Hope Springs: Moderating the Link Between Racial Discrimination and Depressive Symptoms for African American Emerging Adults

Abstract

To better understand the moderating effect of coping mechanisms (distraction and rumination) and internal assets (hope) on the relationship between perceived discrimination and depressive symptoms, a sample of 363 African American students (65.3% female; mean age = 20.25 years; SD = 2.39) from two large Midwestern universities were surveyed using self-report measures. Hierarchical multiple regressions were used to explore the relationships among the variables and depressive symptoms. Results indicated that discrimination (B = 0.10, p < .001) and ruminative coping (B = 1.05, p < .001) were positively related to depressive symptoms, while hope was negatively related to depression (B = −0.33, p < .001). Further, the relationship between discrimination and depressive symptoms was moderated by hope (B = 0.01, p = .02). The interaction between discrimination and depressive symptoms suggested that participants who reported low levels of hope also reported more depressive symptoms regardless of level of discrimination, compared with those who reported high hope. For these African American emerging adults, the results bring to light the potential of an internal asset that aids in reduction of depressive symptoms in response to constant, potential harm such as racial discrimination.

Keywords

African American Black depression discrimination hope

African Americans experience higher levels of racial discrimination when compared with other racially and ethnically marginalized groups, like Latinos and Asian Americans (Hurd, Varner, Caldwell, & Zimmerman, 2014). For instance, a recent assessment of racial discrimination among U.S. ethnic minority groups found that levels of perceived racial discrimination were highest among African Americans with a mean of 22.9 versus 19.55 and 18.72 for Latinos and Asian Americans, respectively (Chou, Asnaani, & Hofmann, 2012). This level of risk exposure has been found to negatively impact the physical and mental health of African Americans, particularly, regarding depressive symptoms (Brondolo et al., 2008; Chou et al., 2012; Pascoe & Richman, 2009; Pieterse, Todd, Neville, & Carter, 2012). Such negative psychological outcomes include increased depressive symptoms, suicide risk, and stress disorders, and decreased psychological well-being (Hope, Hoggard, & Thomas, 2015; Hudson Banks, Singleton, & Kohn-Wood, 2008). The negative health outcomes include increased stress response, higher blood pressure, and increased risk for other cardiovascular issues (Brondolo et al., 2011; Mouzon, Taylor, Woodward, & Chatters, 2017; Pascoe & Richman, 2009). For African American emerging adults, these experiences are linked to various physical, emotional, and academic outcomes (English, Lambert, & Ialongo, 2014; Seaton & Yip, 2009; Wong, Eccles, & Sameroff, 2003). Therefore, racial discrimination may represent a unique public health risk for African Americans during the critical developmental transition of emerging adulthood, as these individuals increase their interaction with their social environments and experience the accompanying racism (Pearlin, Schieman, Fazio, & Meersman, 2005; Seaton & Yip, 2009).

The current study uses a risk and resilience framework to examine depressive symptomatology among African American emerging adults who have experienced racial discrimination. Specifically, we consider different types of risk and protective factors (i.e., hope, distractive coping, ruminative coping) that are related to depressive symptoms (Assari & Lankarani, 2016). Moreover, considering the limited attention paid to coping styles in studies based on African American emerging adults, we explore the contributions of the specific coping skills of distraction and rumination in the context of racial discrimination (Garnett, Masyn, Austin, Williams, & Viswanath, 2015). This investigation will allow researchers and clinicians to better understand vulnerabilities faced by African Americans, thus informing strategies for providing support during this critical period of emerging adulthood.

Emerging adulthood, age 18 to 29 years, is a critical developmental stage characterized by the unique challenges and experiences linked to identity exploration and the expansion of worldviews as emerging adults experience increased autonomy and a decrease in emotional and social support (Arnett, 2000; Arnett, Žukauskiene, & Sugimura, 2014). For African American emerging adults, this increased autonomy and exposure to larger social systems and their agents (e.g., law enforcement, criminal justice system) means that exposure to racial discrimination increases (Fisher, Wallace, & Fenton, 2000), which has been associated with increased depressive symptoms (Arnett, 2003; Sanchez & Awad, 2016). However, few studies have examined how coping styles and hope contribute to the presentation of depressive symptoms among African American emerging adults who have experienced racial discrimination.

Theory

We use a risk and resilience framework (Fergus & Zimmerman, 2005) to examine the relationship between racial discrimination and depressive symptoms among African American emerging adults. The basis of the framework is that protective factors may buffer against the ill effects of risk factors. Protective factors can be assets or resources. Assets, such as hope, or distractive coping and ruminative coping under certain circumstances, are internal factors that individuals use to continue toward positive outcomes in the face of negative influences, while resources are external factors, such as a mentor or parent support, which serve to negate the effects of risks (Fergus & Zimmerman, 2005). Specifically, hope is an important theoretical consideration, as a protective asset, given its positive contribution in mental health treatment (KhalediSardashti, Ghazavi, Keshani, & Smaeilzadeh, 2018). Conversely, risk factors may increase the likelihood of negative outcomes. Therefore, we identify racial discrimination as a risk factor, given its established positive association with depressive symptoms (Hudson, Neighbors, Geronimus, & Jackson, 2016; Lewis, Cogburn, & Williams, 2015; Pascoe & Richman, 2009; Schulz et al., 2006).

