“Move backward to make a step forward”: Understanding the migration of the highly educated to Sorong City,West Papua,Indonesia

Abstract

Highly educated people are mainly concentrated in big cities or metropolitan areas. However, some of them choose to move to less developed regions. Using information from in-depth interviews of 15 highly educated migrants that recently moved to Sorong City, a small city in easternmost Indonesia, this study examines the narratives behind their spatial movements. The findings show that promising career development is a critical factor in their migration decision-making process. Although most of them faced difficulties with the limited living amenities in Sorong city, the migrants managed to improve their employability and accelerate their social mobility. However, some migrants expressed their intentions to remigrate from the city in the future. This situation indicates the lack of migrants’ social integration and the challenges in the human capital accumulation in the region.

Keywords

internal migration highly educated migrants uneven development Indonesia

Introduction

Migration can be seen as a strategy to overcome the absence or limited opportunities for development. With their academic degrees, knowledge, and skills, individuals with higher education have more opportunities and incentives to migrate (Mulder, 1993; Rao, 2010). Thus, highly educated migrants have wider options in the labor markets in various locations that suit their capabilities and aspirations (Busch and Weigert, 2010; Crescenzi et al., 2017). Findings from his study of migration flows in European countries suggest that highly skilled individuals show less predictable and flexible spatial transition patterns (Engbersen, 2012). In Asian countries, such as China (Liu et al., 2017; Yu et al., 2019), Japan (He et al., 2016), and South Korea (Yoon and Kim, 2018), the main motivation for migration by highly educated individuals is to access better career opportunities. Therefore, their choice of destination areas is mainly toward more developed regions that offer extensive economic opportunities (Haussen and Uebelmesser, 2018; Yu et al., 2019).

Due to their limitations in providing diversified knowledge-based economic opportunities, peripheral regions, less developed districts, and small cities may not attract highly educated migrants. While these regions have been the less preferred destinations for the well-educated migrants, studies in Western countries show that they can highly educated migrants as these places can be an accelerator for migrants’ social mobility, particularly for young migrants at their early career stage (Corcoran et al., 2010; Martel et al., 2013; Hansen and Aner, 2017).

In Indonesia, migration flows are heavily concentrated to more developed regions in the western part of the country, such as metropolitan and big cities in Java and Sumatera Islands (Wajdi et al., 2017). This spatial pattern can be attributed to differentials in socio-economic development gaps and employment opportunities across regions (Muhidin, 2018). However, small cities and rural areas in East Indonesia have gained an increasing number of in-migrants in recent years (Sukamdi and Mujahid, 2015). Little is known about the migration dynamics of those who relocate from big cities to live in less developed regions, particularly the highly educated ones, the population group that has the highest likelihood to migrate in the country (Bernard and Bell, 2018). Thus, this paper examines the narratives of the well-educated migrants’ spatial transition to Sorong City, a small city in eastern Indonesia. It aims to extend the existing knowledge on highly educated migration by providing a more nuanced understanding of its spatial dynamics toward less preferred destination regions.

The context: Sorong City, West Papua

West Papua is one of the easternmost provinces in Indonesia established in 2003. Formerly a part of Papua Province, the establishment of the new province followed the regional proliferation in the post-Suharto period. The 2010 Population Census and 2015 Intercensal Survey reported that West Papua has been one of the main destinations of internal migrants, accounting for 8.1 percent and 7.8 percent of the recent migrant¹ population, respectively, the second highest proportion among provinces in the country (Statistics Indonesia, 2012, 2016a). In comparison with other main destination provinces, such as Riau Island, Jakarta, and Yogyakarta, this province has relatively lower level of human capital development. In fact, the province’s human capital development index is the second lowest in the country (Statistics Indonesia, 2018). However, about 15.6 percent of recent migrants to West Papua are tertiary graduates (Statistics Indonesia, 2016b), which is higher than the national level of 12.6 percent.

The district with the highest proportion of recent migrants in this province is Sorong City² (26.8 percent). While it is not the province’s capital, Sorong City has the highest population density among the districts in the province (Bappeda Kota Sorong, 2018). Formerly a sub-district of Sorong Regency, it obtained status as an autonomous city in 1999. Initially, the inhabitants of Sorong City only about 87,000 people, but it grew rapidly and reached more than 300,000 people in 2017 (Bappeda Kota Sorong, 2018). In terms of ethnic composition, the Population Census 2010 reported that only a third of the city’s inhabitants are Papuan natives; another third of the population comprise of various ethnic groups in Sulawesi Island, 19 percent has Maluku ethnic background, and 14 percent of them are Javanese.

