“Take a Mental Break”: Examining the Coping Efforts of Black College Students Exposed to Police Killings

Trauma Theory

It is common for most people, at some point in their lives, to experience a potentially traumatic event (Bonanno, 2004). Bryant-Davis et al. (2017) define trauma as a severely distressing and life-altering experience that overwhelms one’s ability to cope. According to the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-5), a person may be exposed to a traumatic event such as police killings by directly witnessing it, hearing about it from someone close to them (e.g., loved ones, friends), or learning about it via social media sites and news outlets (American Psychiatric Association, 2013). Stressful events, especially those that repeatedly trigger painful memories—such as a police killing of an unarmed Black person—can be deeply distressing and overwhelm a person’s ability to function properly, complete daily activities, or cope with previous traumas (Bryant-Davis et al., 2017; Carter, 2006; van der Kolk, 2014). While many people attempt to move on with their lives after a traumatic experience—often burying memories of the past deep in their minds—the body does not forget trauma (van der Kolk, 2014). In other words, traumatic experiences leave a deep and permanent imprint not just on the mind but also the body (Wilson et al., 2023).

According to van der Kolk (2014), long after a person experiences a traumatic event, the amygdala, the brain’s “alarm system” that warns of imminent danger and prepares the body for fight or flight, may be reactivated by the slightest sense of threat. Consequently, when the threat response is constant—such as the case of repeatedly seeing images and videos of police killings of unarmed Black people—this can result in cumulative wear and tear on the body, or an increased allostatic load (Alang et al., 2020; Wilson et al., 2023; Korte et al., 2005). The insidious effects of chronic trauma exposure can also include hyperarousal of the body’s fight, flight, and freeze responses, dysregulated emotions, poor self-control, problems with thinking and meaning making, insecure attachments, and increased distrust in people and social institutions (e.g., law enforcement) (van der Kolk, 2014). While some people experience various symptoms such as depression, anxiety, and helplessness, others live in a constant state of hypervigilance, “prepared to be assaulted or violated at any time” (van der Kolk, 2014, p. 21).

Furthermore, research suggests that traumatic events like the brutal police killings of Michael Brown, Eric Garner, Philando Castile, and Breonna Taylor, the reluctance from the justice system to hold officers accountable, and the posthumous attempts to disparage victims by the media and law enforcement agencies are prime triggers of racial trauma (Bryant-Davis et al., 2017; Grills et al., 2016; Smith Lee & Robinson, 2019). Racial trauma refers to a complex psychological phenomenon resulting from exposure to acts of racism (including police killings) for racial and ethnic minority groups like Black people in the US, which can lead to a range of mental health consequences such as avoidance, numbing, hyperarousal, and internalized oppression (Carter, 2006; Carter et al., 2017; Polanco-Roman et al., 2016). According to Alang et al. (2020), seeing videos of police killings of unarmed Black people in the news, hearing stories of loved ones and friends who have experienced police violence, and fear of victimization can be racially traumatizing for Black people. Nevertheless, they are expected to go about their daily lives as though these events do not affect them. However, recent population health studies found that chronic exposure to police killings of unarmed Blacks do in fact affect the mental health of other Black people not only at the individual and community-level (Wilson et al., 2023; Hawkins, 2021; Smith Lee & Robinson, 2019; Staggers-Hakim, 2016), but also the population-level (Bor et al., 2018). Emerging literature also suggests that police killings can be deeply distressing and even debilitating for Black people, resulting in additional physical health effects such as increased levels of stress, high blood pressure, biological damages to the brain, and race-related fatigue (Alang et al., 2020; Wilson et al., 2023; Bryant-Davis et al., 2017; Grills et al., 2016).

Stress, Appraisal, and Coping Theory

Traumatic events are considered extraordinary, not because they are rare, but because unlike common human experiences, they overwhelm ordinary coping efforts and produce significant mental and physical stress (Grills et al., 2016; Herman, 1992). The stress, appraisal, and coping theory introduced by Lazarus and Folkman (1984) focuses on a person’s response to stressful life situations (e.g., police violence) and how they cope with these situations. This theory consists of two key processes: appraisal and coping. Appraisal refers to a person’s ability to evaluate and assess the impact of a particular stressor on their wellbeing (Folkman et al., 1986). Research suggests that Black victims of trauma may in fact make racial appraisals of their ability to effectively manage and respond to stressful situations (Wilson et al., 2023; McGuffey & Sharpe, 2015; Smith Lee & Robinson, 2019). Racial appraisals are shaped by a person’s awareness of their status within a racially marginalized group, historical knowledges, and institutional patterns of racism within US society (Smith Lee & Robinson, 2019). For example, a Black person hearing about a police killing of another unarmed Black person in the community or on the news might appraise this incident as a serious threat to their safety and fear that they too may be a victim of police violence.