Racial Discrimination and Depression

Specific to African Americans, generally, a positive association has been found between racial discrimination and depressive symptoms (Britt-Spells, Slebodnik, Sands, & Rollock, 2018; Hudson Banks, Kohn-Wood, & Spencer, 2006; Matthews, Hammond, Nuru-Jeter, Cole-Lewis, & Melvin, 2013; Schulz et al., 2006). Using a longitudinal model, Schulz et al. (2006) sought to understand the relationship between racial discrimination and depressive symptoms in a sample of 343 Black women, including an unspecified proportion of emerging adults. Those who reported more experiences of everyday racial discrimination also reported higher levels of depressive symptoms, supporting previous research that has highlighted the deleterious mental health outcomes associated with racial discrimination. For African American emerging adults, racial discrimination has been positively linked to psychological distress in the short and long terms (Caldwell, Kohn-Wood, Schmeelk-Cone, Chavous, & Zimmerman, 2004; Hurd et al., 2014).

There is a growing body of research that supports the positive association between experiences of racial discrimination and depressive symptoms, specifically for African American emerging adults (Brittian et al., 2015; Hurd et al., 2014; Seaton, Upton, Gilbert, & Volpe, 2014; Sellers et al., 2003). However, most of the studies that have explored outcomes associated with racial discrimination among African Americans have been conducted with adolescents (Assari, Preiser, Lankarani, & Caldwell, 2018; Seaton et al., 2014) or adults (Hudson Banks et al., 2006; Matthews et al., 2013; Mereish, N’cho, Green, Jernigan, & Helms, 2016) who have transitioned beyond emerging adulthood. Thus, there is a need for increased empirical examination of the complexity of the relationship between racial discrimination and depression, specifically among African American emerging adults to fill that gap in the literature. Just as important is the need to understand how coping mechanisms influence the link between racial discrimination and depressive symptoms to more appropriately support African American emerging adult mental health, and potential interventions for this at-risk population.

Hope

Given the existing relationship between racial discrimination and depressive symptoms, it is important to investigate the influence of protective factors. Across the literature, hope, one of many protective factors, has been defined differently. For instance, it has been defined as a feeling that a problem will be solved (Samani, Vesali, Navid, Vakiliniya, & Mohammadi, 2017) or as a self-belief to achieve goals (Peleg, Barak, Harel, Rochberg, & Hoofien, 2009). For this study, hope is defined as the perception that a situation will improve, as we are interested in individuals’ feeling that negative racial interactions, and racial discrimination in general, can get better. The hope measure employed in this study also captures this definition as it assesses goal-related motivation and perception of an ability to work toward attaining one’s goals.

Higher levels of hope have been related to positive outcomes, including fewer depressive symptoms and less anxiety in general samples (Arnau, Rosen, Finch, Rhudy, & Fortunato, 2007; Peleg et al., 2009; Yip & Tse, 2019). Conversely, higher levels of hopelessness among African American emerging adults have been linked to greater suicidal ideation and depressive symptomatology (Hollingsworth, Wingate, Tucker, O’Keefe, & Cole, 2016), even more so than White individuals who have reported higher rates of hopelessness (Cheref, Lane, Polanco-Roman, Gadol, & Miranda, 2015). Hope, therefore, may have a significant impact on mental health outcomes for African American emerging adults. Indeed, higher levels of hope in African Americans has been linked to greater life satisfaction and fewer depressive symptoms. Moreover, after controlling for depressive symptoms, higher levels of hope attenuated the relationship between perceived burdensomeness and suicidal ideation in a sample of 107 African American college students (Hollingsworth et al., 2016). While hope-based psychotherapies have been found to decrease symptoms of depression and anxiety in older adults in intervention studies (Klausner, Snyder, & Cheavens, 2000), further examination of hope as a coping strategy for African American emerging adults in the face of stressful life events such as racial discrimination is needed.

Risks like racial discrimination, especially during emerging adulthood, can precipitate or exacerbate hopelessness (Schmitt, Branscombe, Postmes, & Garcia, 2014) and trigger depressive symptoms. In a longitudinal study of African American adults, researchers explored culturally specific expressions and meanings of depression. Investigators found that, among culturally salient markers, hopelessness remained an important predictor of depressive symptoms for African Americans. Therefore, it is imperative that researchers continue to probe understanding how hope may interact with culturally bound negative life events like racial discrimination for African American emerging adults, and how these events may affect depressive symptoms (Liu, Kleiman, Nestor, & Cheek, 2015).

In a sample of 115 African American college students, Davidson, Wingate, Slish, and Rasmussen (2010) examined the relationship between hope and specific suicide risk factors, as well as suicide overall. Researchers linked higher levels of hope to decreased suicidal ideation and depression. One limitation of the study, however, was not accounting for the influence of racial discrimination as Hudson Banks et al. (2008) did. Hudson Banks et al. (2008) concluded that high levels of hope may sometimes raise the risk of negative outcomes for African American emerging adults, who have reported poorer mental health in the context of racial discrimination. The current study hopes to contribute to the discussion on the contextual benefit of hope for African American emerging adults. Specifically, we examine how different levels of hope affect depressive symptoms among African American emerging adults who experienced racial discrimination.

