It’s More Than Skin-Deep: Gendered Racial Microaggressions,Skin Tone Satisfaction,and Traumatic Stress Symptoms Among Black Women

Abstract

This study examined the moderating effects of skin tone and skin tone satisfaction on the relations between gendered racial microaggressions and traumatic stress symptoms among self-identified Black women between 18 and 50 years old (N = 237). It was hypothesized that skin tone and skin tone satisfaction would moderate the relation between gendered racial microaggressions and traumatic stress, such that having a darker skin tone and lower levels of skin tone satisfaction would exacerbate the association between gendered racial microaggressions and traumatic stress symptoms. Results from two hierarchical multiple linear regression analyses indicated skin tone satisfaction significantly moderated the association between gendered racial microaggressions and traumatic stress symptoms, whereas skin tone did not. Findings suggest that skin tone satisfaction may play a bigger role in buffering or exacerbating the link between gendered racial microaggressions and mental health among Black women than skin tone alone. The results can inform future research and clinical practice on the important role of skin tone satisfaction in the link between gendered racial microaggressions and traumatic stress among Black women.

Keywords

gendered racism microaggressions skin tone skin tone satisfaction

Black women’s experiences with gendered racism—unique oppression based on the intersection of race and gender—has been associated with a variety of negative mental health outcomes, including traumatic stress symptoms (Dale & Safren, 2019; Moody & Lewis, 2019), depressive symptoms (Williams & Lewis, 2019), anxiety (Wright & Lewis, 2020), suicidality (Perry et al., 2013), and reproductive health issues (Rosenthal & Lobel; 2020). Gendered racial microaggressions, or subtle, everyday experiences of gendered racism, provide a useful framework for examining the influence of gendered racism experienced by Black women (Lewis & Neville, 2015). These types of microaggressions communicate messages, such as negative comments about Black women’s hair, skin tone, body type, and aesthetics, that can affect body image (Bond & Cash, 1992; Buchanan et al., 2008; Maxwell et al., 2015; Watson et al., 2019). Compared to White beauty standards, Black beauty ideals include broader aesthetics including, skin tone, size of facial features, hair texture, and body shape as opposed to merely a focus on weight (e.g., Neal & Wilson, 1989). Among Black women, light skin tone and Eurocentric facial features are deemed the most desirable beauty standard, which may directly impact body image and mental health (e.g., Hunter, 2007; Landor & McNeil Smith, 2019; Maxwell et al., 2015; Wallace et al., 2011). Although experiences of gendered racial microaggressions have been linked to traumatic stress symptoms (e.g., Dale & Safren, 2019; Moody & Lewis, 2019) and experiences of skin tone discrimination have been deemed traumatic (Landor & McNeil Smith, 2019), little is known about the influence of skin tone and skin tone satisfaction on the association between gendered racial microaggressions and traumatic stress. Thus, the purpose of this study was to investigate the relations between gendered racial microaggressions, skin tone, skin tone satisfaction, and traumatic stress symptoms among Black women. First, we provide a brief review of the literature on gendered racial microaggressions as a unique form of discrimination experienced by Black women. Then, we highlight skin tone and skin tone satisfaction as potential moderators in the link between gendered racial microaggressions and traumatic stress among Black women.

Gendered Racial Microaggressions and Mental Health

Gendered racism captures the oppression Black women experience based on racist interpretations of gender roles (Essed, 1991). That is, the unique racism Black women experience based on their gender and class is rooted in stereotypes of Black womanhood (Essed, 1991; Lewis & Neville, 2015). Rooted in the history of White supremacy and patriarchy in the United States, popular stereotypical images of Black women include the dark-skinned, docile, loyal, and self-sacrificing Mammy; the dark-skinned, emasculating and aggressive Sapphire; and the light-skinned, over-sexual Jezebel (Collins, 2000 Watson et al., 2019; West, 1995). In addition, the Strong Black Woman (SBW) stereotype is a trope signifying an independent, self-sufficient, career-oriented Black woman who can take care of herself (Watson et al., 2019; Woods-Giscombé, 2010). A core manifestation of gendered racism is the way these stereotypes get perpetuated against Black women in everyday life.

Black women’s daily experiences of gendered racism have been studied through the framework of gendered racial microaggressions, which builds on Essed’s (1991) concept of gendered racism and Sue et al.’s (2007) framework of racial microaggressions. Lewis and colleagues (2013) initially coined the term gendered racial microaggressions to refer to “subtle and everyday verbal, behavioral, and environmental expressions of oppression based on the intersection of one’s race and gender” (p. 51). Based on a qualitative study with Black women college students, Lewis and colleagues (2016) developed a taxonomy of gendered racial microaggressions, which showed that Black women experienced different types of gendered racial microaggressions in their everyday lives, including being stereotyped as an Angry Black Woman (ABW) or Jezebel; being silenced and marginalized in workplace and academic environments; and being objectified and receiving negative comments and assumptions about Black women’s aesthetic, including natural hair, body type, skin tone, and facial features. Several of these themes emerged as core dimensions of the Gendered Racial Microaggressions Scale (Lewis & Neville, 2015), which psychometrically supported four dimensions of gendered racial microaggressions: (1) Assumptions of Beauty and Sexual Objectification (i.e., sexually inappropriate and/or negative comments about Black women’s body, hair, skin tone, and facial features), (2) Silenced and Marginalized (i.e., marginalization and invisibility in workplace or academic settings), (3) Strong Black Woman stereotype (i.e., being stereotyped as strong and too independent), and (4) Angry Black Woman stereotype (i.e., being stereotyped as angry).