How Black people appraise police killings of other unarmed Blacks and their ability to deal with the threat of victimization from the police also informs how they cope with these stressful events (Smith Lee & Robinson, 2019). Coping refers to a person’s efforts to manage a particular stressor (Folkman et al., 1986; Sharpe, 2015). Folkman et al. (1986) suggest that coping can be grouped into two main categories: problem-focused coping and emotion-focused coping. Problem-focused coping includes efforts to actively reduce or remove the stressor, and alter the situation via individual and interpersonal actions (Folkman et al., 1986; Schoenmakers et al., 2015). For instance, a Black person experiencing distress as a result of witnessing a police killing of an unarmed Black person via social media might engage in critical dialogues about race and the criminal justice system and/or or join local protests around police violence. Emotion-focused coping includes regulative efforts to manage and decrease emotional consequences of the stressor (e.g., distancing, self-controlling, seeking social support, positive reappraisal) (Folkman et al., 1986, p. 572). For example, a Black person may discuss feelings about recent incidents with loved ones and/or engage in stress-relieving activities such as yoga, hiking, or listening to music as a way to help cope with their distress from exposure to a police killing. According to Bryant-Davis et al. (2017), seeking emotional support from personal networks, including family members, is a common coping strategy for historically marginalized groups (i.e., Black people) who witness or experience racist events such as police killings. Consequently, some Black parents may seek to instill racial pride in their children as a way to teach them to be vigilant and resilient in the face of racial injustices such as police killings of unarmed Black people and to emotionally cope with the potentially harmful impacts of these events (Sewell et al., 2016b).

While trauma theory and stress, appraisal, and coping theory suggest that for Black people, police killings can be appraised as a significant stressor that impacts their coping responses (Carter, 2006; Folkman et al., 1986; Folkman et al., 1986; Sharpe, 2015; van der Kolk, 2014), there is little research that specifically examines the stress and coping efforts (whether problem-focused or emotion-focused) of Black people exposed to police killings (Hawkins, 2021; Smith Lee & Robinson, 2019). Thus, there is limited understanding of how such coping efforts mitigate the potentially harmful mental health effects of exposure to police killings.

Purpose of Study

The purpose of this qualitative study is to explore the coping efforts of Black undergraduate college students exposed to police killings of other unarmed Blacks and the impact of these efforts on students’ mental health. Additionally, this study explored students’ perceptions of the long-term effects of chronic exposure to police killings on the coping efforts of students at individual and personal network levels. Given the repeated police killings of unarmed Black people across the nation and the lack of research exploring this phenomenon, this qualitative study is both critical and timely, as it seeks to provide an in-depth understanding of Black peoples’ lived experiences of police violence exposure, and thus fill an important gap in the literature. Furthermore, this study has the potential to raise public awareness of the mental impacts of police killings, which in turn can provide the grounds for future evidence-based interventions and systemic police reform. Specifically, this study asked the following research questions:

1. What emotion-focused and problem-focused strategies do Black college students use to cope with their exposures to police killings of other unarmed Black people?

It is important to note that in the current study, the researchers used the term personal networks to refer specifically to people that participants know and are closely related to such as parents, grandparents, siblings, and friends. These groups of people often share certain characteristics (i.e., race, gender), social histories, interactions, and lived experiences (McMillan & Chavis, 1986), as well as values, norms, and sense of belonging (MacQueen et al., 2001).

Participants

The sample was recruited from historically black colleges and universities (HBCUs) in South Carolina, three private and one public. It consisted of 15 self-identified Black male and 15 self-identified Black female undergraduate students, ages 18-28 (M = 20.8, SD = 2.023), Student classification ranged from freshman to senior (47% seniors, 23% juniors, 20% sophomores, 10% freshmen). Participants were from various academic disciplines including chemistry, criminal justice, psychology, mass communication, environmental engineering, political science, business administration, and cyber security (see Supplemental material in Appendix A for demographic data).

Interview Protocol

Qualitative interviews and focus groups were guided by semi-structured interview protocols (Charmaz, 2014; Daly, 2007; Maxwell, 2013). The interview protocol provided a detailed outline of open-ended interview questions and follow-up questions critical for eliciting in-depth responses about participants’ experiences of exposure to police killings of unarmed Black people, while also offering flexibility based on participant responses and the flow of each individual interview (Charmaz, 2014; Daly, 2007). The protocol was reviewed and approved by the research team prior to data collection to ensure that necessary contents were included in order to collect reliable interview data and answer the study’s research questions.

The interview protocol included questions to gain understanding about participants’ first remembered experience of a police killing of an unarmed Black person and subsequent police killings. Participants were also asked about how they learned of police killings (e.g., witnessing the event in-person, seeing stories on the news, listening to the radio, word of mouth, reading the newspaper, watching videos on social media) and how often they were exposed to these incidents. Additional questions focused on participants’ emotional reactions to police killings (such as noticeable changes in mood, sleep patterns, eating habits, daily activities, and social life) (American Psychiatric Association, 2013; van der Kolk, 2014), and the last time they were stopped or confronted by the police. Lastly, participants were asked about how police killings affect people in their personal networks—people they know and are closely connected to (e.g., parents, grandparents, siblings, friends)—and how the experiences of these people directly affect them (Barsade, 2002; Elfenbein, 2014).

