Assessing the Psychological Consequences of Internalized Colonialism on the Psychological Well-Being of Young Adults in Ghana

Abstract

This study examined the psychometric properties of a revised version of the Colonial Mentality Scale in a sample Ghanaian young adults (CMS-G; N = 431). In addition, the degree to which mental health and self- and group-concept was effected by internalized notions of colonial mentality was assessed. Both exploratory and confirmatory factor analyses were used to evaluate the underlying factor structure of the CMS-G. The findings indicated that the CMS-G produced a four-factor orthogonal model as best representing the construct of colonial mentality among Ghanaian young adults. CMS-G scores correlated in the anticipated direction with self-esteem, collective self-esteem, anxiety, and depression. Additional analyses indicated that Ghanaian young adults endorsed colonial mentality items associated with physical characteristics and colonial debt with a higher frequency than other CMS-G items. Men endorsed colonial debt items statistically significantly more than women. Implications for the study’s findings are discussed and recommendations for future research are presented.

Keywords

trauma African self-consciousness slavery/enslavement ethnic identity Maafa

Colonialism has profoundly affected indigenous communities across the continent of Africa (Fanon, 1963; Okazaki, David, & Abelmann, 2008), leaving an undeniable imprint on politics, economics, culture, and social norms. For nearly a century, various European powers exploited natural and human resources, which has had far reaching negative impacts on the lived experiences of Africans. Colonial systems robbed Africans of their land and traditions, incited the devaluation of African peoples and culture, and left many in a cultural abyss struggling to recompose fragmented identities. Accordingly, “the most negative serious impact of colonialism has been psychological. This is seen, first, in the creation of colonial mentality among the educated Africans, in particular, and also among the populace in general” (Boahen, 1987, pp. 107-108).

While there is general consensus among scholars that colonialism has negatively affected the mental health of Africans, little empirical research investigates such conventions. A small but expanding body of research has begun to investigate the impact of internalized colonialism among previously subjugated populations. Within this body of research, the Colonial Mentality Scale (CMS; David & Okazaki, 2006) has been used to assess patterns of internalized racial oppression as a consequence of the historical memory derived from the collective experience of colonization. It is possible that this measure may be utilized to provide useful information about the mental health of former colonized groups in Africa. Specifically, given the long history of colonialism in Ghana (Oliver & Fage, 1962), use of the CMS could allow researchers to assess the degree to which European imperialism has left indelible scars on the psyches of Ghanaians. As such, the purpose of the current study was to evaluate the psychometric properties of the CMS and assess the degree to which young adults in Ghana manifest psychological symptoms associated with the legacy of colonialism. The article begins by providing a historical context through a brief overview of colonialism in Africa followed by a description of colonial mentality as a consequence of colonialism. Next, a more focused discussion of colonialism in Ghana is provided. The results of two studies are presented followed by a discussion of implications associated with the current study.

Colonialism in Africa

Nested in mercantilist and imperialist ideologies, colonialism involves the acquisition of political dominion over another country or group of people with the primary goal of economic advancement (Nkrumah, 1962). Europeans employed this system to extract both human and natural resources from many parts of Africa, which benefited the economies of mother countries and shattered countless African nations (Fetter, 1979). Numerous strategies were utilized by Europeans to maximize profits of the colonies and exercise control of African peoples including the use of military force, exploitation of bodies for free or inexpensive labor, election of indigenous elites, and the “divide and rule” technique (Houngnikpo, 2010).

European colonial powers were encouraged by their mother countries to exhibit effective control over colonies (Fetter, 1979). Resistance to colonialism by Africans was met with brute land and marine military force that allowed colonists to establish and maintain domination (Fetter, 1979; Houngnikpo, 2010). The need for inexpensive or free labor prompted large-scale movements of indigenous people to new urban areas (Oliver & Fage, 1962). Through these large-scale movements colonists were able to further exert control over Africans by diminishing any attempt of mass organization and revolution (Nkrumah, 1962). Such processes influenced the modification or abandonment of cultural and social customs and traditions (Morrock, 1973).

Colonial powers transformed African politics, creating a system in which a small number of authorities with great power ruled over economic and social processes for the powerless majority (Nkrumah, 1962). Colonists elected African elites to assist with implementation of policies that further assisted with maintaining control (Na‘īm, 2006). Through exclusionary rule and corporatist tactics, colonial powers were able to use native elites and traditional powers as administrative supports while repudiating their power to make laws or advocate on behalf of their communities (Makoa, 2004).

Another popular strategy was to “divide and rule,” the sentient effort of colonialists to intentionally weaken indigenous power structures (Morrock, 1973). The separation of religious and tribal groups contributed to intensified group differences in language, culture, and ethnicity (Morrock, 1973). Strategies that have facilitated the effectiveness of divide and rule as a colonial system include (but are not limited to) the development of dissimilarities within the indigenous population, the amplification of present dissimilarities, and the manipulation and exploitation of dissimilarities to increase colonial power (Marrock, 1978).

A major implement of colonialism’s influence on the psyche of African people was through the educational system. Rodney (1982) notes that colonial educational systems, the relics of which still remain in most parts of colonized Africa, were aimed at transforming the mentality of the educated African through mis-education. People were taught to deny their culture and think like Europeans. The result of such mis-education was that “those who had the most education were to be found the most alienated Africans on the continent” (Rodney, 1982, p. 248). By condemning African culture, in terms of its music, names, dance, marriage, inheritance system, and discouraging that they do not be taught in schools, colonialism alienated people from their cultural and introduced a sense of inferiority into the African psyche. Educated Africans were made to feel shame about their own culture and people. It was therefore not a surprise when Boahen (1987) noted that majority of those trained under colonial educational system became alienated and estranged from their society and culture.

All the strategies outlined above assisted the colonial powers with accomplishing their objectives of establishing dominance and increasing revenue for mother countries. These techniques were far less beneficial for Africans; however, as colonialism destroyed African communities, incited the degradation of African culture, and instilled the belief in White supremacy (Igboin, 2011). The ramifications of such processes resulted in the devaluation of African culture, permeating the mentality and worldview of Africans and resulting in behaviors that supported the colonial master and his institutions (Igboin, 2011). Today remnants of this mentality are clearly alive and well.

