85.

Ethnic Identity

Ethnic identity was measured using the Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure–Revised (MEIM-R), a revised version of the original measure (Phinney, 1992; Phinney & Ong, 2007). The MEIM-R assesses exploration and commitment to ethnic identity without addressing ethnic group specific behaviors or values (Phinney & Ong, 2007). Ethnic identity is seen as emerging from a process of growth and development that includes exploration of identity and commitment to identity domains (Phinney & Ong, 2007). This revised version includes a total of six items that measure the degree to which ethnic identity is achieved, with subscales indicating the degree of exploration and commitment. Responses range from 1 = strongly disagree to 5 = strongly agree, with higher scores indicating a stronger ethnic identity. The complete scale was used in this study, with potential values ranging from 6 to 30. The measure shows good reliability yielding a Cronbach alpha of .81. The revised measure was validated with a college sample, although the original measure has been used widely with adolescent samples (Phinney, 1992; Phinney & Ong, 2007; Roberts et al., 1999; Spencer, Icard, Harachi, Catalano, & Oxford, 2000). For this sample, the Cronbach alpha was .89.

American Identity

American identity was assessed using a four-item measure developed by Berry et al. (2006) for the ICSEY. The measure is based on an earlier scale developed by Phinney and Devich-Navarro (1997). Three of the items assess American identification and belonging while an additional item assesses the importance of American identity. In the original study, national identity did not show a significant relationship with ethnic identity, which supports the two-dimensional model of cultural identity (Phinney & Devich-Navarro, 1997). A sample item is “I am proud of being American,” with responses ranging in a Likert-type scale from 1 = strongly disagree to 5 = strongly agree. Scale scores range from 4 to 16, with higher scores indicating greater sense of identification with American identity. The Cronbach alpha reported by the authors for this measure is .84, and for this sample it was .87.

Statistical Analysis Plan

Preliminary analysis included examining correlations among the variables of interest as well as mean differences in the main variables as a function of demographics (e.g., gender, grade, birthplace, and length of residence in the United States). This allowed us to identify potential variables that should be controlled for in the main analyses. To examine the moderating role of ethnic identity on the association of perceived ethnic discrimination and school engagement, a hierarchical regression was completed. We controlled for birthplace by entering it in the initial step of the regression, given that school engagement differed for first- and second-generation students. Perceived ethnic discrimination and ethnic identity were centered and entered in the second and third step, respectively. The interaction term, the product of perceived discrimination and ethnic identity, was entered in the fourth step. A similar regression procedure was used to assess the moderating role of American identity on the association between perceived discrimination and school engagement. To assess the significance of the interaction effects, a simple slopes test was used (Holmbeck, 2002). Birthplace information was missing for two students who were excluded from all the regression analyses. The adjusted R² value is used to assess the effect size of the regression results (Fritz, Morris, & Richler, 2012).

Results

The total sample included 125 high school students who were first-generation (n = 46) and second-generation (n = 77) immigrants. Most students were female (56%) and while all four grades were included, most students were 9th (32%) or 10th (32%) graders. The mean age of the students was 15.8 years (SD = 1.29, range = 13-19 years). For those born in Cape Verde, the mean age of migration to the United States was 10.14 years (SD = 4.15), and length of residence in the United States ranged from 3 to 16 years (M = 6.18, SD = 3.46). Table 1 provides a summary of demographic characteristics and sample means.

Table 1.

Participant Characteristics for Overall Sample and Country of Birth and Variable Intercorrelations.

				Correlations
Variable	Overall (N = 125)	Cape Verde (n = 46)	United States (n = 77)	1	2	3	4
Female (%)	56.2	16.5	39.7
Age M (SD)	15.88 (1.29)	16.20 (1.32)	15.68 (1.24)
Grade (%):
9	40 (31.7)	17 (13.8)	23 (17.4)
10	40 (31.7)	11 (9.8)	27 (22)
11	27 (22)	13 (10.6)	14 (11.4)
12	18 (14.6)	4 (3.3)	14 (11.4)
Length of residence in United States M (SD)	—	6.18 (3.46)	—
1. School engagement	21.23 (4.04)	19.95 (3.52)	22.00 (4.16)	—
2. Ethnic identity	20.14 (5.95)	18.7 (6.36)	20.97 (5.58)	−.08	—
3. American identity	17.14 (5.36)	13.65 (5.56)	19.23 (3.99)	.07	.27**	—
4. Perceived discrimination	18.59 (7.14)	20.95 (7.92)	17.18 (6.27)	.00	−.15	−.20*	—

Note. Birthplace data missing for two (n = 2) participants. The mean followed by standard deviation are presented. Significant mean differences between those born in the United States and those born in Cape Verde are given in boldface.

p < .05. **p < .01.