Historically, Sorong Regency has been a prominent migration destination because of the development of the mining industry during the Dutch colonization era (Sukandar, 2017) and the state’s population resettlement program (transmigrasi) in the 1970s–1980s (Saprillah, 2011). After separating from the regency, Sorong City continued to attract migrants due to its important role as a gateway to other districts in the province. The increasing popularity of Raja Ampat islands as a tourist destination has also contributed to the rapid development of the city.³ In the past two decades, Sorong City has experienced rapid growth in various economic sectors—retail, transportation, hotel and accommodation, food and beverage, financial services, educational services, and government services.

The high demand for labor, particularly for highly skilled labor, cannot be met by the local population. Many of the locals prefer to work in the local government sector only, thereby creating a demand for workers in the private sector, which is filled by migrants. As reported in the Intercensal Survey 2015, among Sorong’s population aged 20–34 with tertiary degree, about 42 percent of them have lived in other provinces.

Data and methodology

This study is part of the “Migration and Human Capital Development” research project conducted in 2015–2018 by the Research Center for Population, Indonesian Institute of Sciences. In 2018, this project focused on the study of the migration of the highly educated to less developed region. We collected extensive information on the migration dynamics to Sorong by interviewing migrants, local government stakeholders, native youth and elderly key informants, and industrial and service sector employers. This paper focused on the migration dynamics from the perspectives of the migrants.

Data for this paper came from interviews of 15 tertiary-educated migrants. We initially collected information on the employment opportunities for the highly educated migrants in the city through interviews with local government stakeholders. The information collected was used as a guide in identifying companies where migrants are employed. We informed the organization/company about the purpose and background of our study as well as our criteria for the interviewees. We also considered the sex, areas of origin, and work sectors in the recruitment of interviewees. After securing the consent of the research participants, we scheduled face-to-face interviews at a time and place convenient to them. The semi-structured interviews were conducted by the authors in Indonesian and audio-recorded with the interviewees’ permission. The questions were designed to cover various aspects of migration dynamics, the decision-making process, working and living situations in Sorong, and migrants’ future plans. The transcripts of the interviews were analyzed using thematic analysis to identify common topics, ideas, and patterns of meaning that come up repeatedly during the interviews. The findings in this study are organized according to four main themes that emerged while examining the narratives of the migration dynamics. Initials are used to identify the research participants in this paper.

The age range of our study participants is from 24 to 32 years old, and they moved to Sorong City within the last three years. Of the 15 participants, nine are males. Two of them hold a diploma degree, four have a master’s degree, and the rest completed their bachelor’s degree. The background information of the research participants is presented in Table 1.

Table 1.

Background information of research participants.