Colonial Mentality as a Consequence of Colonialism

Colonial mentality, a product of colonialism, is a broad multidimensional construct that refers to personal feelings or beliefs of ethnic or cultural inferiority (David & Okazaki, 2006). Colonial mentality can manifest in the following ways: (1) denigration of the self, (2) denigration of the culture or body, (3) discriminating against less Americanized in-group members, and (4) tolerating historical and contemporary oppression (Nadal, 2011). This form of internalized oppression has a deleterious effect on ethnic identity and mental health and is associated with bullying, acculturative stress, and other maladaptive behaviors (Nadal, 2011). Colonial mentality has been empirically studied in primarily Filipino populations. However, given the nature and magnitude of colonialism in Africa, it is imperative that scholars investigate this phenomenon in African peoples as well.

The invidious psychological residuals of the colonial experience can range from admiration of the colonial legacy and culture to feelings of shame and embarrassment about the indigenous culture (Boahen, 1987). Taking either perspective can be deleterious to a person’s psychological functioning and self-concept. Those who develop admiration for the colonizer’s culture are seen to develop a dislike not only for the indigenous culture but also are discriminatory against persons who have physical characteristics associated with the indigenous culture (e.g., being dark skinned), or those holding indigenous values (e.g., traditional healers). Simultaneously, inability to become like the colonizer robs the person of the ability to be authentic, leaving the person with feelings of anxiety (Memmi, 1965). On the other hand, internalized shame of a person’s culture increases the experience of anxiety and depression. This is because the adoption of colonial values is coupled with the condemnation of the self. The condemnation is in the sense that the person is met with disappointment when he/she is unable to become like the colonizer despite repeated attempts. Torn between the indigenous culture and the colonizer’s cultural values, the person is left with feelings of self-hatred or even shame (Bulhan, 1985; Memmi, 1965).

Internalized colonialism weakens collective self-esteem by distorting the importance of the indigenous culture (Agozino, 2003). At the individual level, internalized colonialism encourages a sense of inferiority. When confronted with ambiguities because of the colonial past, some people may try to become like the colonizer (Memmi, 1965). Others become trapped in the colonized mentality leading to a deleterious effect on their mental health as seen in a higher likelihood in the onset of depression and a general sense of anxiety. The relationship between colonial mentality and weakened collective self-esteem is likely based on the fact that the individual high in colonial mentality does not desire the colonial framework and its values, but he/she also restricts his engagement with the indigenous culture. In so doing, the person loses part of his/her individual as well as collective identity (Cabral, 1973). The result of this psychological process is detrimental to the mental health of the individual.

In a series of studies, Bulhan (1978, 1980) examined the psychological and cultural manifestations of internalized colonialism in African populations on the continent and living in United States. One study sought to develop a self-report measure of internalized colonialism among African populations (Bulhan, 1980). This effort produced a measure with three distinct components of African’s reactions to Euro-American domination—Capitulation, Revitalization, and Radicalization. According to Bulhan (1980), Capitulation is the process of assimilating into Euro-American culture while simultaneously abandoning one’s indigenous African culture. Revitalization is manifest in a defensive rejection of Euro-American culture and an equally defensive romanticism of African culture. Radicalization represents a revolutionary commitment to sociopolitical change. In earlier study, Bulhan (1978) examined Reactive Identity formation in Western-educated Africans. The theory of Reactive Identity Formation postulates that there are three responses of psychological alienation associated with internalized colonization and expressed at the individual level: fixation with, flight from, and fight against White supremacy domination (Bulhan, 1978). Taken together, these studies demonstrate the early empirical interest in elucidating the psychological mechanisms and manifestations of colonial mentality in Africa.

Colonialism and Colonial Mentality in Ghana

Colonization in the Gold Coast (present day Ghana) lasted nearly four centuries and involved numerous countries including Great Britain, Portugal, Holland, and Denmark (Oliver & Fage, 1962). Up until the mid-19th century, indigenous people along with viable resources (i.e., gold, ivory, and cocoa) were sold and traded for the benefit of the colonizers. During the 20th century, the devaluation of Black life, systematic oppression, economic marginalization, and the rejection of African culture prompted political movements and nationalism, which led to the Gold Coast attaining its independence from Britain in 1957 and becoming Ghana (Nkrumah, 1963; Oliver & Fage, 1962).

Despite the long period of European rule and domination in Ghana, there is a dearth of empirical studies that have examined the psychological residuals of colonialism on the personality and behavior of Ghanaians. However, cultural patterns and linguistic expressions suggest that vestiges of internalize colonialism exist in the Ghanaian psyche. For example, the Twi expression—Wu yi Nyame a Obroni na eba (The Whiteman is next to God)—exemplifies the deification of the colonial master (Europeans) in Ghanaian culture (Prah, 1992). The process by which Ghanaians internalize notions of White supremacy has received some empirical attention in the psychological literature. Specifically, a replication of the Clark Doll Study conducted by Mahama, Danquah, and Wan (2009) found that Ghanaian boys from lower socioeconomic status expressed a preference for the White doll.

The practice of skin bleaching among Ghanaian women is related to assumptions that lighter skin is preferred and can be viewed as social capital for marriage and possibly other aspects of life (Fokuo, 2009; Pierre, 2008). Research in other postcolonial societies suggest that lighter skin individuals are viewed as more attractive, more likely to marry, and experience advantages in education, income, and housing (Hunter, 2007). Whiteness/fair skin is perceived as such an important commodity that individuals risk their health to achieve it (Hunter, 2007). Despite the deleterious effects of excessive bleaching, research indicates that skin bleaching practices are common among West Africans and such practices have contributed to the thriving industry in postcolonial African societies (Mire, 2001).