Preliminary Analysis

We examined differences in the variables of interest as a function of demographic variables (birthplace, gender, grade level, and length of residence in the United States). We found significant differences in school engagement, F(1, 121) = 7.74, p = .006; ethnic identity, F(1, 121) = 4.07, p = .046; American identity, F(1, 121) = 41.62, p = .000; and perceptions of discrimination, F(1, 121) = 8.53, p = .004, as a function of birthplace (see Table 1 for mean scores by birth place). U.S.-born students reported higher levels of school engagement, ethnic identity, and American identity while endorsing lower levels of perceived discrimination when compared with Cape Verde–born students. Twelfth graders (M = 14.16, SD = 4.85) reported less perceived discrimination when compared with other grades, F(3, 121) = 2.97, p = .034. American identity was positively associated with both length of residence in the United States (r = .36, p < .05) and ethnic identity (r = .27, p < .01). Last, American identity was negatively associated with perceived ethnic discrimination (r = −.20, p < .05).

Ethnic Identity Moderating the Relationship of Perceived Discrimination and School Engagement

In this hierarchical regression procedure, birthplace was entered in the first step, centered perceived discrimination and centered ethnic identity in steps 2 and 3, respectively, followed by the interaction term in the last step. The change in the R² value when the interaction term was entered in step 4 was not significant, ΔR² = .001, F = 2.56(1, 118), p =. 66 (see Table 2 for complete results). The hypothesis that ethnic identity moderated the relationship between perceived ethnic discrimination and school engagement was not supported. While birthplace had a significant main effect, the main effects for both perceived discrimination and ethnic identity were not significant.

Table 2.

Moderated Regression Results of Ethnic Identity and American Identity on the Association of Perceived Discrimination and School Engagement.

	Full model
Variables	B	SE B	β	ΔR²	R ²	Adjusted R²	F
Birthplace	2.34	.770	.282**
Ethnic identity	−0.084	.061	−.124
Discrimination	0.029	.052	.052
Ethnic identity × Discrimination	0.004	.008	.039
				.001	.08	.049	2.56
Birthplace	2.56	.861	.308**
American identity	−0.039	.077	−.052
Discrimination	0.026	.052	.046
American identity × Discrimination	0.020	.010	.179*
				.031	.098	.068	4.05*

Note. N = 123 (excluded 2 participants missing birthplace data).

p < .05. **p < .01.

American Identity Moderating the Relationship of Perceived Discrimination and School Engagement

The hierarchical regression procedure was similar to the previous model. The R² value change when the interaction term was entered in step 4 was significant, R² = .10, adjusted R² = .07, ΔR² = .03, F = 4.05 (1, 118), p = .04 (see Table 2 for complete results). In this last step, the main effects of both American identity (β = −.039, p = .61) and perceived discrimination (β = −.026, p = .61) were not significant, only birthplace (β = 2.56, p = .003) and the interaction term (β = .020, p = .04) were significant. Following the simple slopes test, we found that while the slope for those who endorsed a strong American identity (1 SD above the mean) was significantly different from zero (β = .013, p = .01), this was not the case for those reporting medium levels of American identity (at the mean, β = .02, p = .63) and those endorsing lower levels of American identity (1 SD below the mean, β = −.08, p = .14). At high levels of American identity, engagement in school was high when perceived levels of ethnic discrimination were also high. These results support our hypothesis that American identity moderated the association between perceived ethnic discrimination and school engagement.

Discussion

In this article, we examined the contribution of perceptions of ethnic discrimination, ethnic identity, and American identity to the school engagement of first- and second-generation immigrant high school students of African descent. The focus on this Black immigrant Cape Verdean group adds to the available literature on the experience of immigrant students in school. Additionally, the focus on both ethnic and American identity provides a more complex understanding of the impact of immigrant students’ identification with the ethnic and American cultures on experiences of school engagement. Adolescence is an important period for identity development, and therefore this is an important time in which to focus on the contribution of ethnic and American identity to adaptive developmental outcomes, such as school engagement. Last, we examined the moderating effect of both ethnic identity and American identity on the association of perceptions of discrimination with school engagement.

We found significant differences in school engagement, ethnic identity, American identity, and perceptions of ethnic discrimination as a function of birthplace. U.S.-born students endorsed higher levels of school engagement, ethnic identity, and American identity while perceiving less ethnic discrimination than Cape Verdean–born students. For students born in the United States, the experience of living in the United States their entire lives may contribute to the greater sense of engagement in school and lowered perceptions of discrimination. Additionally, the lower levels of ethnic and American identity of first-generation immigrant students may reflect their lack of familiarity with the manner in which issues of ethnicity are understood in the United States. These students may not have seriously considered their ethnic identity until arriving to the United States given the homogeneity of their sending society (Halter, 1993; Nunes, 1982). For first-generation students, lower levels of ethnic identity may be reflective of the fact that discussion of ethnic identity may be part of the American social discourse and may not have been something they considered prior to coming to the United States. Additionally, we found that for Cape Verde–born students, American identity was positively associated with length of residence in the United States. This may reflect the process of acculturation and increased level of comfort and identification with American culture as students become accustomed to living in the United States.