Ruminative Coping

This study also considers other types of coping strategies other than hope, as individuals often simultaneously employ various coping strategies in response to stress resulting from challenging situations or events (Garnefski, Legerstee, Kraaij, van Den Kommer, & Teerds, 2002; Nolen-Hoeksema, Parker, & Larson, 1994). Rumination and distraction are two common coping strategies that have been linked to mental health problems like depression, anger, eating disorders, and anxiety (LeMoult, Yoon, & Joormann, 2016; Naumann Tuschen-Caffier, Voderholzer, Caffier, & Svaldi, 2015; Rabasco, Zakon, & Li, 2015; Thomas, Hammond, & Kohn-Wood, 2014). Rumination is passively perseverating on negative feelings and problems and is not solution focused (Nolen-Hoeksema, Wisco, & Lyubomirsky, 2008), while distractive coping involves using activities to direct attention away from negative stimuli (Li, DiGiuseppe, & Froh, 2006).

Rumination is a multidimensional behavioral construct consisting of cognitions, including passive brooding and active self-reflection (Treynor, Gonzalez, & Nolen-Hoeksema, 2003), and is considered a maladaptive coping style if ruminators do not move on to actively and efficiently address their problems. Rumination, therefore, has been linked to negative outcomes, such as distress and depression (DeJong, Fox, & Stein, 2019; Nolen-Hoeksema, 2000). Ruminative coping may maintain depressive symptoms by diminishing the individual’s ability to problem solve (Papageorgiou & Wells, 2003). In a meta-analysis of 650 studies, from 1991 through 2011, on depressive rumination, Johnson and Whisman (2013) demonstrated that rumination was the most common coping strategy for both males and females, but that females used ruminative coping more frequently. The meta-analysis did not disaggregate the data by ethnicity or report any findings for emerging adults; the authors instead classified anyone over 18 as an adult. Thus, our study addresses the African American emerging adulthood gap in the coping literature.

Distractive Coping

There is a large body of literature examining the role of coping strategies for adolescents and the consensus is that adolescents and emerging adults use distraction (i.e., refocusing one’s attention away from the stressful event) to negate negative mood states leading, in turn, to better psychological well-being (Broderick, 2005; Ito et al., 2003; Korpela et al., 2018). The literature suggests that distractive coping can decrease the severity of depressive symptoms in adolescents and adults in the short term (Gaylord-Harden, Gipson, Mance, & Grant, 2008; McLaughlan, Sadek, & Willis, 2019; Nolen-Hoeksema et al., 1994; Wolgast & Lundh, 2017), but may cause harm in the long term in the form of avoidance or suppression of distress (Blalock & Joiner, 2000; Gross & John, 2003; Tull, Gratz, Salters, & Roemer, 2004; Wolgast & Lundh, 2017).

In a sample of 927 high school students, 44% African American and 58% female, more frequent use of distractive coping was related to fewer depressive symptoms among those who had faced racial discrimination (Garnett et al., 2015). Seaton et al. (2014) studied risk and protective factors for African American adolescents and reported distractive coping an asset, but high levels of avoidance and rumination increased the risk for depressive symptoms.

Thomas et al. (2014) examined the role of distractive coping in predicting aggressive ideation among 128 African American, college-aged males. The study concluded that distractive coping was positively linked to aggressive ideation. The findings also suggested differences based on membership to racial and gender-based identity profiles, which were based on responses to racial and masculinity identity measures. Notably, African American emerging adult men in the Identity Ambivalent profile (a profile in which identity changes the most) used distraction more consistently as a coping response compared with their Identity Consolidated (i.e., a more stable identity profile) counterparts. These findings suggested that African American males with less stable racial and masculine identities (i.e., their identities are in greater flux) were more likely to engage in distractive coping.

Research investigating the function of distractive coping for African American emerging adults is limited, but much of the existing literature suggests that for African American adolescents distractive coping can protect individuals from depressive symptoms (Garnett et al., 2015; Li et al., 2006). The current study will examine whether distractive coping has a similarly protective effect for African American emerging adults.

The Current Study

There exists a gap in understanding specific protective factors for African American emerging adults experiencing racial discrimination. Examining this specific developmental period is key, as African American emerging adults are increasingly confronting negative racial experiences, with fewer resources (e.g., family). Thus, our goal in this study is to better understand the moderating role of hope and distractive and ruminative coping in relationship to racial discrimination and depressive symptoms for African American emerging adults. Such findings will help clinicians and researchers working with African American emerging adults better understand protective assets related to the pervasive threat of racial discrimination.

Based on previous research, we present five hypotheses. One, we expect that racial discrimination is positively related to depressive symptoms (Seaton et al., 2014). Two, we hypothesize that coping styles (distractive and ruminative) will be positively associated with depressive symptom. Three, hope will be negatively associated with depressive symptoms. Four, coping (distractive and ruminative) will moderate the link between racial discrimination and depressive symptoms such that higher levels of either coping style will be associated with fewer depressive symptoms when the level of racial discrimination is low, but not when racial discrimination is high. Conversely, low levels of coping skills will be linked to more depressive symptoms regardless of the level of racial discrimination experienced (Hoggard, Byrd, & Sellers, 2012). Finally, we hypothesize that hope will moderate the link between racial discrimination and depressive symptoms so that higher levels of hope will be linked to fewer depressive symptoms especially when racial discrimination experiences are low, but not when racial discrimination levels are high. However, lower levels of hope will be associated with more depressive symptoms at either level of racial discrimination (Davidson et al., 2010; Hudson Banks et al., 2008).