Another outward expression of cultural identification associated with colonial mentality is preference for Western clothing over traditional Ghanaian clothing. In a study of Ghanaian’s attitudes toward locally manufactured versus imported clothing products, Opoku and Akorli (2009) found that foreign labels were held in high regard compared with Ghanaian-made products. This preference was associated with beliefs that foreign products were of superior quality. These findings are consistent with previous research that found a decline in wearing of traditional Ghanaian clothing and an increase in the preference for Western clothing styles (Matthews, 1979). Moreover, Boahen (1987) noted the irrationality of this preference by observing that three-piece suits are routinely worn in a climate where temperatures are routinely hot and humid.

Colonial mentality also appears to be evident in structural institutions. For example, despite the existence of approximately 250 native dialects, the official language spoken in Ghana is English. English predominates business and governmental affairs and is the language in which students learn and are evaluated in schools and universities. Remnants of colonialism are also evidenced in the native languages. For example, in one of the most common native languages, Twi, phrases exist (e.g., Wu yi Nyame a Obroni na eba—The Whiteman is next to God) that exemplify the deification of whiteness and typifies the colonial mentality (Prah, 1992).

Skin bleaching practices and Western clothing preferences suggest a motivation to “de-Africanize” oneself, further explicating the polarized dichotomy of the depreciation of Blackness and affinity for Whiteness. The previously mentioned practices appear to be outward expressions of internalized beliefs of racial and cultural inferiority. Despite these assertions, the degree to which Ghanaians have internalized feelings of ethnocultural inferiority has not been empirically examined in the psychological literature. Thus, the purpose of the current study is to evaluate the validity and utility of the CMS and assess the presentation of associated psychological symptoms among Ghanaian young adults. This study addresses a gap in the African psychological literature and builds on the existing work of theorists by offering a contemporary and more in-depth examination of the impact of the structural mechanisms of European colonialism. Few empirical studies offer information pertaining to the damage colonialism has inflicted at the psychological level and this is a contribution of the current study.

Study 1

Study 1 was intended to establish the initial factor structure of the CMS using exploratory factor analytic methods. In addition, indexes of internal consistency (Cronbach’s alpha) were computed for each of the CMS subscales. Pearson’s product-moment correlation coefficients were calculated to determine the subscale intercorrelations for the CMS.

Method

Participants

There were a total 430 participants comprising undergraduate college students from the University of Ghana who were enrolled in Level I introductory psychology courses and Level II and III advanced topics courses. A random split of the initial data set was conducted in SPSS 20 to create to separate data sets for conducting exploratory and confirmatory factor analysis (CFA). This procedure resulted in a total of 202 randomly selected cases for the current study. Of the 202 participants randomly selected from the total data set, 117 (53.4%) were men and 88 (40.2%) were women. There were 14 (6.4%) missing values. The participants ranged in age from 19 to 37 years (mean = 22.69, SD = 3.21). There were 201 (58.9%) second year, 7 (3.2%) third year, and 77 (35.2%) fourth year students. There were 6 (2.7%) missing values.

Measures

A revised version of the CMS for Filipino Americans (David & Okazaki, 2006) is a 36-item, 6-point Likert-type (1 = strongly disagree to 6 = strongly agree) self-reporting scale that measures the extent of internalized colonialism following oppression. According to David and Okazaki (2006), “Colonial mentality is a form of internalized oppression . . . characterized by a perception of ethnic or cultural inferiority” (p. 241). Furthermore, Colonial Mentality is characterized by a rejection of any and all things derived from the indigenous culture and a preference for anything connected to the culture of the colonial master (David, 2008).

In validation studies to develop a CMS for Filipino Americans, David and Okazaki (2010) found that the CMS is best measured along five related factors: (1) within-group discrimination, (2) physical characteristics, (3) colonial debt, (4) cultural shame and embarrassment, and (5) internalized cultural and ethnic inferiority. The scale is theoretically derived and psychometrically validated, and David and Okazaki (2006) note that it is applicable to later generations based on evidence that Colonial Mentality is passed on through socialization and continued oppression, thereby causing negative effects on the mental health of modern day Filipino Americans. The CMS Scale for Filipino Americans was reported to be consistent with literature on colonial mentality, with correlations between cultural mistrust and collective self-esteem providing additional validity to the construct (David & Okazaki, 2006).

As the CMS was intended for use with Filipino Americans several revisions were necessary to make it appropriate for use with Ghanaians. Therefore, to construct the Ghana version of the CMS (CMS-G), several items were reworded to reflect the fact that the revised questionnaire would be completed by Black Africans from Ghana and not Filipino Americans. For example, the item that read “In general, I feel ashamed of Filipino culture and traditions” was revised to read “In general, I feel ashamed of African culture and traditions.” Next, additional items were eliminated as they applied specifically to Filipino immigrants and were not relevant to the current population. For example, one item that read “In general, I do not associate with newly-arrived Filipino immigrants” was eliminated because it did not apply to the current population. Likewise, several items were added to the CMS as there were context-specific (i.e., British colonial rule) nuances that were not captured by many of the original CMS items. Specially, items were added to assess feelings and attitudes left over from British colonial rule regarding indigenous African religions and traditional African dress. Finally, an effort was made to recreate those CMS items that captured the shame experienced by acculturated and assimilated Filipino Americans toward less acculturated and assimilated group members. In the context of Ghanaian cultural dynamics in the assimilation of Western culture and values, individuals from the northern region of the country (“Northerners”) are viewed as less acculturated, less assimilated, and, therefore, less Westernized (a trait valued in Ghanaian society). Consequently, we replaced items referencing newly arrived Filipino immigrants with the term Northerners. Following the revisions made to the CMS items, the final version consisted of 36 items in total. Cronbach alpha coefficients for the CMS-G are reported in the Results section of this study.

A demographic data questionnaire was completed by all participants in the study. The questionnaire asked respondents to identify their gender, age, and academic status.