Procedure

The sample population was chosen for several reasons. First, given that HBCUs provide access to a large Black student population. Also, HBCUs are shown to have welcoming campus environments (Bracey, 2017; Chen et al., 2014; Hardy et al., 2019), and a strong history of addressing issues impacting the Black community (Crewe, 2017), which make them uniquely positioned to facilitate a supportive context for difficult conversations about police killings, as compared to predominately White institutions (Crewe, 2017; Tobolowsky et al., 2005). Second, due to the salience of their age, and the context of race and police violence in the US, Black college students are an ideal population to study the mental health effects of exposure to police killings. Third, research indicates that Black male and female young adults are disproportionately more likely than other age and racial groups to be killed by police (Jacobs, 2017; Swaine & McCarthy, 2017). Additionally, the projected age range (18–28 years old) of undergraduate Black college students for this study also reflects the ages of many unarmed Black people killed by police in recent years including the deaths of Michael Brown (18 years old), Freddie Gray (25 years old), Elijah McClain (23 years old), and Breonna Taylor (26 years old). Finally, Black young adults have high rates of social media use (e.g., Facebook, Instagram, Twitter) with immediate access to information on the internet such as images and live-stream footage of unarmed Black people being killed by police (Pew Research Center, 2019), which may increase their risk of mental harm related to exposure to traumatic events online (Tynes et al., 2019).

To be eligible to participate in the study, students completed an online inclusion criteria verification survey in Google Forms created by the first author. Students who identified as US born Black/African American, currently enrolled as an undergraduate student at one of the four HBCUs in South Carolina, were of the 18–28 years of age, and reported exposure to one or more police killings of an unarmed Black person via any of the following exposure types: witnessing the event in-person, seeing stories on television news, listening to the radio, through word of mouth, reading the newspaper, and being on social media platforms (e.g., Facebook, Instagram, YouTube, Twitter) were qualified to participate in the study. The first author invited eligible participants to participate in individual interviews.

Black undergraduate student participants were recruited using purposive and snowball sampling by the first author (Sadler et al., 2010; Suen et al., 2014). Due to the global outbreak of COVID-19, face-to-face recruitment was suspended and virtual recruitment was the primary approach. With the permission of university officials at each HBCU in the study, digital flyers were distributed and other email communication to student organizations/clubs and faculty networks were sent out to increase awareness and participation in the study. Additionally, colleagues known by the PI at each HBCU were asked to share information about the study on campus listservs and assist with recruitment efforts. Finally, using a snowball sampling approach, study participants were asked to share information about the study with their peers to increase study participation (Sadler et al., 2010).

The data collection process for this study was consistent with grounded theory methodology (i.e., theoretical sampling), which reflects an iterative process of data collection and analysis useful for staying engaged with emerging data (Charmaz, 2014). The first author conducted individual in-depth qualitative interviews with 30 Black undergraduate students from four HBCUs in South Carolina during the Spring and Summer of 2020. Due to the global health pandemic, interviews were conducted and audio-recorded via Zoom virtual software using the semi-structured interview guide described above. Most individual interviews lasted approximately 45–60 minutes each, although five lasted approximately 90 minutes. After every 10 individual interviews, the first author began initial analysis of the data and the first and second authors reviewed the analyses at two-week intervals throughout data collection (Charmaz, 2014). This process allowed the first author to use early analyses to inform and guide subsequent interviews and to validate and accelerate emerging insights (Charmaz, 2014). The first author repeated this process until all 30 participant interviews were complete. At the end of their interviews, students were invited to participate in a focus group with the other participants from their campus and were able to decline without penalty.

The first author conducted four follow-up focus groups (one per HBCU) with 26 of the 30 students who participated in the individual interviews. The focus groups were used to confirm and elaborate findings gathered from individual interviews and advance analysis needed to reach theoretical saturation (Charmaz, 2014). Three focus groups had six participants and one had eight. Focus groups were also conducted via Zoom and lasted approximately 60 minutes each. Due to scheduling conflicts, four students who participated in the individual interviews were unable to participate in focus groups. Students who participated only in interviews received $15 incentives. Students who participated in both interviews and focus groups received $35 incentives. At the end of each interview and focus group, the first author allocated 5–10 minutes to debrief with participants about their experience with the research process and discuss support services and campus resources at each HBCU.

Ethics

This study received approval from the first author’s university Institutional Review Board (IRB) and from each HBCU’s IRB. The first author obtained informed consent from all students in this study. In addition, focus group participants were asked to read and sign a focus group consent form and non-disclosure statement as safeguards to better protect confidentiality of research data. Given the sensitive nature of this study, the consent form discussed potential psychological risks. Importantly, the first author used her clinical background and unique strengths as a social worker to convey empathy and sensitivity, gauge whether questions may be triggering to participants by paying attention to responses and gestures, and redirect questions when needed.

Data Analysis Plan

Interviews and focus groups were audio recorded, transcribed using Rev transcription service, and de-identified. De-identified data were stored on a secure, password-protected laptop. Qualitative analysis (i.e., coding) was conducted using NVivo qualitative analysis software with de-identified data only. Grounded theory methods were used to inductively analyze transcript data from individual and focus group interviews (Charmaz, 2014; Glaser & Strauss, 2000). Grounded theory is an inductive approach that enables researchers to remain “open” to emerging insights in the research process to develop theory in under-researched areas (Charmaz, 2014; Coyne & Cowley, 2006). This approach is especially well-suited to analyze and explain how exposure to racialized police killings contribute to poor mental health outcomes for Black people (Smith Lee & Robinson, 2019). Furthermore, grounded theory is widely used in qualitative research with racial minorities as it helps to ground their perspectives and lived experiences in history and social context (Calvert et al., 2020; Smith Lee & Robinson, 2019).