Method

Participants

Data were drawn from a larger study “Race and Gender and Coping with Negative Mood” of 654 students from two large, predominantly White, Midwestern universities. The current study included data from 363 self-identified African American students. Study participants ranged in age from 17 to 28 years with an average age of 20.25 years (standard deviation [SD] = 2.39), with 64.9% of participants identifying as female. Most (82.3%) were employed either part-time or full-time, and the rest were not. Participants were almost evenly distributed across academic classification (20.3% freshman, 31.6% sophomore, 26.6 % junior, 21.5% senior 4th or 5th year). Most participants (94.8%) reported their mother’s education attainment as high school or higher, with 39.5% reporting a college degree or higher. Household income was above $60,000 for 44.1% of the sample, with 18.9% falling below $20,000, and 17.5% earning over $100,000. Descriptive statistics and mean scores for each variable are provided in Table 1.

Table 1.

Descriptive Statistics of Sample Demographics.

Variable	N	Percent
Gender
Female	237	65.3
Male	126	34.5
Age (years)
17-20	255	70.2
21-23	86	24.3
25-28	20	5.5
Campus
EMU	182	50.1
UM	181	49.9
Instate^a
In	246	68.1
Out	115	31.7
Employed^a
Non	37	17.7
Part-time	153	73.2
Full-time	19	9.1
Class^a
Freshman	72	20.3
Sophomore	112	31.6
Junior	94	26.6
Senior 4th/5th	76	21.5
Mother’s education^a
Some high school	19	5.2
High school diploma	78	21.5
Some college	122	33.7
College diploma	143	39.5
Family income scale^a
<20,000	64	18.9
21,000-60,000	125	37.0
61,000-100,000	87	26.6
≥101,000r	59	17.5

Note: Totals less than N = 363 due to missing, incomplete, or nonapplicable data.

Totals for these variables do not reach N = 363.

Procedure

Targeted recruitment of a racially diverse sample was achieved through multiple methods: posters, and individual and group recruitment, including recruitment through student groups with predominantly African American membership. Students were also recruited through the psychology department’s “subject pool” at one of the universities. Participants signed consent forms, which informed them of the confidentiality of their answers. The survey took approximately 1 hour to complete. Once they had completed the survey participants received a debriefing form and were offered either $10 or an equivalent amount in food (e.g., pizza, snacks) or food coupons, or course credit or extra credit depending on the method of recruitment. Each participant received the same survey packets with measures presented in the same way. Students were provided information about the school counseling center due to questions about experiencing negative moods.

Measures

Center for Epidemiologic Studies–Depression Scale

The presence of depressive symptoms was measured using the Center for Epidemiologic Studies–Depression Scale (CES-D; Radloff, 1977). This is a 20-item measure reported on a 3-point Likert-type scale where 0 = rarely or none of the time (less than 1 day), 3 = most or all of the time (5-7 days). Scores of 22 points or above on the CES-D represent clinical depression. Sample questions on the CES-D include “I did not feel like eating; my appetite was poor,” and “My sleep was restless.” The CES-D scores have demonstrated good internal consistency with an α coefficient of .87 (Hann, Winter, & Jacobsen, 1999; Radloff, 1977). The CES-D scale scores had an internal reliability of .81 in this sample. Construct validity was demonstrated in prior studies with moderate-to-high correlations with measures of fatigue, anxiety, and global mental health functioning (Hann et al., 1999). The scale also demonstrated good discriminant validity with correlations with the Hamilton Clinician’s Rating Scale and the Raskin Rating Scale between .44 and .54, and correlations with self-esteem and trait and state anxiety of between .43 and .71 (Orme, Reis, & Herz, 1986; Radloff, 1977).

Racial Discrimination

The 18-item Everyday Racial Discrimination Scale (Williams, Yu, Jackson, & Anderson, 1997) was used to record participants’ racial discrimination experiences. The measure uses a 6-point Likert-type scale where 0 = never and 5 = once a week or more. Higher scores represent more discrimination experiences. Participants reported whether they had experienced an event because of their race. The items included “Being observed or followed in public places” and “Being treated rudely or disrespectfully.” The measure has demonstrated good internal consistency of scores with an α coefficient of .87 and good validity (Clark, Coleman & Novak, 2004). Convergent validity has been demonstrated by increased levels of distress, anger, and hostility (all p < .001) in relationship to increased level of perceived discrimination (Gonzales et al., 2016). The scale also demonstrated good discriminant validity with correlations with Lifetime History of Discrimination (r = .42, p < .01), Perceived Stress Scale (r = .39, p < .05), depression (r = .35, p < .05), but not significantly related to Hostility (r = .19, p > .05), or social desirability correlation of −.23, p > .05 (Taylor, Kamarck, & Shiffman, 2004). The Everyday Racial Discrimination Scale scores had an internal reliability of .94 in this sample.