Procedure

Participants were recruited from undergraduate introductory psychology classes and received extra credit for their participation. The survey included a consent form that explained the study’s procedures and the rights of participants. Following consent, survey questionnaires were group-administered to participants. After completing the questionnaires, participants read a debriefing statement that included the contact information of the researcher in case they had any questions about the study. Individuals recruited from the introductory psychology courses were assigned course credit for their participation.

Results

Preliminary Data Analysis

Prior to conducting the exploratory factor analyses, the data were screened for outliers and missing data. The findings revealed that there were no outliers and approximately 5% missing data. Missing data were addressed using the listwise deletion procedure. According to Yuan and Bentler (2000), when there are less than 20% missing data, listwise deletion is just as effective as the (preferred) full information maximum likelihood method.

Exploratory Factor Analysis

A factor analysis using the principle axis factoring (PAF) method was performed on all 36 items of the CMS-G. First, the data were evaluated using the Kaiser-Meyer-Olkin measure of sampling adequacy (KMO) and Bartlett’s test of sphericity to determine if the sample was optimal for conducting an exploratory factor analysis. The results indicated that the current sample’s KMO (.84) and Bartlett’s test of sphericity (p < .001) were acceptable. Next, the Cattell’s scree test (Cattell, 1966) was used to determine the optimal number of factors to best represent the underlying structure of the CMS-G. This procedure indicated that as many as four factors could be extracted. This finding was confirmed with the use of a parallel analysis, which was conducted based on 1,000 random data sets. Parallel analysis is a more conservative procedure for identifying the number of factors to retain. Based on the findings from Cattell’s scree test and the parallel analysis, the researchers forced a one-, two-, three-, and four-factor extraction using both orthogonal (Varimax) and oblique solutions (Oblimin). Of these extraction methods, the four-factor orthogonal solution loaded items to factors that were conceptually more compelling than the oblique solution (see Table 1).

Table 1.

Items and Factor Structure of the Colonial Mentality Scale–Ghana Version.

	Factor loadings
Subscale and items	X	SD	I	II	III	IV
Factor I (Within-Group Discrimination)
3. In general, I do not associate with Northerners (Black Africans from the North of my country).	1.62	1.14	.638	.139	.129	.033
11. In general, I am ashamed of Northerners because of the way they dress and act.	1.67	1.19	.516	−.008	.395	.182
13. I generally do not like Northerners.	1.43	0.873	.787	.186	.161	.298
18. I think Northerners are backwards, don’t speak good English, and act weird.	1.83	1.21	.434	−.070	.247	.334
29. In general, I am ashamed of Northerners because of their inability to speak fluent, accent-free English.	1.37	0.872	.705	.073	.080	.329
Factor II (Physical Characteristics)
2. I find persons with lighter skin-tones to be more attractive than persons with dark skin tones.	2.65	1.76	.039	.618	.114	−.140
4. I do not want my children to be dark-skinned.	1.96	1.44	.149	.747	.081	.002
9. I generally think that a person that is part White and part African is more attractive than a full-blooded African.	2.58	1.76	−.030	.403	.231	.264
12. I find persons who have bridged noses (like Whites) as more attractive than persons with wide African noses.	2.14	1.50	.221	.464	.217	.240
14. I would like to have a skin-tone that is lighter than the skin-tone I have.	1.88	1.44	.040	.631	.120	.257
16. I would like to have children with light skin-tones.	2.54	1.67	.026	.714	.196	.098
24. I do not want my children to have a flat African nose.	2.48	1.80	.283	.406	.110	.129
Factor III (Colonial Debt)
5. Africans should feel privileged and honored that Europeans (Whites) had contact with them.	2.63	1.63	.077	.186	.511	.131
17. Europe and the United States are highly responsible for civilizing Africa and improving their ways of life.	2.97	1.67	.107	.160	.602	.014
20. Africans should be thankful to Europe and the United States for transforming the African way of life into a white/European/American way of life.	2.33	1.39	.146	.176	.665	.263
22. In general, Africans should be thankful and feel fortunate that Africa was once controlled by the Whites.	2.21	1.34	.217	.090	.646	.134
25. In general, I prefer to wear Western clothes (from Europe or America) than traditional African clothing.	2.70	1.61	.093	.243	.430	.130
Factor IV (Internalized Cultural Shame and Inferiority)
8. There are situations where I feel ashamed of my ethnic/cultural background.	1.48	1.09	.175	.202	.185	.470
15. I think all Africans should become as Americanized as quickly as possible.	1.46	0.988	.268	.361	.121	.496
19. I would like to have a nose that is more bridged (like Whites) than the nose I have.	1.63	1.21	.091	.372	.091	.591
23. In general, I feel that being African is not as good as being White/European/American.	1.75	1.29	.325	.180	.275	.445
32. There are moments when I wish I was a member of a ethnic/cultural group that is different from my own.	1.54	1.10	.099	.164	.089	.410
34. In general, I feel ashamed of the African culture and traditions.	1.37	0.922	.073	.010	.065	.512
36. In general, I feel that being a person of my ethnic/cultural background is not as good as being White.	1.62	1.18	.233	.078	.120	.596

Note: Scores in boldface met criteria for factor loading on the indicated subscale.

The criteria for retaining items to factors were as follows: (1) items with factor loadings of .40 or higher were retained, (2) items that cross-loaded (i.e., loaded .40 on more than one factor) were dropped, and (3) items that loaded .15 higher on their primary factor than on their next highest factor loading were retained. Based on results from the PAF, 12 items were eliminated from the CMS-G. The remaining 24 items represented the most robust indicators of colonial mentality in the current sample of Ghanaian young adults. Based on a review of the items and the factors where they loaded, we observed that the factor loadings generally followed the structure of the original CMS. The only exception was that Factors IV (Cultural Shame and Embarrassment) and V (Internalized Cultural/Ethnic Inferiority) of the original CMS loaded on a single factor. We labeled this factor Internalized Cultural Shame and Inferiority. The remaining factors were as follows: Within-Group Discrimination, Physical Characteristics, and Colonial Debt. The Within-Group Discrimination scale is composed of items that assess intragroup animosity against less acculturated Ghanaians. Physical Characteristic items assess the degree to which respondents perceive African physical features to be less desirable than European features. The Colonial Debt scale items assess the degree to which Ghanaians feel a sense of indebtedness toward Europeans for the cultural enlightenment they received under colonial rule. Finally, the Internalized Cultural Shame and Inferiority scale items assess the degree to which Ghanaians perceive their culture as inferior to European culture and experience a sense of shame related to indigenous cultural beliefs and practices.