	Interviewee	Sex	Age group	Marital status	Number of children	Highest education completed	Program of study	Place of birth (district, province)	Previous place of residence (if different from place of birth)	Migrated with family members?	Number of years residing in Sorong	Occupation	Intention to remigrate elsewhere
1	FY	Male	30–34	Married	0 (expecting)	Bachelor	Natural sciences	Wamena, Papua	Karawang, West Java	Yes	2	Bank manager	Yes
2	TS	Female	30–34	Married	0 (expecting)	Bachelor	ICT and engineering	Makassar, South Sulawesi	Jayapura, Papua	Yes	3	Staff in general attorney’s office	No
3	RK	Male	25–29	Unmarried	-	Bachelor	Law	Ponorogo, East Java	Semarang, Central Java	No	3	Paralegal staff	Yes
4	RA	Male	30–34	Unmarried	-	Bachelor	ICT and engineering	Jayapura, Papua	-	No	3	IT staff	Yes
5	NI	Female	30–34	Married	0 (expecting)	Diploma	Economics	Kebumen, Central Java	South Jakarta, Jakarta	Yes	1	Accounting staff	Yes
6	SK	Male	25–29	Married	1	Master	Natural sciences	Bulukumba, South Sulawesi	Semarang, Central Java	Yes	3	Lecturer	No
7	HY	Female	30–34	Married	0	Master	Social sciences	Bone, South Sulawesi	Makassar, South Sulawesi	Yes	3	Lecturer	No
8	IB	Male	30–34	Married	1	Master	Social sciences	Selayar, South Sulawesi	Morotai, North Maluku	Yes	1	Lecturer	No
9	RD	Male	30–34	Married	0	Master	Economics	Ngada, East Nusa Tenggara	Makassar, South Sulawesi	Yes	2	Lecturer	No
10	LM	Female	Below 25	Married	0	Bachelor	Economics	Tegal, Central Java	Jayapura, Papua	Yes	1	Administration staff	Yes
11	AN	Female	25–29	Unmarried	-	Diploma	Health	Luwu, South Sulawesi	-	No	2	Hotel employee	Yes
12	MS	Female	25–29	Unmarried	-	Bachelor	Social sciences	Ambon, Maluku	-	No	1	Hotel employee	Yes
13	SG	Male	25–29	Married	0	Bachelor	Economics	Makassar, South Sulawesi	-	No	2	Marketing staff	Yes
14	RY	Male	25–29	Married	0	Bachelor	Law	Lumajang, East Java	-	No	3	Marketing executive	No
15	AR	Male	30–34	Married	1	Bachelor	Social sciences	Makassar, South Sulawesi	-	No	3	Marketing staff	Yes

Findings

Moving for personal accomplishment

This study found that migrants’ expectations about their future life and career played an important role in their decision to migrate and their choice of destination areas. Many respondents shared that their decision to move to Sorong was based on the expectation of better career prospects:

At first, I wanted to work in the city where I took my undergraduate degree. But I also wanted to experience working in a different living environment. Some of my acquittances suggested me to move to a city with a low level of educational attainment because it could give me better career opportunities. (SK, male, lecturer, three years in Sorong)

My central office offered me a job transfer. Although there were various options, I chose a new branch in Sorong because it was accompanied by a job promotion. If I moved to more established branches, it would take a longer time to get a promotion because they usually prioritize senior staff. (FY, male, bank manager, two years in Sorong)

The personal background of the highly educated migrants also influenced their migration processes. Previous migration experiences and cultural norms, for instance, have been seen to be supporting narratives in their migration trajectories. Highly educated migrants move to enhance human capital accumulation and welfare improvement (Engbersen, 2012; Guhlich, 2017). This study found that many informants have previous migration experience before moving to Sorong, mainly for pursuing tertiary education. In addition, cultural norms also affect migration behavior. Some ethnic groups or communities value migration as an important means to obtain high social status (Easthope and Gabriel, 2008). Therefore, communities with a strong migration culture have a view that success in life would be more meaningful when it is achieved out of the hometowns. The narratives by TS and AR suggest how this cultural factor shaped their migration trajectories.

I started to migrate when I was entering senior high school and I moved again when I attended university. Sorong is the second region I moved to after I finished my undergraduate degree. (TS, female, legal staff, three years in Sorong)

The elders in my hometown always say that boys need to experience living in other regions. It is important to learn to live in other hometowns. That’s why I started to migrate since I went for university. (AR, male, marketing staff, three years in Sorong)

Coping with fewer living amenities

Social integration in the destination areas has been a major concern of the highly educated migrants. One of the primary challenges of the migrants’ integration in Sorong is related to fewer living amenities. Most migrants have no experience of living or visiting this city. They tried to gather information about this region in the mass media, social networking sites and online newspapers. However, most of their initial impressions about this city were on the negative side, as expressed by RK and NI.

From what I’ve heard, I thought the living situation was really undeveloped. Thus, I brought a lot of things when I first came here, such as mosquito repellent, clothing iron, even a gas stove. I thought that it would be very hard to find such things in Sorong. (RK, male, paralegal staff, three years in Sorong)

At first, I thought it would be very hard to socialize here since they have limited access to information and technology. They would not understand if I talked about the current trends in social media or popular movie nowadays. (NI, female, accounting staff, one year in Sorong)

Since the interviewees mainly originated from big cities, they considered the fewer amenities in Sorong as a downgrade when compared with their previous social environment. They found the limited public amenities and leisure facilities as a major disadvantage in living in Sorong. They also expressed concerns about the safety aspects in Sorong.