Coping Response Scale

We measured coping responses using the Daily Emotion Report (Nolen-Hoeksema, Morrow, & Fredrickson, 1993), which consists of two main subscales distraction and rumination. The Daily Emotion Report evidenced good validity with correlations with the Beck Depression Inventory (Beck, 1967) ranging from .76 to .86 (Lyubomirsky, Caldwell, & Nolen-Hoeksema, 1998). Previous studies have suggested acceptable convergent and predictive validity with correlations around .62 (Nolen-Hoeksema et al., 1994). There is limited psychometric literature on the two specific subscales in this measure. In cross-sectional studies, however, rumination has demonstrated a negative relationship with distraction (r = −.16), and depression has been negatively and positively related to distraction and rumination, respectively (Rood, Roelofs, Bögels, Nolen-Hoeksema, & Schouten, 2009). The overall Daily Emotion Report Scale scores had an internal reliability of .83 in this sample.

Distraction subscale

Distraction involves engagement in thoughts and behaviors that take the individual’s mind away from depressive symptoms and negative feelings when coping with stressful events. Each participant was given the following instructions for this measure:

Place an “X” next to any of the descriptions that match closely what you thought about or how you behaved in response to the recent experience of depressed or sad mood that you identified. Check as many thoughts and/or behaviors as apply.

Participants indicated their level of distractive coping by placing an “X” next to the relevant items from the list of 16 distraction items in the Daily Emotion Report (Nolen-Hoeksema et al., 1993). Those who selected more items had higher scores on the distraction subscale. Sample items include distractive behaviors such as “I go to sleep to escape how I feel,” and “I daydream, fantasize, or think about good things,” and distractive thoughts such as “These feelings won’t last” and “I will get my mind on something else other than the way I feel.” The distraction subscale has demonstrated good internal consistency with an alpha coefficient of .79 (Peak, Overholser, DeJong, & Zaccariello, 2007). The distraction subscale scores had an internal reliability of .78 in this sample.

Rumination subscale

Rumination involves thinking through causes, feelings, and consequences of depressive symptoms without acting to change the situations. Participants indicated their use of ruminative coping in the same way as with the distraction subscale, by responding to 16 items from the Daily Emotion Report (Nolen-Hoeksema et al., 1993). Participants who endorsed more items on the rumination list had higher scores on that subscale. Examples of rumination items include behaviors such as “I sit at home and think about how I feel,” and “I write about my feelings (i.e. journal/diary/letter).” Ruminative thoughts include “Thinking, why do I always react this way?” and “I think I must really have serious problems, otherwise I wouldn’t feel this way.” The rumination subscale scores have demonstrated good internal consistency in the literature, with an alpha coefficient of .77 (Peak et al., 2007). The rumination subscale scores had an internal reliability of .74 in this sample.

Hope

The Hope Scale assesses participants’ goal-related motivation and perceived ability to work toward attaining their goals. Participants were presented with the 12-item Hope Scale (Snyder et al., 1991) and responded using the 8-point Likert-type scale, with 1 = definitely false to 8 = definitely true. The Hope Scale includes statements like “I can think of many ways to get out of a jam” and “I worry about my health.” All items were coded so that higher scores reflect higher levels of hope. The Hope Scale scores have demonstrated good internal reliability in the literature with alphas ranging from .74 to .84 (Cramer & Dyrkacz, 1998; Edwards, Rand, Lopez, & Snyder, 2007). The scale has demonstrated positive correlations with similar scales like optimism and expectations of success (Life Orientation Test; Fibel & Hale, 1978; Scheier & Carver, 1985), as well as problem solving (Problem Solving Inventory; Heppner & Petersen, 1982). The measure has demonstrated good discriminant validity in previous studies such that scores on the Hope Scale were not significantly correlated (e.g., r = .03 to .04) to scores on the Wechsler Intelligence Scale for Children–III (WISC-III; Edwards et al., 2007; Wechsler, 1991). The Hope Scale scores had an internal reliability of .76 in this sample.

Demographics

Participants reported their age at the time of the study, which was a continuous variable. Gender was dichotomized, with 0 = female and 1 = male. Mother’s highest level of education was used as a proxy for socioeconomic status, and was reported on a Likert-type scale where 0 = some high school, 1 = high school diploma, 2 = some college, and 3 = college diploma or higher.

Analytic Strategy

Correlational analyses were conducted to establish bivariate relationships among the variables. To test our hypotheses, we conducted a moderated multiple regression with three steps. In the first step, we tested the first hypothesis with depressive symptoms as the outcome variable and racial discrimination as the main predictor variable. We controlled for the effect of demographic variables (age, gender, mother’s education, and racial discrimination) in this first step to test the unique contribution of racial discrimination in this study. In the second step, we tested Hypotheses 2 to 4 by adding the coping mechanisms (i.e., hope, distraction, rumination)—the protective factors, in the regression model. In the third and final step, we tested Hypothesis 5—the moderating influence of coping strategies (i.e., distraction and ruminative coping) and an asset (hope) on the relationship between discrimination and depressive symptoms. Main predictor variables were centered and used to create interaction terms. Interaction terms were entered in the third step to test the moderation hypotheses. Unstandardized beta coefficients with related p values are presented in the results.