Internal Consistency and Subscale Intercorrelations

Cronbach’s alpha coefficients with 95% confidence intervals (CIs) were calculated for the four factors of the CMS-G. The alpha coefficients were .83 (95% CI = .75-.84) for Within-Group Discrimination, .80 (95% CI = .75-.84) for Physical Characteristics, .75 (95% CI = .79-.86) for Colonial Debt, and .80 (95% CI = 69-.80) for Internalized Cultural Shame and Inferiority.

Pearson product-moment correlation coefficients were calculated to evaluate the subscale intercorrelations for the CMS-G. These findings indicated that Within-Group Discrimination was correlated .36 with Physical Characteristics, .43 with Colonial Debt, and .53 with Internalized Cultural Shame and Inferiority (ps < .01). Physical Characteristics were correlated .45 with Colonial Debt (p < .01) and .48 with Internalized Cultural Shame and Inferiority (p > .01). Colonial Debt correlated .45 with Internalized Cultural Shame and Inferiority (p < .01). On the basis of these moderate to high intercorrelations, the CMS subscales can best be described as measuring related, yet distinct constructs associated with colonial mentality in West Africans from Ghana.

Study 2: Confirmatory Factor Analysis of the CMS-G

In Study 1, we conducted exploratory factor analysis on the CMS-G in one subsample of Ghanaian college students. We found that a four-factor orthogonal model fit the data best, and we removed items that did not load highly on these factors in our first subsample. We also found evidence for internal consistency for the four subscales, as well as moderate intercorrelations between subscales. In this second study, our goal was to test how well the factor structure of the CMS-G fit the data in a second subsample of Ghanaian college students. We hypothesized that the four-factor model would fit the data well and that the subscales would again show evidence of strong internal consistency. Moreover, a second purpose of Study 2 was to establish evidence of the CMS-G’s criterion validity by correlating the measure with constructs that would be expected to correlate in the anticipated direction.

Method

Participants

The remaining cases from the random selection procedure described in Study 1 included 175 undergraduate college students from the University of Ghana who were enrolled in Level I introductory psychology courses and Level II and III advanced topics courses. Participants were 90 (42.0%) men and 82 (52.4%) women (there were 11 missing values), who ranged in age from 19 to 42 years (mean = 22.59, SD = 3.41). There were 2 (1.1%) first year, 100 (54.6%) second year, 9 (4.9%) third year, and 65 (35.5%) fourth year students. There were 7 missing values.

Measures

The CMS-G is a 24-item, 6-point Likert-type (1 = strongly disagree to 6 = strongly agree) self-reporting scale that measures the extent of internalized colonialism following oppression. The CMS-G is composed of four factors: (1) Within-Group Discrimination, (2) Physical Characteristics, (3) Colonial Debt, and (4) Internalized Cultural Shame and Inferiority. Higher subscale scores reflect a greater endorsement of cultural beliefs and values associated with psychological remnants and residuals of British colonial rule. Cronbach alpha coefficients are reported in the Results section of this article.

The State-Trait Anxiety Inventory (Form Y)–Trait Form (STAI–Trait; Spielberger, 1983) is a 20-item questionnaire that measures an individual’s general feelings of anxiety. Using a 4-point Likert-type scale (1 = almost never, 2 = sometimes, 3 = often, 4 = almost always), respondents are instructed to indicate the frequency with which they generally feel anxious. Prior research has shown the STAI–Trait to demonstrate adequate test-retest reliability and internal consistency as well as convergent and concurrent validity (Spielberger, 1983). It is important to note, however, that the STAI has not been established as a valid and reliable measure with Ghanaian populations. In the current study, Cronbach’s alpha coefficient for the STAI was .88 (95% CI = .85-.90).

The Center for Epidemiological Studies–Depression (CES-D) Scale (Radloff, 1977) is a 20-item self-report scale that measures symptoms of depression in the general population, with emphasis on depressive mood. The CES-D is a state measure of depression, with each response scored on a scale from 0 to 3 based on the frequency of the symptom over the past week (0 = rarely or none of the time, 1 = some or a little of the time, 2 = occasionally or a more moderate amount of the time, 3 = more or all of the time). Total scores on this scale range from 0 to 60 (for the 20 items), with higher scores on the scale indicating more symptoms associated with depression. Studies found the CES-D to have a high level of internal consistency, test-retest stability, as well as concurrent and construct validity (Radloff, 1977). No studies have been conducted that assess the psychometric properties of the CES-D with Ghanaian populations. In the current study, Cronbach’s alpha coefficient for the CES-D was .84 (95% CI = .80-.87).

The Collective Self-Esteem Scale (CSES; Luhtanen & Crocker, 1992) is a 16-item, 7-point (1 = strongly disagree to 7 = strongly agree) Likert-type measure designed to assess self-esteem in the context of belonging to specific social groups. The CSES consists of four subscales measuring four dimensions of collective self-esteem–private collective self-esteem, public collective self-esteem, membership collective self-esteem, and importance to identity. Several of the CSES items are reverse-scored, and subscale scores range from 4 to 28. Higher scores are associated with higher levels of collective self-esteem in each domain. For purposes of data analyses in the current study, the four CSES subscales were combined to create a CSES total score.

Only the CSES total score was used in the current study’s data analyses. Luhtanen and Crocker (1992) reported adequate internal consistency reliabilities ranging from .71 to .88 for the CSES subscales and a test-retest reliability coefficient of .68 for the total scale. Given the lack of psychometric data related to the use of the CSES with Ghanaian populations, it is recommended that caution be exercised in interpreting scores on the measure. The current study’s Cronbach’s alpha coefficient for the CSES total score was .85 (95% CI = .82-.88).

The Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale (RSE; Rosenberg, 1965) is a 10-item unidimensional measure of global self-regard. It is the most widely used measure of self-esteem and requires respondents to rate items on a 4-point Likert-type scale (1 = strongly agree; 2 = agree; 3 = disagree; 4 = strongly disagree). After reversing the negatively worded items of the RSE, responses are summed to generate a total self-esteem score (scores range from 10 to 40) with lower scores indicating greater self-esteem. However, in the current study, we reversed coded RSE items so higher scores on the RSE would reflect higher levels of self-esteem. As a unidimensional measure of self-esteem, the RSE has demonstrated adequate internal consistency, test-retest reliability, and convergent validity (Rosenberg, 1965). Moreover, the RSE has been shown to demonstrate adequate evidence of reliability and validity with Ghanaian populations in previous studies (see Goodwin, Costa, & Adonu, 2004; Poku, Linn, Fife, Azar, & Kendrick, 2005). In the current study, Cronbach’s alpha coefficient for the RSE was .80 (95% CI = .75-.84).

A demographic data questionnaire was administered to participants, who were asked to indicate their age, gender, ethnicity, and academic status.

Procedure

A procedure identical to that of Study 1 was used for this study. However, several additional questionnaires were added to this study to assess the CMS-G’s criterion and convergent validity. The measures were counterbalanced to reduce the potential for order effects.

Results

Internal Consistency and Subscale Intercorrelations

Cronbach’s alpha correlation coefficients with 95% CIs were calculated for the four subscales of the CMS-G. The coefficient alphas for the four subscales were .79 (95% CI = .70-.81) for Within-Group Discrimination, .84 (95% CI = .80-.87) for Physical Characteristics, .72 (95% CI = .74-.84) for Colonial Debt, and .76 (95% CI = .70-.81) for Internalized Cultural Shame and Inferiority. With regard to the CMS subscale intercorrelations, Within-Group Discrimination correlated .45 with Physical Characteristics, .46 with Colonial Debt, and .57 with Internalized Cultural Shame and Inferiority. Physical Characteristics correlated .44 with Colonial Debt and .66 with Internalized Cultural Shame and Inferiority. Colonial Debt correlated .50 with Internalized Cultural Shame and Inferiority. The subscale intercorrelations would suggest that the CMS subscales are measuring similar, yet distinct, constructs related to the colonial mentality of Ghanaian young adults.

Confirmatory Factor Analysis

A CFA using a maximum-likelihood estimation procedure was conducted on the covariance matrix of the 34-item CMS-G. Prior to conducting the confirmatory test, CMS-G items were parceled to create fewer indicators. According to Bagozzi and Heatherton (1994), the optimal number of items for each factor or component in a measurement model is three. Having fewer items for each component will address the following concerns: (1) the complexity of the models, (2) high levels of random error to be found in a scale with many items, and (3) the many parameters to be estimated. The method recommended by Bagozzi and Heatherton (1994) is to sum items within each component, thus creating aggregate variables that represent parallel indicators of the construct being measured by the items. Items with the highest component loadings are paired with items having the lowest component loading in sequential order where the first, second, and third highest loadings were paired with their corresponding lowest loadings. After the items are aggregated to form indicators of the construct the data are run in AMOS for a CFA.

Using established procedures for conducting SEM with AMOS 7.0 (Arbuckle, 2006), several fit indices were calculated for a null, unidimensional, and the hypothesized four-factor orthogonal model (see Table 2). Comparisons were made between the null model, unidimensional model, and the hypothesized four-factor model to determine which model produced the best fit to the data. To determine the degree of fit among the competing models, both absolute and incremental fit indexes were assessed (see Table 2): chi-square value (χ²), Tucker-Lewis index (TLI), comparative fit index (CFI), incremental fit index (IFI), and root-mean-square error of approximation (RMSEA) were calculated. A model is said to have a good fit to the data when there is a nonsignificant χ²; the TLI, CFI, and IFI values are above .95; and the RMSEA is less than .05 (Bentler, 1990). Findings from the CFA indicated that the chi-square values for all the competing models were significant. This would suggest that none of the models produced an acceptable fit to the data. However, the chi-square test is sensitive to sample size and a statistically significant result does not necessarily reflect a poor fit to the data (Bollen, 1989). The AMOS program provides additional measures of fit that are less sensitive to sample size and considered to be better estimates of a model’s fit to the data (Bentler, 1990). Based on TLI = .95, CFI = .96, IFI = .96, and RMSEA = .055 (90% CI = .033-.074), the hypothesized four-factor orthogonal model produced the best fit to the data from among the competing models (see Table 2). Furthermore, a chi-square difference test was conducted to determine if the hypothesized model was statistically significantly different from the alternative unidimensional model. The findings indicated that the chi-square statistic of the hypothesized four-factor orthogonal model was statistically significantly different from the unidimensional model.

Table 2.

CFA Fit Indexes for the Colonial Mentality Scale.

Model	χ²	df	TLI	IFI	CFI	RMSEA
Null model	1095.70	91	.00	.00	.00	.246 (90% CI = .233-.259)
Unidimensional model	284.03	77	.76	.80	.79	.122 (90% CI = .107-.137)
Four-factor model	108.31	70	.95	.96	.96	.055 (90% CI = .033-.074)

Note: CFA = confirmatory factor analysis; TLI = Tucker-Lewis index; IFI = incremental fit index; CFI = comparative fit index; RMSEA = root-mean-square error of approximation; CI = confidence interval.

How Pervasive Is Internalized Colonialism Among Young Adults in Ghana?