Experiencing gendered racial microaggressions has been associated with poorer mental health outcomes, including depression (Williams & Lewis, 2019), anxiety, (Wright & Lewis, 2020), psychological distress (Lewis et al., 2017; Lewis & Neville, 2015), and traumatic stress (Dale & Safren, 2019; Moody & Lewis, 2019). For example, Dale and Safren (2019) examined the association between discrimination and traumatic stress symptoms among Black women living with HIV and found that experiences of gendered racial microaggressions were associated with traumatic stress whereas race-related discrimination was not. Furthermore, in the only study to date examining the role of gendered racial microaggression subscales and traumatic stress, Dale and Safren (2019) found that Assumptions of Beauty and Sexual Objectification microaggressions were uniquely associated with total traumatic stress symptoms. In another study, Moody and Lewis (2019) found that experiencing a greater frequency of gendered racial microaggressions significantly predicted traumatic stress in Black women, and internalized gendered racial oppression strengthened this association. These findings highlight a need for more nuanced research to explore the role of within-group characteristics, such as skin tone and skin tone satisfaction that might buffer or exacerbate the association between gendered racial microaggressions and mental health outcomes.

The Moderating Role of Skin Tone and Skin Tone Satisfaction

Research suggests that the impact of discrimination on mental health varies by skin tone (Perry et al., 2013). Among Black people, darker skin tone has been associated with greater exposure to chronic stress, exposure to racism, and in-group and out-group discrimination based on skin tone (Armstead et al., 2014; Uzogara & Jackson, 2016; Uzogara et al., 2014). For example, research has found that darker-skinned African Americans experience more inter-racial microaggressions than their lighter-skinned counterparts (Keith et al., 2017). Some scholars have even argued that repeated discrimination based on skin tone can lead to skin tone trauma (Landor & McNeil Smith, 2019). Although skin tone discrimination significantly affects Black persons across gender identities, the phenomenon is gendered and affects Black women and men in different ways (Hunter, 2007). For example, Black women navigate a sexist and patriarchal world in which possessing traditional (Eurocentric) standards of beauty is viewed as a commodity for women and affords social advantages to those on top of the beauty hierarchy (Hunter, 2002, 2013). As such, for Black women, having a lighter skin tone (i.e., closer proximity to the European beauty standard) operates as social capital as they earn higher salaries, achieve higher educational attainment, are rated as more attractive, and marry men of higher socio-economic backgrounds (Blair et al., 2002; Hunter, 2002, 2007)—outcomes that have not been replicated to the same degree among Black men (Hunter, 2007). The opposite holds true for darker-skinned women: they are perceived as less intelligent, less attractive, and more dominant (Hall & Crutchfield, 2018), and report significant psychosocial stress related to darker skin tone (Hall, 2017). In addition, research has found that darker-skinned women are at greater risk for lower self-esteem and body dissatisfaction compared to lighter-skinned women or Black men (e.g., Keith & Herring, 1991; Thompson & Keith, 2001; Walker Gautier, 2021).

Skin tone satisfaction also plays a major role in Black women’s mental health and body image (e.g., Maxwell et al., 2016; Robinson & Ward, 1995). Dissatisfaction with one’s skin tone poses a significant health risk as evidenced by the international multibillion dollar skin-bleaching industry (McEvoy, 2020). Several studies have examined the impact of skin tone (dis)satisfaction on Black women’s lives (e.g., Maxwell et al., 2015). Skin tone dissatisfaction is associated with greater appearance dissatisfaction, internalization of traditional White beauty standards, and greater internalized racism (Falconer & Neville, 2000; Harper & Choma, 2018; Maxwell et al., 2015). For example, in their study of African American women college students, Falconer and Neville (2000) found that lower skin tone satisfaction was associated with lower overall appearance satisfaction and higher endorsement of traditional beauty standards. In another study, Maxwell et al. (2015) found lower skin tone satisfaction was associated with greater internalized racism, and higher tone satisfaction was associated with positive beliefs about being Black American.

Given the impact of skin tone-related variables on mental health and differential experiences of discrimination (Keith et al., 2017; Perry et al., 2013), skin tone and skin tone satisfaction may uniquely impact the association between gendered racial microaggressions and mental health outcomes, such as traumatic stress symptoms. Specifically, experiences of gendered racial microaggressions may vary by skin tone, contributing to a stronger link between gendered racial microaggression and mental health. Furthermore, skin tone satisfaction may exacerbate or buffer the association between gendered racial microaggressions and mental health. Below, we discuss how skin tone and skin tone satisfaction may influence specific types of gendered racial microaggressions (Lewis & Neville, 2015).

Research supports that skin tone and skin tone satisfaction may influence the experience of gendered racial microaggressions related to beauty and sexual objectification. These types of microaggressions not only communicate messages that can influence body image (which among Black women, is intrinsically linked to skin tone and skin tone satisfaction; Buchanan et al., 2008; Maxwell et al., 2015), but also include specific gendered racial microaggressions that consist of negative comments about skin tone (Lewis & Neville, 2015). The link between skin tone and these types of microaggressions is also evidenced in Hall and Crutchfield’s (2018) study of colorist (skin-tone) microaggressions, where Black women reported experiencing daily interactions involving disrespect and insensitive comments based on skin tone that were significantly associated with self-esteem and identity development. These incidents revolved around women’s physical appearance and communicated messages that women with darker skin tones were considered unattractive, less likely to receive romantic attention, and more likely to be expected to become teenage mothers, suggesting sexual objectification (Hall & Crutchfield, 2018).