Grounded theory analysis involved an iterative process of analyzing transcripts using open, axial, and selective coding. During open coding, the first author coded lines of data (line-by-line coding), and coded actual words and phrases used by participants in the interviews (in-vivo coding) as a way to flag significant meanings or experience and stick close to the data (Charmaz, 2014). During axial coding, she used codes from the open coding process and organized them into categories, and then compared the properties and dimensions of each category to others (Charmaz, 2014). Finally, during selective coding, she identified core categories from the axial coding process and integrated them into an overarching theory to address the research questions in this study (Charmaz, 2014; Vollstedt & Rezat, 2019).

Emerging analyses from individual interview data were also used to inform understanding and interpretation of focus group data, and in turn, analyses from focus groups data were compared to data gathered from individual interviews to examine for overlaps or discrepancies (Charmaz, 2014). During the analysis, the first author wrote process notes to document new insights that emerged from the data and reviewed these insights in-depth with the second author during bi-weekly meetings (Wilson et al., 2023). This peer-review strategy helped to accelerate the analysis process, establish space for the researchers to discuss and revise the research codes, and increase the study’s trustworthiness and validity (Wilson et al., 2023; Charmaz, 2014; Maxwell, 2013).

Positionality

The first author, a Black woman and licensed social worker with a background in social activism around police violence in Black communities, served as the primary researcher for data collection and analysis in the study. The second author is a white male social work professor with extensive qualitative research experience in community violence and faith-based social services. The third author is a Black woman and associate professor in social work with over 31 years of military service, and clinical expertise in health-equity research. The fourth author, a Black male department chair in social work, has research expertise on interpersonal forms of violence, youth violence, and community civic engagement. The fifth author is a Black woman and social work professor with over 30 years of research experience related to topics on Black males, family caregivers, and Black faculty at predominantly white institutions. Finally, the sixth author is a white woman and associate professor in education with expertise in the use of qualitative research methods and critical race theory to address inequities in k-20 educational settings.

To reduce biases and threats to the validity of the study influenced by positionality, the first author incorporated method triangulation into the study’s research design, individual interviews and focus group interviews (Maxwell, 2013). In addition, the first author used focus groups to gather participants’ input on emerging analyses and conclusions through the process of member-checking, which Maxwell (2013) argues is useful for ruling out misunderstandings and misinterpretations, and establishing validity. To further increase the study’s trustworthiness, the first author wrote reflexive memos after each interview to document and process emotions, reflect on dilemmas in the research process and clarify assumptions (Maxwell, 2013). Finally, to enhance inter-reliability in the coding process and analysis, the first author met bi-weekly with the second author to discuss their responses to analytic codes and research findings (Birks et al., 2008).

Employing Emotion-Focused Coping Strategies

Throughout the course of their interviews, students identified several emotion-focused coping strategies—regulative efforts to decrease the emotional consequences of police killings (see Supplemental material in Appendix B). Given the stressful and traumatic nature of police killings, these coping strategies shed light on the various efforts to buffer adverse mental health impacts. While some of the strategies serve other purposes (e.g., learning), in this study they were used as ways to distract from distressing emotions. The following codes address the study’s first and second research questions.

Taking Breaks from Social Media was defined as “Intentionally limiting exposure to videos and information about police killings via social media.” Almost all students (93%) reported that in the aftermath of a police killing of an unarmed Black person, they physically and mentally unplug from mobile devices and social media platforms (e.g., Facebook, Instagram, Twitter, Snapchat) for hours, days, or sometimes weeks. They told how decreasing their consumption of videos and images of police killings online reduces stress and protects their mental wellbeing. As Imani stated, “When these killings happen, I can’t watch them, and I have to step away from social media for a while because . . . I just know they will mess up my spirit. I’m not going to do that to myself because I know I’ll be really pissed off.” To cope with repeated police killings, Travis explained how he took a break from social media to engage in extracurricular activities or simply rest:

With these incidents happening back-to-back, I deal with them by shutting down my phone. . . like take a mental break from social media for days. I turn my phone off, put it down, and I'll go read a book or go work out or just rest.

While students expressed the emotional dangers of consuming videos of police killings, and the need for mental breaks from social media, they also discussed social expectations to stay informed and up-to-date with incidents of police killings. For example, Tony described the pros and cons of watching video of the police killing of George Floyd online, while emphasizing the external and internal pressures that influenced his decision:

It's like you want to protect your energy, but you want to be informed about what’s going on. And then there's the societal pressure to watch the video because if you ignore it, then you're not a part of the movement, and you’re choosing to ignore Black issues. But I’m like, “No, I'm just taking care of my sanity so that I'm able to do what I can for the movement.” I constantly felt that pressure, like that guilt. . . if you don't watch the videos, then you're not really for the cause. So, I finally watched the video on Facebook.

Although Tony described pressures to watch video of the George Floyd killing, he expressed a unique combination of homage and relief after watching the video online. He further explained,

But after I watched it, I did kind of get a sense of relief. It was a weird feeling. I felt like I did my due diligence. I felt like I had paid my respects to the movement. I still was hurt, but I felt like maybe that was something that George would’ve wanted me to do.

Focusing on Schoolwork was defined as “Distracting time and energy away from thinking about police killings by focusing on academics.” Of all students, 53% reported focusing on schoolwork as a strategy to cope with police killings of unarmed Black people. For example, Shayla described how she focused on making good grades and excelling in her academic studies in order to deal with traumas from the police killing of 26-year-old Breonna Taylor:

I just tried to stay focused on my studies. Of course, it was traumatic for me to learn what happened to Breonna . . . but I just tried to stay focused on my work and get good grades.