Ethnic Identity Moderating the Relationship of Perceived Discrimination and School Engagement

Contrary to previous findings with African Americans (Eccles et al., 2006; Wong et al., 2003), ethnic identity did not moderate the relationship between perceived discrimination and school engagement. However, our sample was limited to Black immigrants. For immigrant students, the extent to which they identify with the American culture may be more relevant to school engagement, given the need for them to function within the American educational system. This seems to be reflected in our findings, showing that American identity served as a buffer to perceived discrimination in this sample of first- and second-generation Cape Verdean immigrants.

American Identity Moderating the Relationship of Perceived Discrimination and School Engagement

We found a moderating effect of American identity on the relationship between perceived discrimination and school engagement. For students in this sample, American identity buffered the exposure of perceived discrimination and was associated with increased school engagement. For immigrant students, a sense of American identity may be an indicator of their level of comfort with American norms and an important aspect of their school success within the American educational system. Immigrant students, who endorse a strong American identity may have a better sense of what is needed to succeed in the American school system. To our knowledge, no other studies with immigrant populations have examined the role of American identity on the association of perceptions of discrimination and school engagement. Given that immigrant students navigate two cultures and may ascribe to a bicultural identity, it is important to consider the role of both orientations when understanding their engagement in school. Further study is needed to better understand how to support the development of an American and ethnic identity for immigrant students. The research on American identity is limited, and more studies are needed to document its development and its impact on positive youth outcomes (e.g., school achievement). For example, it is unclear whether the process of developing an American identity is similar to the one described for ethnic identity, involving both a process of exploration and commitment (Phinney, 1989). Further research is needed to examine differences and similarities in the development of an American identity for youth of diverse ethnic and racial backgrounds.

Contrary to other findings (Eccles et al., 2006), it is important to note that perceived discrimination was not a significant predictor of engagement in school for students in this sample. While we focused on experiences of discrimination related to ethnic group membership, we did not examine discrimination related to the experience as an immigrant or a child of immigrants, and this may be of greater relevance for this sample. For example, other indicators, such as language proficiency, and discrimination related to that experience may be more relevant to engagement in school.

Limitations

There are a number of limitations to this study. The sample size is small and this may have affected the ability to detect significant results. The sample is limited to Cape Verdean high school students in urban areas in the Northeast and may not be relevant to Cape Verdean immigrants in other parts of the country (e.g., rural or suburban settings). Additionally, these findings may not be applicable to other Black immigrant groups (e.g., Caribbean descent). Given the cross-sectional nature of this study and the use of self-report measures, causal inferences cannot be made. The measurement of school engagement is limited to emotional engagement with school and does not address cognitive and behavioral engagement, which may prove to be more relevant for this immigrant sample. The measure of school engagement had lower reliability (Cronbach’s alpha = .56) for this sample than what has been reported elsewhere. Its future use with this and other immigrant groups should be carefully considered. Additionally, our study is limited in that we used separate measures to assess ethnic and American identity. Future research should examine bicultural identity using a continuous measure (e.g., The Bicultural Identity Integration Scale–Version 1, Benet-Martínez, 2003; Bicultural Identity Scale, Moran, Fleming, Somervell, & Manson, 1999) in order to fully examine ethnic and national identity in the same individual. We did not collect data regarding student achievement (e.g., grades, GPA) and cannot comment on the extent to which school engagement for this sample was associated to school achievement. Future studies with this population should include both school engagement and achievement measures.

Implications and Directions for Future Research

The findings highlight the need to consider immigrant students’ American identity when understanding their experiences of engagement in school. American identity emerged as having an impact on the association of perceptions of discrimination and school engagement. Future research with larger samples using measures of bicultural identity is needed to better understand the role of American identity in promoting school engagement for immigrant students. Further research is needed to better understand the mechanisms through which American identity affects the association between perceptions of discrimination and school engagement. For example, do students who endorse a stronger American identity also endorse behaviors and attitudes that reflect cultural (e.g., accepted behaviors) and social (e.g., positive relationships with American students and teachers) capital that is more likely to support their feelings of belonging in school? Additionally, it is important to examine whether perceived ethnic discrimination, American identity, and ethnic identity function in the same way when considering behavioral and cognitive engagement with school for Black immigrant students. Understanding how to support the development of mainstream identities, as well as, processes to minimize experiences of ethnic discrimination may inform the development of targeted interventions aimed at supporting the school engagement and academic success of Black immigrant students from specific ethnic groups. Furthermore, studies that examine school characteristics (e.g., student and staff diversity) in addition to individual-level variables will provide a greater understanding of the experiences of Black immigrants in school.

Footnotes

Acknowledgements

Dr. Coutinho would like to acknowledge the support of her dissertation chair, Dr. David Blustein.

Authors’ Note

This study was conducted as part of Maria Teresa Coutinho’s doctoral dissertation requirements while in the Counseling, Developmental and Educational Psychology Department, Lynch School of Education, Boston College.

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The authors disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: An individual research grant from Boston College Graduate Student Association’s Research and Conference Grant Program awarded to Maria Teresa Coutinho allowed for participant incentives. Manuscript preparation was supported by grants from the Eunice Kennedy Shriver National Institute of Child Health and Human Development (R01 HD057220 and 3R01HD057220-03S1, D. Koinis-Mitchell, Principal Investigator).

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