Shopping for meat and fruits here is expensive, and the options are limited. Clothes are also costly; it can be three times the price in Jakarta. Also, it’s difficult to have 3D ultrasounds for my pregnancy. Only one clinic offers this service and there’s always a long queue for a check-up there. (NI, female, accounting staff, one year in Sorong)

My rented house was burglarized just a few weeks after I arrived here. I moved house many times after that incident because I found it hard to find a safe place to live in. I also avoided going out at night. I used to go out whenever I wanted to, but here, I stayed home and locked my house after 6 pm. (HY, female, lecturer, three years in Sorong)

The lack of interaction between migrants and the local residents was apparent. Migrants tend to choose to live in areas where other migrants are as they perceive these areas safer and more comfortable for them.

I share the house with my migrant colleagues. My neighbors are mainly migrants too, and they come from various regions. My colleagues suggested to avoid to live in areas with many locals, so I only know a few Papuans here and we are not close to each other. (MS, female, hotel employee, one year in Sorong)

With all the negative sentiments about the living situation in Sorong, highly educated migrants can still point out some positive aspects of social life in Sorong. They acknowledged that living in a small city has its own perks, such as less traffic and pollution. Also, they can have more time to be spent with their family and friends. Moreover, the openness of the community to the diversity of cultural and religious backgrounds in this city is also applauded by the migrants. In the recent times, the participants also experienced improvement in terms of public leisure and social amenities in Sorong, as discussed by AR and TS:

It’s still a pity because there’s no mall and movie theatre here but there’s a lot of new cafés to hang out nowadays. Another good thing is we have 4G phone network now, also public Wi-Fi hotspots are more available. It is a really good change compared to the first time I arrived here.

The restaurant chains that I usually visit in my previous city didn’t have branches here until recently. There are also rumours that a movie theatre would be built next year.

Other public spheres that can become meeting places for migrant and local communities are places of worship and neighborhood gatherings. These places allow interaction between people with diverse social backgrounds. However, our informants in this study have not optimized their socializing experiences in such places.

Enhanced employability

Employability refers to an individual’s capability to enter labor market and move from one job market to another. Workers with a high level of employability are those with excellent qualifications and possess soft skills, such as flexibility and adaptability (Green and Turok, 2000). This study found that migration to Sorong has an important role in enhancing migrants’ employability despite facing a working environment that is considerably different to their previous experience. One of the challenges is related to the diversity of socio-cultural backgrounds in this city, as mentioned by RY.

I need to learn different ethnic dialects so I can customize the way I talk and negotiate with clients with various ethnic backgrounds. In my previous city that is more homogeneous, I never had this kind of experience. (RY, male, marketing executive, three years in Sorong)

This study also found that working in a less developed region is also associated with a delayed adaptation of digital technology and they had to handle workloads beyond their job descriptions. This situation requires flexibility. RA and TS indicated that this situation indirectly improved their work skills because they are required to learn things beyond their expertise.

Many employees in my office are not familiar with computerized work systems. I need to teach staff in other departments about e-office system. Therefore, I applied for various training related to computer applications and shared all things I gained from the training. (RA, male, IT staff, three years in Sorong)

I was initially an IT staff, but then my office experienced a staff shortage in the administrative section, so I was asked to take care of both IT and administrative works. It was difficult because I totally had zero knowledge of the administrative jobs and I don’t understand lots of law-related terms at first, but now I’m getting the hang of it. (TS, female, legal staff, three years in Sorong)

Highly educated migration is expected to bring about innovation and knowledge transfer, particularly to native workers in destination region (Faggian et al., 2017). However, only a few local workers are employed in migrant-dominant sectors in the city. Thus, the efforts to improve the native population’s capability through skills and knowledge by highly educated migrants in labor market is challenging in Sorong.

There are about 50 employees in my office, but only three are locals. I rarely interacted with the locals at work, because I’m mostly doing administration work while they are assigned manual labor, like cleaning and office security. (AN, female, hotel employee, two years in Sorong)

We tried to recruit more local staff, so we advertised the job vacancies through various means. We rarely got applicants from Papuan ethnics. Thus, there are not many local workers in the office. (SG, male, marketing staff, two years in Sorong)

Additionally, career-related social networks are also considered as part of migrants’ employability. According to FY, extending one’s networks can play an essential role in their future career development.