In a particularly jarring example, Maurice explained the struggle of focusing on schoolwork, while simultaneously focusing on not being killed by the police. He shared,

I just dig more into my books. But even when I do that . . . it’s like, oh, do a little schoolwork, but while you’re doing your schoolwork, focus on not dying and getting killed by police..

Disconnecting from White Peers was defined as “Distancing from White friends and associates because of their offensive comments related to police killings.” Of all students, 67% reported breaking off friendships with White peers, including “unfriending” them on social media due to their defense of officers’ actions, and justification of harm against Black people. Students told how disconnecting from White peers protects their emotional peace because they control what they see on their social media platforms, and do not have to worry about responding to racially insensitive comments. Courtney described how she removed several White peers from her Facebook friend’s list after seeing their offensive posts about the police killing of 32-year-old Philando Castile:

I remember removing a bunch of racist, White peers I had in high school from my Facebook page because they were posting very ignorant things, like showing their asses! They were like, “Oh, the officer was right, or maybe he should have been killed.” Nothing justifies the police killing someone like that. So, I removed them from my friend’s list because I was upset and arguing. If you have that viewpoint, I don't want to be friends with you, even on social media.

Similar to Courtney, Deon explained how he dissociated himself from White peers because of their insensitive statements about the police killing of George Floyd. He asserted, “I distanced myself from my White friends because I would constantly try to have conversation with them online, and all they did was defend the officer who killed George Floyd. It’s like, dang, these are the same people you hang around with . . like it was an eye-opener.”

Deon further explained how the remarks of his former White friends not only raised questions about their perception of George Floyd, but also their perceptions of him—a Black male:

I started to question, how do they feel about me? Because if they look at George Floyd like a thug, do they think that of me? Even though we were friends, these are Black people that look like me, dress like me, hair like me. . . so that means you’re looking down on me, too. That's the moment I literally. . . I lost all of my White friends.

While students mentioned disconnecting from White peers on social media platforms, they also told how they distanced themselves from White peers in-person, particularly in the workplace. Nate recounted unsettling instances where he disengaged in conversation with White coworkers, and sat alone during lunch to avoid being triggered by their comments. He shared,

I was coming to work, being around White people, seeing the shootings, hearing them justifying these killings. I dreaded coming to work. I wouldn’t say anything to anybody because I was tired. I would sit outside by myself during lunch breaks to get some fresh air. I wanted to be alone by myself, and my Blackness as much as possible.

Offering Counternarratives about Victims was defined as “Refuting dominant narratives about deceased victims of police killings and providing a different perspective.” Of all students, 60% reported countering stories and stereotypic depictions of deceased victims in the media as a way to cope with police killings. Specifically, students told how they employed counternarratives to challenge dominant discourses that insult and disparage the character of deceased victims and conceal police officers’ involvement in their deaths. For example, Jessica explained how it was not only important, but also therapeutic for her to offer counternarratives about the life and death of Breonna Taylor:

She had so much potential. Like, she wasn't in the bad crowds or drugs like the media says. So, it’s critical for me to tell a different story about how she was killed, and how she was trying to make a better life for herself.

Students’ counternarratives also broadened to include efforts to humanize victims of police killings instead of viewing them as just another hashtag. They told how humanizing Black people killed by the police is a coping strategy to remember victims in a positive light as opposed to their negative and dehumanizing portrayal in the media. Travis explained, “They’re not just taking Black people, they’re taking parents, daughters, and sons. . . people who are loved by their families. George Floyd is more than just another hashtag. . . like his daughter ain’t got a father no more. When I think about it like that, it grounds me and lets me know that we need change now.” Although Destiny expressed many counternarratives about Breonna Taylor, she wrestled with several unanswered questions surrounding her death:

She's somebody's daughter. She could’ve changed a whole bunch of stuff in this world for good. She had so much more life to live. Like, why are they able to stop her life like that? What gave them the right to do that?

In addition to offering counternarratives about deceased victims, students mentioned that they create counternarratives about themselves to deal with police killings. As a Black male, Larry explained how it is critical for him to construct personal counternarratives to not just cope with police killings, but to challenge the racial stereotypes that could be imposed on him if he is killed by the police:

I’m not gonna lie, when I see these police killings of Black men, I have to constantly remind myself that I'm a Black man, I wear suits, I don't sag my pants, I’m not a thug, and I don't have a criminal record. . . I’m in college bettering myself. I don’t fit the narratives they put on Black men or the ones killed by police. But, those are the lies they’ll if the police killed me.

Celebrating Small Victories was defined as “Appreciating the current change happening in law enforcement and the legal system.” Of all students, almost half (47%) reported celebrating the small yet noticeable progress being made to hold officers accountable as a way to cope with police killings. They told how necessary it is to remain mindful and grounded in the current change taking place in policing, as this provides a glimpse of hope for the future, and distracts from the long and painful history of unchecked police violence. Shayla explained how the recent conviction and sentencing of police officer, Derek Chauvin, in the death of George Floyd triggered a sense of relief and hope for real justice—even if temporary:

The George Floyd case was the first one that I remember that an officer actually got a guilty verdict, and he got 22 years. It made me feel like they can't get away with this no more. And if you do this, you're going to jail, no more free passes for killing Black people. So, it just gave me some hope. . . even if it was only for a moment.