Skin tone and skin tone satisfaction may also influence the association between Strong Black Woman and Angry Black Woman microaggressions and mental health. Among Black women, darker skin tone has been associated with aggression and strength (Hall & Crutchfield, 2018). Darker skin tone, and Afrocentric features and aesthetics are associated with criminalization and perceptions of dangerousness (e.g., King & Johnson, 2016). People with darker skin tones are viewed as more culpable, receive harsher punishment in legal settings and longer incarceration sentences, and are at increased risk for death sentences (Eberhardt et al., 2006; King & Johnson, 2016). In turn, lighter-skinned Black women receive shorter prison sentences and are at lower risk for school suspensions than their darker-skinned counterparts (Blake et al., 2017; Viglione et al., 2011).

Furthermore, skin tone and skin tone satisfaction may also buffer or exacerbate the association between silenced and marginalized microaggressions and mental health. These types of gendered racial microaggressions capture silencing and marginalization in professional and educational settings. Darker skin tone has been linked with social exclusion, isolation, and marginalization (Landor & McNeil Smith, 2019). Furthermore, darker skin tone has been associated with lower educational and professional attainment, school suspension, and perceptions of lower intelligence (Blake et al., 2017; Hall & Crutchfield, 2018; Hunter, 2007). Taken together, darker-skinned Black women may be more likely to experience gendered racial microaggressions related to sexual objectification, being silenced and marginalized in the workplace, and microaggressions based on the ABW and SBW stereotypes. High levels of skin tone satisfaction, on the other hand, may buffer against the negative impact of these types of microaggressions.

Current Study

The purpose of this study was to explore the potential moderating role of skin tone and skin tone satisfaction on the association between experiences of gendered racial microaggressions and traumatic stress symptoms, respectively. Gendered racial microaggressions capture the subtle and everyday gendered racism that Black women experience based on their race and gender (Lewis et al., 2016) and have been associated with various mental health outcomes, including traumatic stress (Dale & Safren, 2019; Moody & Lewis, 2019). Skin tone and skin tone satisfaction have the potential to significantly impact the lives of Black women on an economic, social, and psychological level (Hunter, 2013; Landor & McNeil Smith, 2019). Based on the established direct link between microaggressions and traumatic stress (e.g., Dale & Safren, 2019; Moody & Lewis, 2019; Nadal, 2018; Nadal et al., 2019), and the association between skin tone discrimination and trauma (Landor & McNeil Smith, 2019), this study specifically examined the relations between gendered racial microaggressions, skin tone, skin tone satisfaction, and traumatic stress symptoms among Black women. Given the effects of skin tone-related variables on the experience of discrimination and mental health outcomes among Black women, it is essential to challenge assumptions of homogeneity among Black women and examine ways in which skin tone and skin tone satisfaction buffer or exacerbate the link between gendered racial microaggressions and traumatic stress. Specifically, we hypothesized the following:

Hypothesis 1: Skin tone would moderate the association between gendered racial microaggressions (i.e., Assumptions of Beauty and Sexual Objectification, Silenced and Marginalized, Strong Black Woman, and Angry Black Woman microaggressions) and traumatic stress symptoms, such that having a darker skin tone would strengthen the positive association between gendered racial microaggressions and traumatic stress symptoms.

Hypothesis 2: Skin tone satisfaction would moderate the association between gendered racial microaggressions and traumatic stress symptoms, such that lower skin tone satisfaction would strengthen the positive association between gendered racial microaggressions and traumatic stress symptoms.

Method

Participants

All participants had to self-identify as Black women over the age of 18 to be included in this study. For the current study, a total of 237 self-identified Black women, ranging in age from 18 to 50 years old (M_age = 20.6, SD = 4.4) participated in this study. In terms of ethnicity, 36% (n = 85) women identified as Afro-Latina, 30% (n = 72) identified as African American, 18% (n = 42) women identified as Afro-Caribbean, 12% (n = 28) women identified as Black, and 4% (n = 10) women identified as African. The majority of the sample identified as heterosexual (77%), followed by 13% as bisexual, 3% as lesbian, and less than 1% who did not report sexual orientation. A total of 38% of the women identified as middle class, 33% as working class, 22% as lower middle class, 6% as upper-middle class, and 1% as upper class.

Procedure

The Institutional Review Board (IRB) approved this study before participant recruitment. Participants were recruited through online advertisements on social media websites, and college students were recruited through a participant subject pool at a diverse medium-sized public university in the Northeastern U.S. Participants completed an online survey including questions assessing demographics, skin tone, skin tone satisfaction, experiences of gendered racial microaggressions, and symptoms of traumatic stress. The median completion time was 34 minutes, and all measures were presented in the same order. Participants who were college students received two-course credits for their participation in the study. Participants who were not college students did not receive any compensation for their participation.

Measures

Demographic survey

To assess demographic information, participants completed a demographic survey, which inquired about participants’ age, sexual orientation, social class, and education. Due to the sample sizes, and for the purpose of the analyses, sexual orientation was dichotomized (0 = heterosexual, 1 = sexual minority), and social class was coded across three levels (1 = working class, 2 = lower middle class, and 3 = middle class and above).