The initial sample of N = 416 was used to analyze the data regarding frequency of endorsement of CMS-G items. The criteria proposed by David and Okazaki (2006) was used to establish a cutoff score of at least a mean score 3.5 (using a scale of 1 = strongly agree to 6 = strongly disagree) on CMS-G subscale scores as reflecting the endorsed a particular colonial mentality construct. Findings from a frequency analysis indicated that 4% of participants endorsed items with a mean score of 3.5 or greater on both Internalized Cultural Shame and Inferiority (n = 16) and Within-Group Discrimination (n = 18). There was a substantially greater endorsement of items at a mean of 3.5 or greater for Physical Characteristics and Colonial Debt. Specifically, 19% and 18% of participants endorsed items at or above the criteria for Physical Characteristics (n = 77) and Colonial Debt (74), respectively. To examine whether gender differences existed with regard to the expression of colonial mentality attributes a cross-tabulation with chi-square test was conducted for each of the CMS-G scales by gender. Findings indicated that men were statistically significantly more likely than women to express attributes associated with Colonial Debt scale, χ²(1, N = 379) = 12.04, p < .001.

Internalized Colonialism, Negative Psychological Symptoms, and Self- and Group Concept Among Young Adults in Ghana

The initial sample of N = 416 was used to analyze the data regarding the relationship between CMS-G scores, mental health indicators, and self- and group-concept among participants. It was hypothesized that scores on CMS-G subscales would be inversely correlated with scores on measures of self-esteem (both individual and collective) and positively correlated with scores on measures of mental health symptomatology. Consequently, the RSE, CSES, STAI–Trait, and the CES-D were administered to participants in the study. Pearson correlation coefficients are reported in Table 3. As hypothesized, scores on the CMS-G subscales were inversely correlated with the self-esteem scores. Specially, scores on the Internalized Cultural Shame and Inferiority, Physical Characteristics, and Colonial Debt subscales were negatively correlated with the RSE and CSES. The Within-Group Discrimination subscale score was inversely correlated with the CSES only. With regard to mental health symptomatology, the Internalized Cultural Shame and Inferiority and Colonial Debt subscales were positively correlated with higher scores on the STAI and CESD. The Within-Group Discrimination subscale scores were positively correlated with STAI scores only, whereas Physical Characteristic subscale scores were positively correlated with CESD.

Table 3.

Pearson Product-Moment Correlation Coefficient for the Subscales of the Colonial Mentality Scale - Ghanaian Version and the Mental Health Indicators.

	1	2	3	4	5	6	7	8
1. CMS-G Internalized	—	.45**	.46**	.57**	.18*	.22**	−.29**	−.31**
2. CMS-G Physical	—	—	.44**	.66**	.12	.24**	−.25**	−.19*
3. CMS-G Within Group	—	—	—	.50**	.18*	.09	−.19*	−.13
4. CMS-G Colonial Debt	—	—	—	—	.32**	.33**	−.32**	−.35**
5. STAI-T	—	—	—	—	—	.50**	−.37**	−.44**
6. CES-D	—	—	—	—	—	—	−.37**	−.41**
7. CSES	—	—	—	—	—	—	—	.45**
8. RSE	—	—	—	—	—	—	—	—

Note: CMS-G Internalized = Colonial Mentality Scale–Ghana Version, Internalized Cultural Shame and Inferiority; CMS-G Physical = Colonial Mentality Scale–Ghana Version, Physical Characteristics; CMS-G Within Group = Colonial Mentality Scale–Ghana Version, Within Group Discrimination; CMS-G Colonial Debt = Colonial Mentality Scale–Ghana Version, Colonial Debt; STAI-T = State Trait Anxiety Inventory–Trait Form; CES-D = Center for Epidemiological Studies–Depression; CSES = Collective Self-Esteem Scale; RSE = Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale.

p < .01. *p < .05.

Discussion

The purpose of the current study was to evaluate the validity and utility of a revised version of the CMS developed by David and Okazaki (2006) for use with a young adult population of Ghanaian college students. Researchers have demonstrated a link between the experience of oppression under colonization (David, 2008; David & Okazaki, 2010) and mental health; therefore, we anticipated that Ghanaian young adults would also display some psychological scars from the historical memory of the colonization experience. Given the lasting effects of colonialism on the values, attitudes, motives, beliefs, and behaviors of African people (Boahen, 1987; Rodney, 1982), it was postulated that the historical past would be a critical factor in understanding the psyche of contemporary Ghanaian youth. To date, no empirical study has examined the impact of the oppressive colonial rule in Ghana on the psychological functioning of contemporary younger generation Ghanaians.

We examined the initial factor structure of the CMS-G using exploratory factor analytic methods, and assessed how an adapted version for use with Ghanaian samples may be related to self-esteem, collective self-esteem, general feelings of anxiety, and depression. An exploratory factor analyses among a sample of undergraduate college students from the University of Ghana revealed a four-factor orthogonal solution consisting of (1) Internalized Cultural Shame and Inferiority, (2) Within-Group Discrimination, (3) Physical Characteristics, and (4) Colonial Debt. CFA using a similar sample found that the proposed four-factor orthogonal model produced the best fit to the data compared with the alternative models. We assessed the correlation between the CMS-G, the RSE, the CSES, general anxiety as measured by the STAI, and depression as measured by the CES-D. As expected, results indicated that the Internalized Cultural Shame and Inferiority, Physical Characteristics, and Colonial Debt subscales were negatively correlated with the RSE and CSES. The Within-Group Discrimination subscale score was inversely correlated with the CSES only. In addition, Internalized Cultural Shame and Inferiority and Colonial Debt subscales were positively correlated with higher scores on the STAI and CES-D. The Within-Group Discrimination subscale scores were positively correlated with STAI scores only, whereas the Physical Characteristic subscale scores were positively correlated with CES-D.

Other analysis included a frequency distribution to assess the magnitude of colonial mentality attitudes among Ghanaian young adults and cross-tabulation with chi-square test for gender difference in the expression of colonial mentality attitudes. The findings indicated that there was substantial endorsement of colonial mentality attitudes related to physical characteristics and colonial debt. The examination of gender differences indicated that men endorsed statistically significantly more items related to colonial debt than women.