In their attempts to celebrate the small steps toward change in policing, students also mentioned taking time to celebrate joy in their lives. Richard explained how the conviction of Derek Chauvin prompted him to appreciate moments of happiness in his life. He stated, “All I know is like when I heard that the officer was getting charged, it was like you know, I can breathe now, George Floyd got some justice. This even made me start to just appreciate life more and find some happiness in ways that I can.”

While students mentioned efforts to celebrate happiness and appreciate officer convictions, they also expressed cautious optimism about the future of policing for Black people. Essentially, students raised concerns about real, long-term punishment for officers who unjustly harm Black people. Devante explained,

We gone need this type of action to continue for other officers.. But who’s to say it will, cause’ this ain’t always how these killings end up for Black people. So, I’m really not confident about the future when it comes to police.

Leaning on Support Systems was defined as “Seeking emotional support and comfort from close loved ones.” All students reported reaching out to people in their personal networks—such as parents, grandparents, siblings, and friends—through text messages, group chats, phone calls, or in in-person conversations to cope with police killings. They told how close loved ones provided a safe space for them to vent feelings about police killings and receive emotional validation. Corey recounted a conversation with his parents following the death of Breonna Taylor:

I talked to my parents about it, and they felt the same. I think hearing my parents say, “Yeah we understand and agree with your feelings” made me feel like I wasn’t trippin.’

In a gripping example, Trey described how he was comforted by his cousins after watching video of the George Floyd killing:

I remember being at my cousins’ house after watching the video. I just started crying a lot, and shaking. . . and they were asking me what was wrong. They knew how serious it was because they stopped, and asked, "What's wrong?” I showed them the video, and they were like, "Yeah, I understand now."

Students also mentioned seeking emotional support from close friends, particularly college friends from their HBCUs. Jada explained how she felt comfortable venting feelings about police killings to college friends due to their shared HBCU connection:

A lot of my college friends and I were in a group chat over the summer. . . it was a space for me to talk about my feelings about these incidents.. I just felt comfortable to talk about it because we’re at an HBCU, and I felt like they trusted me to share how they felt.

Beyond a space to share feelings about police killings, students described how their group of college friends functioned as a support network to prepare for encounters with police. Jacob explained,

I have a friend group with students from my HBCU, and we talked about incidents, like George Floyd and others. We talked about what we would have done if that ever happens to us. We’re kinda like a support system.

Suppressing Emotions, “Not Fully Dealing” with Policing Killings was defined as “Consciously shutting out emotions related to police killings.” When asked how they cope with police killings, 63% of students reported temporarily blocking out emotions as a way to lessen the oppressive cognitive load of police killings and protect themselves from further emotional pain. They also identified specific reasons for suppressing their emotions after learning of a police killing. The first reason is that police killings of unarmed Black people are a routine phenomenon in US society. As Jordan stated, “I hate to say it, but it’s a recurring thing, the new normal. As in, a Black person gets killed this week, and we’ll be talking about another one next week. So, I keep my feelings tucked in waiting for the next case.” Ricky explained how the overwhelming frequency of police killings caused him to bury emotions and question if he is truly coping with these traumatic incidents:

It's like you never fully deal with it because as soon as you think you're getting over it, there's another one, and another one.. How do I really cope with something that keeps happening so many times? Like, I’m just burying my emotions. . . cause honestly the wound just never gets to close. It’s like, damn, you can’t even get your hopes up, because almost every other day, a Black person gets murdered by police.

The second reason students avoided confronting their emotions related to police killings is that they feel like they have no real power to stop police violence against Black people. Serenity asserted, “There is nothing I can do to stop these incidents. Like, if there was something that I can do to change this from happening again, I would.” Monique described how her lack of control over police killings and diminished trust in the legal system caused her to suppress emotions:

We get out here and protest, but we know we have no control over it at the end of the day. Justice ain’t guaranteed.. We can’t even trust the courts to do what’s right. So, I can’t get my emotions riled up, I can’t. I just keep them to the back of my mind.

Another reason students pushed away their emotions related to police killings is that police violence is a by-product of structural racism, and because racism is endemic to US society, these incidents will “never end.” Maurice explained how his historical knowledge of policing in the US influenced his present-day response to police killings:

Incidents like this is nothing new. Police killing Black people has been happening for decades. Just look at slavery, Jim Crow, and segregation. Tthey don’t have any intentions on stopping because the police was never meant to protect Black people.. Hell, America was never designed for us. I know the history, so I don’t invest my emotions no more.

Like Maurice, Richard described how the racist origins of US policing, and the imminence of police violence impacted his ability to process feelings related to police killings:

If history repeats itself, these killing will continue to happen. The only reason we have police is because of runaway slaves. If you look at the badges, they're the same. So how can we expect them to serve justice, when that was never their original purpose? It becomes hard to think about your feelings when you know these killings gonna continue.

The final reason students suppressed their emotions related to police killings is that blocking emotions preserved optimism and hope for change in policing, whereas facing emotions triggered feelings of helplessness, and a deep realization of the injustices against Black people by police. Carmen described how ‘not dealing’ with her emotions provided an escape from the harsh reality of police violence, and buffered against feelings of defeat:

I feel like I have not been dealing with my emotions because it just brings a little bit more reality to situations when I do. I feel like if I deal with it completely, then I will get a complete sense of defeat, like helplessness about the situation. And feel like what's the purpose if I fight for justice when nothing will change. So, by tucking them away, I stay in my own lil’ fantasy that things will get better.