Gendered racial microaggressions

To assess experiences of gendered racial microaggressions, participants completed the Gendered Racial Microaggressions Scale (GRMS; Lewis & Neville, 2015), a 26-item measure, which assesses both the frequency and stress appraisal of gendered racial microaggressions experienced by Black women. For the purpose of this study, we chose to utilize the frequency of gendered racial microaggressions, which is most often used in previous studies (Lewis et al., 2013; Moody & Lewis, 2019; Williams & Lewis, 2019). Participants were asked to report the frequency of their experiences s on a 6-point Likert-type scale from 0 (never) to 5 (once a week or more). This scale was developed to measure four subscales (1) Assumptions of Beauty and Sexual Objectification (e.g., “Someone made a negative comment about my skin color/skin tone”), (2) Silenced and Marginalized (e.g., “Someone assumed I did not have much to contribute to the conversation”), (3) Strong Black Woman Stereotype (e.g., “I have been told that I am too assertive”), and (4) Angry Black Woman Stereotype (e.g., “Someone accused me of being angry when I was speaking in a calm manner”). The scale yields a total and four subscale scores, where higher values indicate greater frequency of gendered racial microaggressions. Previous studies have reported good reliability, with Cronbach’s α ranging from .74 to .88 for each subscale (Lewis & Neville, 2015). In the current study, the subscales demonstrated good internal consistency ranging from Cronbach’s α = .69 (Angry Black Woman Stereotype) to Cronbach’s α = .90 (Silenced and Marginalized). In previous studies, this measure has been positively associated with the Schedule of Sexist Events (Klonoff & Landrine, 1995) and the Racial and Ethnic Microaggressions Scale (Nadal, 2011), demonstrating convergent validity.

Traumatic stress symptoms

Traumatic stress symptoms were assessed using the PTSD Checklist for DSM-5 (PCL-5; Weathers et al., 2013). The PCL-5 is a 20-item measure that assesses post-traumatic stress disorder symptoms according to the DSM-5 criteria, which include intrusive memories, avoidance, negative alterations in cognition and mood, and elevations in physiological arousal and reactivity. The scale assesses the level at which respondents were bothered by symptoms in the past month on a 5-point scale ranging from 0 (not at all) to 4 (extremely). The scale yields a maximum symptoms severity score of 80 and has a cutoff score indicative of probable post-traumatic stress disorder at 31–33. We calculated a total sum score, which is how it is used in research with non-clinical samples. Previous studies have shown acceptable internal consistency with this measure (Cronbach’s α = .96; Nadal et al., 2019). In the current study, the PCL-5 indicated good reliability (Cronbach’s α = .95). The measure has been positively associated with other measures of post-traumatic stress (e.g., PCL-C), depression, generalized anxiety, somatization, and functional impairment (Bovin et al., 2016), demonstrating convergent validity.

Skin tone

Skin tone was assessed through one self-report question, which asked participants to rate their skin tone compared to other people of their racial group on a scale ranging from 1 (very light brown) to 5 (very dark brown). Several studies, including studies using the National Survey of American Life (Jackson et al., 2004), which has been deemed the most comprehensive national sample examining mental health disorders and correlates among Black and African American people in the United States, have utilized this single 5-point measure in their analyses (e.g., Keith et al., 2017). This skin-tone measure has been positively associated with a 7-point interviewer-rated skin tone assessment (Keith et al., 2010), demonstrating convergent validity.

Skin tone satisfaction

Skin tone satisfaction was assessed using three items from the Skin Color Satisfaction Scale (SCSS, Falconer & Neville, 2000), which is a 7-item measure that was developed by adding four additional items to the 3-item Skin Color Questionnaire Scale (SCQ; Bond & Cash, 1992). Participants responded to items by assessing how satisfied they were with their skin tone on a 9-point scale, ranging from 1 (extremely dissatisfied) to 9 (extremely satisfied). The three items included in the current study used the following items: (1) How satisfied are you with the shade (lightness or darkness) of your own skin color? (2) Compared to the complexion (skin color) of members of my family, I am satisfied with my skin color, and (3) Compared to the complexion (skin color) of other African Americans, I am satisfied with my skin color. A total mean score was obtained by summing the scores and dividing them by the number of items used. A greater score indicates higher levels of skin tone satisfaction. There have been previous studies that have only used three or four items to create a composite score based on specific aspects of skin tone satisfaction of interest (Falconer & Neville, 2000; Maxwell et al., 2015). For the current study, the 3-item SCSS demonstrated good reliability (Cronbach’s α = .90).

Results

Data Analysis Plan

Prior to analyses, means, standard deviations, and intercorrelations were calculated. A priori power analysis was conducted through G*Power 3.1 (Faul et al., 2009) and indicated that at a medium effect size based on Cohen (1988) criteria (f² = .15), a power level at .80, and alpha set at .05 a minimum of 109 participants would be needed for a moderation analysis. To decrease multicollinearity, we mean-centered the predictor and moderator variables (Friedrich, 1982). Two hypotheses were tested through two hierarchical multiple regression analyses, where we predicted that (a) skin tone would moderate the relation between gendered racial microaggressions and traumatic stress symptoms, such that darker skin tone would strengthen the association between gendered racial microaggressions and traumatic stress symptoms, and (b) skin tone satisfaction would moderate the association between gendered racial and traumatic stress symptoms, such that higher skin tone satisfaction would weaken the association between experiencing gendered racial microaggressions and traumatic stress symptoms. Based on previous studies indicating associations between certain demographic variables and traumatic stress symptoms (e.g., Moody & Lewis, 2019), we tested the associations between age, social class, and sexual orientation and traumatic stress. Given the unequal sample sizes across each category, social class was coded across three categories: working-class (n = 78), lower middle class (n = 53), and middle class and above (n = 106). Sexual orientation was coded across two categories: heterosexual (n = 183) and sexual minority (n = 53). Demographic variables significantly associated with the outcome variable were included in the model as control variables. In each model, control variables were entered in Step 1, GRMS mean subscale scores were entered in Step 2 (i.e., Assumptions of Beauty and Sexual Objectification, Silenced and Marginalized, Strong Black Woman, and Angry Black Woman), and mean-centered interaction terms between GRMS subscales and skin tone and GRMS subscales and skin tone satisfaction, respectively, were entered in Step 3. To further interpret significant moderation effects, simple slope analyses were conducted.