Significant interactions were graphed for ease of interpretation (Aiken, West, & Reno, 1991) and confirmed with simple slopes tests. We also present the effect sizes measured by Cohen’s f² for regressions (Cohen, 1988; Soper, 2019) such that 0.1 is considered a small effect size, 0.3 a medium effect size, and 0.5 a large effect size. Previous studies that explored the link between discrimination and depressive symptoms among African American samples reported small-to-medium effect sizes between 0.14 and 0.37 (Hudson Banks et al., 2006; Thomas et al., 2014; Wheaton, Thomas, Roman, & Abdou, 2017); therefore, we set a medium a priori effect size for this study.

Results

Descriptive Statistics

Demographics are reported in Table 1, including the means and standard deviations, while Table 2 details reliability and correlational estimates for the continuous variables. All variables demonstrated acceptable skew and kurtosis according to standards identified by Trochim and Donnelly (2006). There were between 3% and 8% missing data across the discrimination, distractive coping, ruminative coping, and hope variables, while the other variables had no missingness. Roth (1994) has advised that when missingness is at 20% or more, regardless of the pattern, missingness could be handled with multiple imputation techniques like maximum likelihood and estimation maximization. This approach was unnecessary in this case; thus, participants with missing data were handled using the listwise command in SPSS.

Table 2.

Pearson Correlations Among Depressive Symptomology and Predictors.

Variable	M (SD)	α	1	2	3	4	5	6	7	8
1. Depression	14.13 (9.61)	.81	—
2. Gender	—	—	−.050	—
3. Age	20.25 (2.39)	—	.016	.092	—
4. Mom’s education	—	—	.039	.075	−.188**	—
5. Racial discrimination	33.85 (18.26)	.94	.276**	.120*	−.070	.133**	—
6. Ruminative coping	5.38 (3.39)	.74	.393**	−.117*	−.012	.009	.150**	—
7. Distractive coping	6.76 (4.03)	.78	.115*	−.018	.007	−.066	.055	.525**	—
8. Hope	56.09 (8.05)	.76	−.257**	.009	.038	.116*	−.039	.034	−.049	—

Note: N = 363. SD = standard deviation. Gender is coded with 0 = female and 1 = male, meaning variables correlated with an increase in value for gender are related to males in this sample. There were no skewness or kurtotic issues.

p < .05. **p < .001.

Depressive symptomatology was, on average, subthreshold (M = 14.13, SD = 9.61). A score of 16 and above indicated clinically significant depressive symptoms. Racial discrimination and depressive symptoms were positively related at the bivariate level, r = .28, p < .001. Both coping styles, distraction: r = .12, p = .022 and rumination: r = .39, p < .001 were positively related to depressive symptoms. Hope was negatively related to depressive symptoms at the bivariate level (r = −.26, p < .001). See Table 2 for a more complete presentation of the correlations among the variables in this study.

Regression Analyses

A moderated multiple regression was conducted with depressive symptoms as the outcome and racial discrimination as the predictor variable to test the model’s main effects and interactions. The first step in the regression analysis tested the link between racial discrimination and depressive symptoms, which also included the demographic variables noted earlier. The results indicated that discrimination (Β = 0.15, p < .001) explained 7.3% of the variance, R² = .073, F(4, 305) = 7.13, p < .001, with a small effect size of f² = 0.09.

In the second step of the regression, we tested hypotheses: (Hypothesis 2) the link between rumination and depressive symptoms, (Hypothesis 3) the link between distraction and depressive symptoms, and (Hypothesis 4) the link between hope and depressive symptoms. The results indicated that the inclusion of these variables explained an additional 18.2% of the variance, for a total of 25.1% variance explained, R² = .25, F(7, 302) = 15.77, p < .001, with a medium effect size of f² = 0.37. We found that rumination (Β = 1.10, p < .001) and hope (Β = −0.33, p < .001) were positively and negatively associated, respectively, with depressive symptoms. Distractive coping was not significantly linked to depressive symptoms (Β = −0.23, p = .11). Main effect and interaction results are presented in Table 3.

Table 3.

Moderating Effect of Hope on the Relationship Between Racial Discrimination and Depressive Symptoms (N = 363).

	Model 1		Model 2		Model 3
	B	SE	B	SE	B	SE
Constant	12.385	5.06	9.577	4.521	10.48	4.501
Gender	−1.797	1.113	−0.752	1.013	−0.798	1.006
Age	0.191	0.226	0.228	0.203	0.188	0.202
Mother’s education	0.171	0.583	0.426	0.531	0.384	0.527
Racial discrimination	0.150**	0.029	0.113**	0.027	0.102**	0.027
Ruminative coping	—	—	1.104**	0.166	1.050**	0.166
Distractive coping	—	—	−0.226	0.139	−0.211	0.138
Hope	—	—	−0.277	0.06	−0.325**	0.062
Racial discrimination × Ruminative Coping	—	—	—	—	0.011	0.009
Racial discrimination × Distractive Coping	—	—	—	—	0.002	0.008
Racial discrimination × Hope	—	—	—	—	0.008*	0.003
Adjusted R²	.073		.251		.265
F	7.127***		15.774***		12.137***

Note: SE = standard error. Racial discrimination, hope, distractive and ruminative coping depression were centered at their means.

p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001.