Carmen further explained how numbing her emotions keeps her from facing the disturbing fact that she, too, could be killed by the police:

I'm not saying I won’t do nothing about this issue. . . what I am saying is just that it don't matter who I am, I'm Black, and they can kill me. So, I have to kinda’ become numb to my feelings and give myself a false reality of thinking. . . as long as I do what I'm supposed to do, I’ll be alright. But the reality is this could happen to me.

Employing Problem-Focused Coping Strategies

In addition to their emotion-focused strategies, students identified problem-focused coping strategies—efforts to reduce or eliminate the incidence of police killings (see Supplemental material in Appendix B). Though few, these strategies expose possible solutions to eradicate the problem of police violence against unarmed Black people. The following codes address the study’s first and second research questions.

Engaging in Activism was defined as “Partaking in social justice efforts that denounce police violence and call for reform in policing.” All students reported participating in various advocacy efforts—such as protests, rallies, discussion panels, and online petitions—to fight against police killings, and demand punishment for involved officers. They told how engaging in activism provided an outlet to speak to the pain of their rage, and cope with the traumas of persistent police violence. Brittany explained how she participated in local activism following the 2020 police killing of George Floyd, despite being in the midst of a global health pandemic:

I was going to rallies and protests, even though we were in a pandemic. Of course, it was some risks with that, you know, we were taking precautions. We were locked down in the house, but for my mental sanity, I needed to get out the house. I had to be out there and stand with my people.

Several students also expressed how modern-day activism around police violence resembled earlier social justice movements led by Black people, including their grandparents. Travis explained,

I went to the protests like Black Lives Matter. . . and it felt like something, you know, out a history book. I felt like, in a couple years, I’ll be in the news. . . in the history books. The protests for George Floyd felt like something Black people did from back in the day. I witnessed the police officers all lined up blocking the road with rubber, pellet guns, tear gas, dogs, shields. . . it was awful. It was like the 1960s all over again. My grandparents marched in the Civil Rights movement, and here we are still marching for the same things.

While students mentioned engaging in protests against police killings, they also discussed the dangers associated with their activism. As Imani stated, “They had the National Guard on the roof with snipers, and White people driving by with Confederate flags on their trucks. . . like threatening people. It was really scary to be out there.” In an especially troubling example, Tony recounted instances where he reckoned with the possibility of dying a martyr for social justice:

I remember going to protests around South Carolina and feeling like I was going to die. I was almost certain that I was going to die, but I was honestly okay with that because I knew what I was marching for. . . the justice of my people.

In addition to their ‘boots on the ground’ activism, students mentioned engaging in various forms of digital activism to cope with the traumas of police killings. Shante explained,

I was on social media talking about it, I was talking on my friends’ podcasts, I was making Snapchat videos, and posting videos about Black Lives Matter on Facebook. That’s how I dealt with my emotions. . . . by talking about it with others. So now, whenever I see a police murder, I use my social media pages to speak about it.

In a unique example, Anthony described how he used rap as a method to spread awareness about police killings. He shared,

I’m a rapper, so I will talk about it in my raps, too. Because sometimes hard for us to fully express ourselves in a way we would like to. So, when I hear about the police brutality I talk about that in my music.

Students also described how their media activism was influenced by their inability to attend protests in-person. Ricky explained, “If I can’t to get to a local protest, or whatever the case is, I still show support through social media because sometimes that is just as important. Getting people informed to begin with is just as important as actually being out there.” Toya recounted instances where she was instructed by her grandmother to stay home and not attend local protests due to safety concerns:

I remember days I really wanted to go to protests, but my grandmother was not allowing that. She was like, “Y'all not going. Stay home. I don’t want nothing to happen to y'all. So, I used my social media to speak out. I was upset, but looking back on it, I see where she was coming from.”

To expand their activist efforts, several students mentioned using their campus platforms to bring awareness to police killings. As Jessica stated, “When I was the Queen of something at my university, you know like the title I won, I would speak on issues of police killings, and the importance of demanding justice.” Richard also described how he used his campus title of Mr. Junior to speak out against police violence:

I'm pretty active on my HBCU campus.. So, you know, with my title as Mr. Junior, I held forums and I was always a panelist on someone's forum about police brutality.

Increasing Knowledge of Laws was defined as “Reading up on laws in order to challenge unlawful policing practices.” Less than half of students (43%) reported that in the aftermath of a police killing, they increased their awareness of laws to not only cope with police killings, but to advocate for justice for deceased victims. As Deon stated, “When I see a killing on the news, the first thing I do is dig into our current laws and figure out legal stuff. I look at laws and everything of that nature to challenge what the officer did because, like, you can tell it’s not right.” Shayla explained how the George Floyd police killing prompted her research laws to be able to confidently speak out against unconstitutional policing practices:

The George Floyd case was the one that made me research the laws. I just know I gotta stay informed so when I do say something, I’m educated about it.