Preliminary Analyses

All data were examined and analyzed using SPSS Version 28 (IBM Corp, 2021). The original sample consisted of 365 participant responses. Only participants who completed at least 50% of the variables of interest (N = 237) were included in the analysis, yielding a final sample size of 237 participants. We calculated the means and standard deviations for all variables of interest (see Table 1). In terms of skin tone, a total of 27% (n = 63) participants identified as very light brown; 25% (n = 59) participants identified as light brown; 32% (n = 77) participants identified as medium brown; 13% (n = 31) participants identified as dark brown; 2% (n = 5) participants identified as very dark brown, and less than 1% (n = 2) did not indicate skin tone. The data met assumptions of normality (skewness <3, kurtosis <10; Weston & Gore, 2006). Visual inspection indicated linearity and homoscedasticity. There was no evidence of multicollinearity as analyses of multicollinearity showed that values for variance inflation factors (<10) and tolerance (>.20) were within the acceptable range in both models (Weston & Gore, 2006). In terms of missing data, less than 1% was missing on the skin tone item. In addition, the GRMS subscales also included a small number of missing data: less than 1% on the Angry Black Woman subscale, 1% on the Strong Black Woman subscale, 3% on the Silenced and Marginalized subscale, and 4% on the Assumptions of Beauty and Sexual Objectification subscale. There was also 8% missing on the PCL-5. Given that less than 10% of data were missing on all the variables of interest, we utilized available SPSS missing data analysis procedures, pairwise deletion without imputation, as recommended by Parent (2013). In addition, we did not detect any outliers (defined as values of 3 standard deviations above or below the next value). All analyses were run at a priori alpha level of α = .05.

Table 1.

Means, Standard Deviations, and Cronbach’s α Reliability Estimates.

Variables	M	SD	Range	α
1. PTSD Checklist for DSM-5	20.53	18.32	80.00	.95
2. Skin Tone Satisfaction	7.85	1.64	7.00	.90
3. Assumptions of Beauty and Sexual Objectification	1.53	1.07	5.00	.89
4. Silenced and Marginalized	1.42	1.18	5.00	.90
5. Strong Black Woman	2.01	1.34	5.00	.69
6. Angry Black Woman	1.92	1.29	5.00	.80
7. Skin Tone	2.39	1.08	4.00	-

Note. N = 237. Items 3–6 are subscales of the Gendered Racial Microaggressions Scale.

We computed Pearson product-moment correlations between all study variables (see Table 2). All GRMS subscales were significantly associated with traumatic stress symptoms: Assumptions of Beauty and Sexual Objectification (r = .459, p < .001), Silenced and Marginalized (r = .461, p < .001), Strong Black Woman (r = .275, p < .001), and Angry Black Woman (r = .405, p < .001). Skin tone satisfaction was significantly associated with Silenced and Marginalized (r = −.254, p < .001) and traumatic stress symptoms (r = −.281, p < .001). Skin tone was not significantly associated with either GRMS subscales or traumatic stress symptoms (ps < .05). Given prior findings linking demographic variables with traumatic stress (e.g., Moody & Lewis, 2019), we computed a Pearson product-moment correlation and found that age was not significantly associated with traumatic stress symptoms (r = −.024, p = .725). In addition, we conducted two one-way ANOVAs and found that social class was significantly associated with traumatic stress, F(2, 215) = 4.969, p = .008, η² = .047), such that, individuals who identified as lower social class reported greater traumatic stress symptoms than individuals who identified as middle and upper class; sexual orientation was also significantly associated with traumatic stress, F(2, 215) = 7.227, p = .008, η² = .069, such that, sexual minority individuals reported greater traumatic stress symptoms than heterosexual individuals; thus, we controlled for social class and sexual orientation in our primary analyses.

Table 2.

Intercorrelations Between All Study Variables.

Variables	1	2	3	4	5	6	7
1. PCL-5
2. Age	−.024
3. Skin tone	−.104	.128
4. Skin tone Satisfaction	−.281*	−.022	.223*
5. Beauty and Sexual Objectification	.459*	−.068	.005	−.125
6. Silenced and Marginalized	.461*	.123	−.071	−.254*	.770*
7. Strong Black Woman	.275*	.076	.002	.050	.603*	.583*
8. Angry Black Woman	.405*	−.097	−.021	−.116	.656*	.679*	.615*

Note. N = 237. Items 5–8 are subscales of the Gendered Racial Microaggressions Scale. PCL = Post-traumatic Stress Disorder Checklist for DSM-5. *p < .001.

Hierarchical Multiple Regression Analyses

To test the research hypotheses, we conducted two hierarchical multiple regression analyses with the four GRMS subscales as the predictor variables, traumatic stress symptoms as the outcome variable, and skin tone and skin tone satisfaction as moderating variables, respectively.

Skin tone as a moderator between GRMS and traumatic stress symptoms

The first hierarchical multiple regression analysis tested the direct effect of GRMS subscales on traumatic stress symptoms and skin tone as a moderating variable on traumatic stress symptoms (see Table 3). Only the statistically significant predictors at each step are highlighted here. See Table 3, a summary of the regression analyses for details on all of the variables at each step. The model was significant in Step 1 F(2, 206) = 7.086, p < .001, and accounted for 6% of the variance (R² = .064). Social class, β = −.18, t(208) = −2.684, p = .009, and sexual orientation, β = −.18, t(208) = −2.704, p = .007, significantly predicted traumatic stress symptoms. In Step 2, the overall regression model was also significant, F(6, 202) = 12.971, p < .001, and accounted for 28% of the variance (R² = .278). Specifically, social class, β = -.13, t(208) = −2.120, p = .035, and Assumptions of Beauty, β = .23, t(208) = 2.279, p = .024, significantly predicted traumatic stress symptoms.