Social cognitive processes such as schemas, implicit social cognition, and priming have been identified as some of the mechanisms through which internalized colonialism operates (David, 2008; David & Okazaki, 2010). Schemas are implicit theories that derive from past experience. In reference to internalized colonialism, David and Okazaki (2010) indicated that people with a history of oppression under colonialism form schemas based on their cultural knowledge gained through a socialization of subordination. The cultural knowledge can become automated such that it activates specific schemas and implicit social cognitions related to colonial experience. Depending on the values and information conveyed through the cultural knowledge, even those individuals who did not directly experience colonialism may form colonial-specific schemas characterized by automatic negative perceptions about the indigenous heritage, and positive cognitions and perceptions about the colonial culture. Once automated, such schemas can function as primes which when activated in specific contexts can impact a wide range of behaviors (Bargh, Chen, & Burrows, 1996).

There are countless colonial legacies in Ghana which work as primes, serving as constant reminders of the colonization experience for current generations (Okazaki et al., 2008). For example, the continuous use of the English language as the official language of instruction in institutions of higher learning, and as a language of commerce, may indirectly suggest that Ghanaians are still dependent on the colonial framework for institutional structure and stability (Bulhan, 1985). This recognition creates a psychological conflict for young adults who are far removed from the actual colonization experience. It is as if Ghanaians who are living several years after the actual colonization are being made to participate in two physical and cultural worlds (Cabral, 1973; Freire, 1994; Memmi, 1965); one of the indigenous culture and that of the colonial legacy. For example, the use of English as the official language compels Ghanaians to subject their feelings, emotions, and values to the foreign language whereas the mother tongue is restricted to informal social settings. A child may well know how he/she is feeling or thinking, but the nuances may be lost as he/she tries to express him/herself in the English language. The effect is what Memmi (1965, p. 107) calls a “cultural catastrophe,” where current generations are made to feel like foreigners in their own country. The issue is of a great concern because the adoption of colonial framework imposes the colonial culture on current generations and maintains the distorted cognitions associated with colonial mentality (Freire, 1994).

With regard to issues of gender and colonialism, we observe that men were often appointed to positions colonial administration based on a cultural of patriarchy and male privilege (Boahen, 1987). Women were excluded from most of the major colonizing institutions. This may explain the study’s findings that men endorsed more colonial attitudes related to colonial debt than women. Given their longer periods and higher expectations for development inside the colonial system of work, education, and governance that men would tend to perceive beneficence on the part of the colonial master is not surprising.

Implications

The results have implications for research, clinical practice, and policy. There is a need to assess how the colonial legacies, such as the current educational system and religious images, which are based on the British system and cultural ethos, may be promoting alienation of the indigenous Ghanaian culture, and how this may be detrimental to the psychological functioning of Ghanaian students. Efforts are needed to deconstruct the colonial frameworks that serve to perpetuate internalized colonial mentality and negatively impact psychological functioning of Ghanaians. To do this, stakeholders may have to encourage discussions about the importance of abandoning colonial frameworks that have a negative impact on the psychological functioning and be open to finding new ways of existing that promote an African reality (Memmi, 1965).

Although a comprehensive analysis of the educational system is beyond the scope of the current study, it is plausible for local education authorities and policy makers to deconstruct what Brock-Utne (2000) referred to as a “colonial curriculum dependency.” Currently, however, the sociopolitical structure of Ghana may inadvertently support a vicious cycle through its adherence to the norms set by the colonial masters and there by validate the negative cognitions and perceptions associated with the colonial mentality (Bulhan, 1985).

The study’s results have implications for African mental health in general, and for understanding and working with Ghanaians in particular. Furthermore, it may advantage mental health professionals to consider the psychological harm that result from the celebration of alien religious images throughout Ghana (e.g., White Jesus). As Akbar (1996) noted, to see God in others (Caucasians) to the exclusion of oneself (Ghanaians), thus clearly reflecting the colonial mentality. This notion is congruent with the current findings, in that, internalized cultural shame and inferiority was negatively correlated with self-esteem and collective self-esteem, whereas positively correlated with higher anxiety and depression scores. In a clinical setting, it may be imperative for mental health professionals to assess colonial mentality in the diagnosis and treatment of its associated mental health symptomatologies (i.e., anxiety and depression). In fact, understanding colonial mentality may provide the context for which services are provided.

It is also important for mental health professionals working with Ghanaian clients to understand how the colonial past and its resultant colonial mentality contributes to development of depression and other psychological problems for some Ghanaians. It is possible that Ghanaian clients may not be fully aware of the impact of this process on their current psychological functioning, and exploring the issue in therapy can help individuals make sense of their own past and their current and future behaviors. Although the focus of this study has been on Ghanaians, the results may be applied to Africans who share a similar historical past. As was noted with the educational system, Asante and Oppong (2012) observed that a major problem with psychological practice in Ghana is overdependence on Western-based theories, some of which do not have ecological relevance for the mental health of the Ghanaian people. It would be important to begin to focus on ecologically salient social environmental factors, such as Ghana’s past with colonialism and other factors, on the mental health of the Ghanaian people.

Limitations

A major limitation of the study is that it used college students’ sample. Future studies may employ the construct with a general population sample. In comparison with the general population, it is plausible that college students may be more Westernized in their social and cultural orientation and therefore more likely to endorse colonial mentality items. Another limitation relates to the fact that we used self-report measures, but future studies may want to use an experimental design to more thoroughly assess the relationship between colonial mentality and mental health symptomatology.

Future Research

The revised CMS for use with Ghanaian samples has a lot of potential. It may be used in future researches to assess the impact of colonial experience on other mental health issues in Ghanaians and other African samples. Similar studies can be conducted with a larger sample of both students and the general public to ascertain how internalized colonial mentality affects mental health in the general public, to help in understanding the link between the internalized colonialism and mental health of the African people. There is a need to understand the relationship between colonial mentality and other measures of well-being. In addition, an experimental design may be used in some of these studies to help in controlling for some of the biases inherent in using self-report measures and help us explain the links between colonial mentality and psychopathology more accurately.

Footnotes

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The authors received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

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