Planning for Future Police Killings

Given their anticipation of police killings in the future, students identified several long-term problem-focused and emotion-focused coping strategies to reduce the incidence of police violence, and mitigate its harmful mental impacts (see Supplemental material in Appendix C). Unlike typical problem-focused and emotion-focused coping strategies employed in the aftermath of police killings, these coping strategies include proactive, future-oriented measures to prepare for and protect against police killings. They include preparation at both individual and personal network levels. To be specific, personal network-level preparation reveals how students’ efforts to plan for future police killings are not only shaped by their personal experiences, but the experiences of people close connected to them—such as parents, grandparents, siblings, and friends. The following codes address the study’s third research question.

Limitations

While this study presents significant insight into the emotion-focused and problem-focused coping strategies of Black college students exposed to police killings of other unarmed Black people, there are also limitations that warrant discussion. First, the sample was non-random and included students from HBCUs in South Carolina, only one state in the Deep South. In addition, the sample excluded Black students from predominately White institutions, and as a result, this absence may have overlooked the varied responses from exposure to police killings for Black students at predominantly White institutions as compared to HBCUs. As such, the sample was not representative of undergraduate Black college students in the US, nor representative of the age group of Black young adults. Second, this study explored the impact of police killings in the lives of students’ close personal networks solely from the perspectives of students, and thus did not include first-hand accounts from members of these personal networks.

Third, data collection took place during Spring and Summer of 2020—a period with repeated high-profile police killings and acts of anti-Black violence of unarmed Black people in the US (e.g., George Floyd, Breonna Taylor, Ahmaud Arbery). Although these events occurred in different states, miles away from participants in this study, the far-reaching impacts of these events (Bor et al., 2018; Hawkins, 2021) and the fact that data were collected during a time of incredible stress and racial tension in the US was apparent. Fourth, the global health pandemic tragically disrupted the IRB process for one of the participating HBCUs in the study, which limited our ability to move forward with the study in the projected timeframe. Moreover, the pandemic forced us to suspend face-to-face recruitment and rely heavily on virtual recruitment.

Fifth, this study focused on coping efforts of college students exposed to police killings of unarmed Black people, which involved students sharing intimate details about they deal with traumatic experiences of police violence exposure. Although the study included proactive measures such as a detailed section in the consent form on risks of the study and information on campus support services, we would be remiss not to mention the potential risks of psychological harm given the sensitive nature of the study. Finally, while we prepared for the emotional risks this study may pose for students, we inadvertently underestimated the mental toll this study would present particularly for the first author, who listened, transcribed, and analyzed the stories of people who look like her. Future studies exploring the experiences of Black people exposed to police killings should include efforts to mitigate the psychological risks not only for participants, but also for Black researchers who may relate to the traumas and lived experiences of participants.

Future Research

Despite these limitations, our study centered the voices and lived experiences of Black college students, and provided insight that is ripe for future research. For example, future studies might examine how HBCUs provide emotional and social supports that buffer Black college students from the negative mental impacts of police killings of unarmed Black people. However, future studies should consider the positionality of the researcher(s) as well as HBCU participants when implementing studies of this nature because this may impact students’ level of comfort and engagement. In addition, future research might examine the long-term impacts of emotion suppressing for Black college students exposed to police killings. Future qualitive research is also needed to understand and explore how the COVID pandemic exacerbated racial stress and impacted normal coping responses to traumatic events (i.e., police killings) for Black college students. Researchers should also seek to include the insights and perspectives of people in student’s personal networks which can provide a deepened understanding of the impacts of police killings beyond college students. Finally, given growing awareness of the disproportionate police violence against Black women in the US, future studies are needed to explore further what coping strategies Black female college students employ to avoid encounters with police, and examine how these strategies relate or differ to those of Black male college students. Thus, future research exploring the gender dynamics of students’ coping responses to police killings is critical.

Implications for Practice

Given the prevalence of police violence against Black people, we must begin to seriously question how repeated exposure to police killings not only affects the ability of Black college students to cope effectively in the aftermath of such events but takes a toll on their long-term mental health (Alang et al., 2020; Bryant-Davis et al., 2017). Thus, it is critical for clinical practitioners to understand the traumatic effects of police killings of unarmed Black people, and dedicate attention to exploring coping strategies that are grounded in the history and culture of Black people. By identifying, developing, and supporting culturally specific mental health interventions, practitioners can support effective coping skills to mitigate adverse health outcomes for Black people in the aftermath of police killings, and promote emotional healing and resilience. However, to implement such interventions, there is a need for more culturally competent mental health practitioners to address the historical and racial trauma experienced by Black clients/people (Hawkins, 2021). Based on their knowledges and expertise, Black and African-centered psychologists, social workers, and mental health providers may be especially equipped to address the traumas faced by Black people exposed to police killings and other racially traumatic events.

Conclusion

For people to cope with traumatic events, their brain and body must learn that danger has passed and the stressor is no longer present (van der Kolk, 2014). However, the ability to feel fully alive and live in the present is disturbed when the stress response and impulse to fight or flight are activated. What happens when the stress response is repeatedly triggered by social media posts showing the deaths of unarmed Black people by the police? Are Black college students living in a perpetual state of fear and high alert, prepared to experience violence at the hands of police at any time? Though it may seem virtually impossible that Black people have been able to overcome these tragedies, the current study that reveals many have done so over and over again through the use of various problem-focused and emotion-focused coping strategies (e.g., activism, social supports, self-care). However, in order for Black people and communities to effectively cope with and heal from the traumas of police killings, there needs to be systemic change in policing to eradicate the problem of police violence and its harmful effects.