Table 3.

Moderation Analysis Predicting PTSD Symptoms From Skin Tone and Gendered Racial Microaggressions Types.

	Coefficient				Collinearity statistics
Predictors	B	SE_B	t	95% CI	Tolerance	VIF
Step 1
Sexual orientation	7.99	7.99	2.70**	[2.16, 13.81]	1.00	1.00
Social class	−3.74	−3.74	−2.65**	[−6.52, −0.95]	1.00	1.00
Step 2
Sexual orientation	4.77	2.66	1.79*	[−0.48, 10.03]	0.97	1.04
Social class	−2.69	1.27	−2.12*	[−5.20, −0.19]	0.97	1.03
GRMS – Beauty	3.93	1.72	2.28*	[0.53, 7.33]	0.35	2.83
GRMS – Marginalized	2.96	1.59	1.86	[−0.17, 6.08]	0.34	2.93
GRMS – SBW	−1.20	1.11	−1.08	[−3.39, 1.00]	0.54	1.86
GRMS – ABW	2.34	1.27	1.84	[−0.17, 4.84]	0.44	2.25
Step 3
Sexual orientation	4.58	2.71	1.69	[−0.76, 9.93]	0.95	1.05
Social class	−2.74	1.30	−2.10*	[−5.31, −0.17]	0.94	1.06
GRMS – Beauty	3.93	1.76	2.24*	[0.46, 7.39]	0.35	2.88
GRMS – Marginalized	2.97	1.62	1.83	[−0.24, 6.17]	0.33	3.02
GRMS – SBW	−1.30	1.13	−1.15	[−3.54, 0.93]	0.53	1.89
GRMS – ABW	2.45	1.30	1.89	[−0.11, 5.01]	0.43	2.31
Skin tone x beauty	0.49	1.65	0.30	[−2.75, 3.74]	0.31	3.18
Skin tone x marginalization	−0.38	1.55	−0.25	[−3.43, 2.67]	0.32	3.10
Skin tone x SBW	0.59	1.09	0.54	[−1.56, 2.74]	0.50	2.02
Skin tone x ABW	−0.73	1.10	−0.67	[−2.90, 1.44]	0.45	2.21

Note. N = 201. B = Unstandardized Coefficient B; SE_B = Standard Error; CI = Confidence Interval; VIF = variance inflation factor; GRMS – Beauty = Beauty and Sexual Objectification Subscale; GRMS – Marginalization = Silenced and Marginalized Subscale; GRMS – SBW = Strong Black Woman Subscale; GRMS – ABW = Angry Black Woman Subscale.

*p < .05, **p < .01, *** p < .001.

In Step 3, the overall regression model was also significant, F(10, 198) = 7.723, p < .001, and still accounted for 28% of the variance (R² = .281). Social class, β = −.13, t(208) = −2.103, p = .037 and Assumptions of Beauty and Sexual Objectification, β = .23, t(208) = 2.236, p = .026, significantly predicted traumatic stress symptoms. The interactions terms between skin tone and Assumptions of Beauty and Sexual Objectification, β = .03, t(208) = .300, p = .765; skin tone and Silenced and Marginalized, β = −.03, t(208) = −.246, p = .806; skin tone and Strong Black Woman, β = .05, t(208) = .543, p = .588; and skin tone and Angry Black Woman, β = −.06, t(208) = −.655, p = .507 sr² = −.200; did not significantly predict traumatic stress symptoms.

Skin tone satisfaction as a moderator between GRMS and traumatic stress symptoms

The second hierarchical multiple regression analysis tested the direct effect of GRMS subscales on traumatic stress and skin tone satisfaction as a moderating variable on traumatic stress symptoms (see Table 4). Only the significant variables are reported here; see Table 4 for a summary of regression analyses for all of the variables at each step. The model was significant in Step 1 F(2, 199) = 6.845, p < .001, and accounted for 7% of the variance (R² = .064). Social class, β = -.18, t(201) = −2.603, p = .010 and sexual orientation significantly predicted traumatic stress symptoms, β = .18, t(201) = 2.658, p = .008. In Step 2, the model was also significant, F(6, 195) = 12.521, p < .001, and accounted for 28% of the variance (R² = .278). Specifically, social class, β = −.13, t(201) = −2.083, p = .039 and Assumptions of Beauty and Sexual Objectification, β = .23, t(201) = 2.239, p = .026, significantly predicted traumatic stress symptoms.

Table 4.

Moderation Analysis Predicting PTSD Symptoms From Skin Tone Satisfaction and Gendered Racial Microaggressions Types.