In the final step of the regression, we tested the moderating effects of the coping styles (rumination and distraction) and hope and found that the inclusion of the interaction terms explained an additional 2% of the variance in the model, for a total of 26.5% variance explained, R² = .265, F(10, 299) = 12.14, p < .001, with a medium effect size of f² = 0.41. The results indicated that neither rumination (Β = 0.01, p = .22) nor distraction (Β = 0.002, p = .81) moderated the link between discrimination and depressive symptoms. However, hope moderated the link between discrimination and depressive symptoms (Β = 0.01, p = .02).

To confirm that the inclusion of hope as a moderator did not mask the effect of other moderators (distractive and ruminative coping), separate regressions were conducted with each variable separately. In both regressions, neither the discrimination by distraction, nor the discrimination by rumination interactions were statistically significant. Simple slopes tests were calculated to examine the interaction between hope and discrimination. High and low levels of hope and discrimination were calculated as 1 standard deviation above and below the means, respectively. The results revealed that High Hope (i.e., 1 standard deviation above the mean level for hope; slope = 0.198; t = 5.64, p < .001) was statistically significant from zero while Low Hope (slope = 0.055; t = 1.34, p = .18) was not. Simple slope tests also identified a steeper slope for High Hope compared with Low Hope. The interaction is presented in Figure 1.

Figure 1.

Moderating effect of hope on depressive symptoms.

Discussion

The purpose of the current study was to examine the moderating role of two coping strategies (i.e., rumination and distraction) and hope on the relationship between racial discrimination and depressive symptoms for African American emerging adults, within a risk and resilience framework (Brittian et al., 2015; Hurd et al., 2014; Wheaton et al., 2017). We hypothesized that hope would have a negative relationship with depressive symptoms and distractive and ruminative coping would be positively related, while all three coping mechanism would separately moderate the relationship between racial discrimination and depressive symptoms. While much of the limited literature on discrimination, coping and depressive symptoms among African American emerging adults has explored the effects of ruminative and distractive coping or hope separately, it has not accounted for their comparative effects. Our findings suggest that hope is more influential than distraction or rumination in mitigating depressive symptoms for African American emerging adults experiencing racial discrimination.

In accordance with our hypothesis, and the extant literature, we found that depressive symptoms are positively associated with racial discrimination. Much of the previous research has already established the discrimination to depressive symptoms link for adolescents (English, Lambert, & Ialongo, 2016; Seaton et al., 2014) and adults (Hudson Banks et al., 2006; Powell, Banks, & Mattis, 2017; Wheaton et al., 2017), but this study is one of few that is establishing this link for emerging adults. It is important to consider this relationship particularly due to the distinct change in the availability and efficacy of resources (e.g., support, parental involvement) used by emerging adults (Arnett et al., 2014; Hope, Hoggard, & Thomas, 2015) and especially for understanding the potential protective role of assets to support the independence and safety of African American emerging adults.

The positive relationship between both coping styles and depressive symptoms speaks to the influence of extremes in coping styles, supporting our hypotheses regarding the positive relationship between coping styles and depressive symptoms. High levels of distractive coping can be a risk factor for depressive symptoms and may be indicative of avoidance and maladaptive responses in the presence of stressful life events (Gross & John, 2003; Korpela et al., 2018; Tull et al., 2004). Likewise, an overreliance on rumination is characteristic of perseverating on negative events, a known precursor of depression (Hudson Banks et al., 2006; McLaughlan et al., 2019) in the context of racial discrimination. These extremes in coping response may paralyze assets that would have otherwise been useful when facing stress like racial discrimination. Thus, the usefulness of some coping mechanisms is limited, and in the context of a clear and consistent risk factor like discrimination, it is important to identify readily available protective factors. Moreover, the present study contributes to the literature helping to improve our understanding of how assets may be protective at some levels, and others that may likely become risks.

We found that out of hope springs a protective asset, as it is related to fewer depressive symptoms, supporting our hypothesis. While there is evidence that hope is protective against depressive symptoms (Hollingsworth et al., 2016; Yip & Tse, 2019), there is little research that has explored its protective role in comparison to rumination and distraction in the negative mental health effects that follow racial discrimination. While greater use of rumination and distraction is related to more depressive symptoms, a higher level of hope is uniquely related to fewer symptoms. For African American emerging adults in this study, this finding highlights an asset that reduces the likelihood of negative mental health status (i.e., depressive symptoms) in response to the insidious and often continuous exposure to social risks like racial discrimination (Hollingsworth et al., 2016). The present study strengthens the understanding of potential supports and assets for African Americans during a vulnerable developmental period where establishing independence is a critical developmental goal. Providing accurate interventions that support the independence and safety of African American emerging adults is critical to their mental health. Specifically, encouraging and building this asset (i.e., hope) may present African American emerging adults with consistent access to this protective factor in the face of risks. However, hope cannot be treated as a panacea for a risk as ubiquitous and insidious as racial discrimination. The realities of an individual’s life cannot be hoped and wished away, especially when the outcome is potentially as harmful as depressive symptoms.