	Coefficient				Collinearity statistics
Predictors	B	SE_B	t	95% CI	Tolerance	VIF
Step 1
Sexual orientation	7.99	3.00	2.66**	[2.06, 13.91]	1.00	1.00
Social class	−3.74	1.44	−2.60**	[−6.57, −0.91]	1.00	1.00
Step 2
Sexual orientation	4.77	2.71	1.76	[−0.57, 10.12]	0.97	1.04
Social class	−2.69	1.29	−2.08*	[−5.24, −0.14]	0.97	1.03
GRMS – Beauty	3.93	1.75	2.24*	[0.47, 7.39]	0.35	2.83
GRMS – Marginalized	2.96	1.61	1.83	[−0.23, 6.14]	0.34	2.93
GRMS – SBW	−1.20	1.13	−1.06	[−3.43, 1.04]	0.54	1.86
GRMS – ABW	2.34	1.29	1.81	[−0.22, 4.89]	0.44	2.25
Step 3
Sexual orientation	5.03	2.74	1.84	[−0.37, 10.43]	0.94	1.07
Social class	−2.37	1.31	−1.81	[−4.96, 0.21]	0.93	1.07
GRMS – Beauty	3.91	1.76	2.23*	[0.44, 7.38]	0.35	2.87
GRMS – Marginalized	3.37	1.64	2.05*	[0.13, 6.60]	0.33	3.06
GRMS – SBW	−1.55	1.16	−1.33	[−3.84, 0.75]	0.50	1.98
GRMS – ABW	1.98	1.30	1.52	[−0.59, 4.55]	0.43	2.30
Satisfaction x beauty	0.81	1.22	0.67	[−1.59, 3.22]	0.25	4.02
Satisfaction x marginalization	−2.08	0.98	−2.11*	[−4.02, −0.14]	0.25	4.03
Satisfaction x SBW	1.06	0.88	1.21	[−0.66, 2.79]	0.36	2.79
Satisfaction x ABW	0.90	0.85	1.05	[−0.79, 2.58]	0.36	2.77

Note. N = 208. B = Unstandardized Coefficient B; SE_B = Standard Error; CI = Confidence Interval; VIF = variance inflation factor; Satisfaction = Skin tone Satisfaction; GRMS – Beauty = Beauty and Sexual Objectification Subscale; GRMS – Marginalization = Silenced and Marginalized Subscale; GRMS – SBW = Strong Black Woman Subscale; GRMS – ABW = Angry Black Woman Subscale.

*p < .05, **p < .01, *** p < .001.

In Step 3, the overall regression model was significant, F(10, 191) = 8.273, p < .001, and accounted for 30% of the variance (R² = .302). Assumptions of Beauty and Sexual Objectification, β = .23, t(201) = 2.225, p =.027, Silenced and Marginalized, β = .22, t(201) = 2.054, p = .041, and the interaction between skin tone satisfaction and Silenced and Marginalized, β = −.26, t(201) = −2.112, p = .036, significantly predicted traumatic stress symptoms. The interaction terms between skin tone satisfaction and Assumptions of Beauty and Sexual Objectification, β = .08, t(208) = .667, p = .505; skin tone satisfaction and Strong Black Woman, β = .12, t(208) = 1.213, p = .226; and skin tone satisfaction and Angry Black Woman, β = .11, t(208) = 1.050, p = .295; did not significantly predict traumatic stress symptoms.

We performed a simple slope analysis to further interpret the interaction between Silenced and Marginalized microaggressions and skin tone satisfaction on traumatic stress symptoms (Figure 1). Silenced and Marginalized microaggressions significantly interacted with skin tone satisfaction at lower, β = .512, t(61) = 4.656 p <. 001, r = .51) and higher levels of skin tone satisfaction β =, t(106) = 4.850, p <. 001, r = .43. Moderate levels of skin tone satisfaction did not interact with experiences of Silenced and Marginalized microaggressions to predict traumatic stress symptoms, β = .093, t(30) = .514, p = .611, r = .09.

Figure 1.

Interaction of silenced and marginalized microaggressions and skin tone satisfaction on post-traumatic stress.

Discussion

This study examined the moderating effect of skin tone and skin tone satisfaction on the association between types of gendered racial microaggressions and traumatic stress symptoms. First, it was hypothesized that skin tone would moderate the relation between gendered racial microaggressions and traumatic stress symptoms such that having a darker skin tone would strengthen the association between gendered racial microaggressions and traumatic stress symptoms. Second, it was hypothesized that skin tone satisfaction would moderate the relation between gendered racial microaggressions and traumatic stress symptoms such that lower skin tone satisfaction would strengthen the link between gendered racial microaggressions and traumatic stress symptoms.

In this sample, our first hypothesis was not supported. Skin tone did not moderate the relation between gendered racial microaggressions and traumatic stress. This finding is contrary to previous research, which has found that darker-skinned Black people experienced more racial microaggressions than lighter-skinned Black people (Keith et al., 2017). Although our findings did not support the moderating role of skin tone in the association between gendered racial microaggressions and traumatic stress symptoms, previous research has shown that skin tone matters. For example, Hall and Crutchfield (2018) conducted a qualitative study of skin tone-related microaggressions and found that darker-skinned women reported having to work harder and be more intelligent than lighter-skinned women to achieve success (Hall & Crutchfield, 2018). In addition, lighter-skinned women reported that their physical appearance allowed them greater access to employment opportunities. Taken together, lighter skin tone may privilege Black women structurally by granting them greater access to professional opportunities—and a seat at the table. Once at the table, however, they can still be the target of gendered racism. Thus, it is possible that the reason skin tone did not moderate the link between gendered racial microaggressions and traumatic stress symptoms in our study is because all Black women, regardless of skin tone, experienced the adverse effects of gendered racial microaggressions on their mental health. In addition, although the impact of skin tone on economic and social outcomes is well established (e.g., Hunter, 2007; Landor & McNeil Smith, 2019), psychological outcomes are, in part, internal processes that partially depend on complex variations of individual-historical and organic factors. As such, complex methodologies—beyond subjective skin tone assessment—may be needed to fully understand if and how skin tone may be related to gendered racism and mental health outcomes.