While hope has been shown to be a protective asset for African American emerging adults (Hudson Banks et al., 2008), the present study extends the literature by demonstrating its utility when other coping mechanisms are considered, and in the presence of a major risk factor—racial discrimination. Our hypothesis of a moderating effect of hope on the relationship between discrimination and depressive symptoms is confirmed. Participants who reported higher levels of hope report lower levels of depressive symptoms, even while experiencing higher levels of discrimination. Conversely, those who report lower levels of hope endorsed more depressive symptoms, regardless of the level of racial discrimination they had experienced, suggesting that lower levels of hope might increase the risk for negative outcomes. The persistent threat of racial discrimination emphasizes the need to support the development of this protective asset—high levels of hope, for African American emerging adults (Hurd et al., 2014). It is important to note that participants reporting higher levels of hope could have reported fewer depressive symptoms regardless of their level of exposure to racial discrimination, and participants who reported lower hope and more racial discrimination experiences would have more depressive symptom than those reporting lower hope and fewer discrimination experiences. These possibilities further emphasize the pervasive and insidious nature of racial discrimination risks for African American emerging adults. This study suggests that while discrimination remains a major risk, the choice of coping strategies is crucial to fostering positive functioning among African American emerging adults. The audacity to remain hopeful in the wake of stressful experiences may go a long way in averting negative functioning, but hope is not enough.

Limitations

The current findings strengthen existing research by focusing specifically on African American college students. However, one limitation is that our sample was more socioeconomically advantaged compared with the general population of African American emerging adults. Furthermore, the present study is limited by use of data from college students at a large, Midwestern university, and, as such, the findings are not generalizable to the wider population of African American emerging adults or students. Additionally, a possible order effect may have existed as the data collection was conducted with measures presented in identical order for each participant. A random presentation of the measures may have resulted in different data.

Implications and Future Studies

To address limitations of the cross-sectional design of this study, the literature would benefit from future studies utilizing longitudinal designs. It is necessary to determine if the asset used to buffer against the deleterious effects of perceived racism has long-lasting effects. Hope can only be part of the story in preparing African American emerging adults to function in what is often a threat-filled society. The message cannot be to just “keep hope alive” in the face of discrimination. Future studies must explore considerations such as activism, racial identity, and racial ideology as possible contributors to resilience in deflecting the full negative effect of discrimination.

This study’s findings have implications for research and practice related to African American emerging adults. Given the historical and current racial and political climate of the United States, African Americans face unique challenges to their identity. For this population, racial discrimination is an experience that questions and threatens a key component of their identity, during a developmental period characterized by identity exploration (Banerjee, Byrd, & Rowley, 2018). Against this backdrop, the positive association between discrimination and depressive symptoms is understandable, but it represents a challenge for mental health workers operating in this population. Clinicians must account for, and explore, the potential impact of the political/racial climate in the United States and the ways it may affect the positive developmental trajectory and mental health of African American emerging adults through experiences such as racial discrimination. Future studies that explore these issues among community samples may further expand understanding the effects of coping and hope on mental health in this population. Exploring the influence of intersecting identities alongside racial/ethnic identity on mental health outcomes would help expose the heterogeneity among African American emerging adults and how this heterogeneity influences the function of risk and protective factors.

While the results found that the interaction of hope and perceived racial discrimination is linked to depressive symptoms above and beyond demographic factors, it is necessary to expand the literature further by replicating this study in different regions of the United States, among different economic classes, and with those who attend different types of colleges or universities as well as those who are not participating in higher education. Socioeconomic class for instance, may contribute to the frequency and chronicity of perceived racial discrimination, and the effect of this risk may differ based on access to psychological, economic, and social resources. For instance, racial discrimination may be more salient for low-income African Americans when compared with higher income African Americans (Miller, Rote, & Keith, 2013), though other researchers suggest that higher income African Americans may not experience similar comparative social and health benefits of upward mobility compared with their White counterparts (Assari, Thomas, Caldwell, & Mincy, 2018).

As hope is negatively linked to depressive symptoms among African American emerging Adults, who have experienced racial discrimination, it is necessary to consider including hope-building activities in interventions for this population. Psychotherapies that emphasize hope have demonstrated some success in the treatment of depression and should be considered in the treatment of African American emerging adults (Cheavens, Cukrowicz, Hansen, & Mitchell, 2016; Cheavens, Feldman, Gum, Michael, & Snyder, 2006; Klausner et al., 2000; Oyesanya & Ward, 2016; Yip & Tse, 2019). For instance, a common intervention for those who experience depressive symptoms, which may also be useful for African American emerging adults, is creating a “hope box” (Bush et al., 2015), where clients are asked to fill a box, sometimes a virtual one, with reminders of positive experiences, coping skills, and success, among other items. A hope box provides individuals with physical reminders that boost distress tolerance, as well as hope for the future. For African American emerging adults, it may be culturally relevant and efficacious to include culturally salient positive events or coping skills that can increase positive, and optimistic views of their culture into the “hope box.” For instance, exploring involvement in effective, and widely supported, social justice movements, or processing negative events with family or supportive community members. Professionals should be aware of the integration of culturally specific distress which can influence the severity of mental illness among African Americans, as demonstrated in this study.

Footnotes

Authors’ Note

Alvin Thomas is now affiliated to University of Wisconsin, Madison. Amardeep Khahra and Alvin Thomas share first authorship of this article.

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

ORCID iD

Alvin Thomas

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