Our second hypothesis, exploring the role of skin tone satisfaction in moderating the link between gendered racial microaggressions and traumatic stress symptoms, was partially supported. These results suggest that skin tone satisfaction, as opposed to skin tone, may hold more explanatory value in understanding the link between experiences of gendered racial microaggressions and traumatic stress symptoms. We found that lower skin tone satisfaction strengthened the association between gendered racial microaggressions and traumatic stress symptoms, while moderate skin tone satisfaction did not influence this link. Specifically, lower skin tone satisfaction exacerbated the association between experiencing Silenced and Marginalized microaggressions and greater traumatic stress symptoms. These findings are consistent with previous literature linking low levels of skin tone satisfaction (or skin tone dissatisfaction) to mental and behavioral health correlates such as appearance satisfaction, internalized racism, lower self-esteem, body shame, skin tone surveillance, and skin-bleaching (Bond & Cash, 1992; Buchanan et al., 2008; Choma & Psusaczyk, 2018; Falconer & Neville, 2000; Maxwell et al., 2015; Young-Hyman et al., 2003). However, contrary to the hypothesis, higher levels of skin tone satisfaction also strengthened, as opposed to weakened, the link between gendered racial microaggressions and traumatic stress symptoms. Skin tone satisfaction has been associated with higher levels of private regard (positive feelings about being Black), which may exacerbate the link between gendered racial microaggressions and mental health (Maxwell et al., 2015). It is possible that Black women who perceived their gender and race as central to their identity may have experienced gendered racial microaggressions as more stressful than those who viewed their gendered racial identity as less central to their sense of self, which could explain the exacerbating effect of skin tone satisfaction in this sample (Szymanski & Lewis, 2016).

Limitations

Although the results of this study highlight important complexities in the experiences of gendered racial microaggressions and mental health among Black women in the United States, results should be interpreted with caution due to a few limitations. The primary respondents in this study were college students at a medium-sized, diverse, public university on the East Coast, which is not representative of most Black women in the United States. It is also important to note that our sample included a diverse sample of Black women. For example, almost 40% of participants in our sample identified as Afro-Latinas, which may have affected the results. In this study, skin tone was assessed subjectively via self-report rather than objectively (e.g., light reflexivity). Although skin tone discrimination have been found to affect African American and Latina women similarly (Hunter, 2013; Quiros & Dawson, 2013), it is also important to assess the relationality of skin color, meaning that the race and skin tone assessment of one individual differs based on context (Lopez et al., 2018). Lastly, our sample was inclusive of all self-identified Black women. As such, we did not assess for differences between cisgender and transgender women, which may obscure important differences in gendered racial microaggression experiences among Black transgender women.

Future Research Directions

Future research on skin tone and skin tone satisfaction with diverse Black samples should consider more nuanced ways to assess the contextual factors that influence one’s skin tone assessment and skin tone satisfaction. In addition, more mixed methods and qualitative research is needed to elucidate our understanding of how skin tone satisfaction may negatively impact mental health via experiences of gendered racial microaggressions. Furthermore, research suggests that body dissatisfaction among Black women differs by ethnicity, where Afro-Caribbean women report higher satisfaction than African American women (Mucherah & Frazier, 2013). More research is needed to assess the way skin tone satisfaction, colorism, and gendered racial microaggressions affect Black women across geographical areas with different historical contexts (Russell-Cole et al., 2013).

Emerging evidence suggests that Black women experience microaggressions specific to skin tone (Hall & Crutchfield, 2018; Landor & McNeil Smith, 2019). Although we used the Gendered Racial Microaggressions Scale (Lewis & Neville, 2015), which measures assumptions of beauty and sexual objectification microaggressions that are related to body image and aesthetics (e.g., receiving negative comments based on the size of facial features, skin color, body size, etc.), we did not specifically measure skin tone-related microaggressions. Future quantitative studies should incorporate skin tone-related microaggressions into their assessments.

Implications

Although the overall literature supports that darker-skinned women are most impacted by differential skin tone outcomes (Hunter, 2013), results of this study suggest that skin tone satisfaction may play a more significant role in the relation between gendered racial microaggressions and traumatic stress symptoms. Overall, this finding is important because it helps contextualize the differential impact of skin tone and skin tone satisfaction on psychological outcomes. For example, skin tone dissatisfaction has been associated with internal processes, such as skin tone surveillance, as well as skin-bleaching practices (Buchanan et al., 2008; Choma & Prusaczyk, 2018)—this type of evidence validates targeted practice and policy interventions based on perception as opposed to objective skin tone markers. Similarly, our findings may influence individual clinical interventions targeted at reducing the risk of gendered racism on mental health by elucidating the impact of skin tone satisfaction on this relationship.

To our knowledge, no other study has examined the moderating role of skin tone or skin tone satisfaction in relations between experiences of gendered racial microaggressions and mental health outcomes. The dearth of studies focusing on the impact of skin tone-related variables, microaggressions, and mental health highlights the historical exclusion of research focused on those who experience multiple forms of marginalization within identity categories (e.g., Cole, 2020; Watson-Singleton et al., 2021), such as darker-skinned Black women. The association between microaggressions and suicidality, as well as skin tone and suicidal behavior among low-income Black women, highlights the urgent need for future research in this area (Bridge et al., 2018; Hollingsworth et al., 2017; Perry et al., 2013). This study provides evidence that skin tone satisfaction is associated with experiences of gendered racial microaggressions and traumatic stress among Black women. Furthermore, the results complicate our understanding of research on skin tone by highlighting the critical role of skin tone satisfaction in the complex relations between discrimination and mental health in a diverse sample of Black women. Most importantly, the results call for a more nuanced approach in studying the lived experience of Black women and in providing treatment to Black women of all shades and ethnic backgrounds.

Footnotes

Acknowledgments

The authors would like to thank Dr. Veronica Johnson, Dr. Silvia Mazzula, and Binta-Maria Lawrenz for the feedback, consultation, and support of this project.

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: This work was supported by the National Science Foundation Graduate Research Fellowship (1646731) awarded to D. R. Gina Sissoko.

ORCID iD

D. R. Gina Sissoko

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