For job promotion and transfer in my field, it is important to have a strong social network. Since not many people want to work in small cities in the eastern part of Indonesia, working in Sorong actually made me quite well-known to the high-rank staff in the central office and gave me a good reputation. (FY, male, bank manager, two years in Sorong)

This study shows that the research participants have succeeded in improving their employability level in their work experience in Sorong. As the accounts suggest, developing their soft skills and extending their social networks played an important part in enhancing their professional portfolio.

Upward social mobility

This study found that working in Sorong contributed to the career advancement of highly educated migrants. Four interviewees with postgraduate degrees were appointed as full-time lecturers in a matter of a few months. The growth of tertiary educational institutions in Sorong created a demand for lecturers which cannot be met locally. Moreover, within 2–3 years of their residence in Sorong, the lecturer migrants succeeded in occupying high positions in the university, such as head of a department or a research center. The migrants acknowledged that it would have been difficult to achieve this mobility in their previous institutions. Besides gaining job security and promotion, the highly educated migrants in Sorong also succeeded in gaining high incomes.

I also got an offer to work as a lecturer in my previous city, but the salary is not good enough to support my family’s needs. Although Sorong is quite far from my hometown and this city was totally an unknown place for me, I chose to work here because I get paid well enough. (IB, male, lecturer, one year in Sorong)

Although they have experienced upward social mobility in Sorong, many migrants expressed their intention to remigrate in the future. Some migrants indicated that they would like to move back to their hometowns, while others were open to opportunities to work in new areas. Psychological place attachment is argued to be a major determinant for the return migration of highly educated individuals to their hometowns (Li et al., 2014).

I still want to go back to my hometown. If everything goes smoothly, I may have the opportunity to apply for a job posting in other regions after four years of working here, and I’ll definitely try to pursue this opportunity. (RK, male, paralegal staff, three years in Sorong)

Another group of migrants expressed their intention to live permanently in Sorong, primarily because they have built a family in this city. Some of them also thought that career development in Sorong is more promising than in other areas. This was the case of RD who was promoted as head of a department after two years of working in a private university in the city.

I have an excellent career path now, something that is hard to earn if I choose to stay in my previous city. That reason is enough to make me want to remain here permanently. (RD, male, lecturer, two years in Sorong)

Those who choose to remain in Sorong stated that the social status they have earned would be more valuable if they remain rather than move to other regions. Although they initially had plans to remigrate, their plans changed over time.

Discussion and conclusion

The analysis of the experiences of highly educated migrants in Sorong highlights how migration has accelerated their career development and social status. In this situation, Sorong can be referred to as an escalator region for human capital development. According to Fielding (1992), escalator regions are big cities that are highly attractive to young migrants due to the presence of opportunities that can accelerate the career trajectories and social mobility of migrants. However, small cities and towns can also offer career development and upward social mobility for highly educated migrants (Martel et al., 2013; Hansen and Aner, 2017). Furthermore, escalator regions may experience the out-migration of the highly educated migrants in the mid- or late stages of their careers. The prospects for further career development, better living amenities, and extension of social networks are among the major reasons shaping intentions for re-migration.

The presence of highly educated migrants can enhance social capital and knowledge creation for the local communities in the destination region (Faggian et al., 2017). However, efforts to transfer knowledge and work ethics by the highly educated migrants to the local population in Sorong have not been successful. The limited interactions between migrants and the local residents, both in the workplace and place of residence, contribute to this situation. However, the arrival of highly educated migrants with various social backgrounds has influenced the rapid growth of lifestyle amenities in Sorong. Although the facilities are still considered limited compared with other big cities in Indonesia, it can be said that the presence of the migrants has trickle-down effects on the economic development in the city.

Internal migration is commonly assumed to only impact the spatial movements of human capital without changing the human capital stock at the national level (Suzuki and Suzuki, 2016). Nevertheless, highly educated migration can be an incentive for greater human capital accumulation because it contributes to the pool of the highly educated and highly skilled in the population of the destination region (Behrens and Sato, 2011). However, evidence suggests that young and highly educated migrants have higher propensity to remigrate from small cities (Hansen and Aner, 2017), and this may hinder the human capital development over the long term. As this study has suggested, highly educated migrants benefited from their migration to Sorong, but the benefits to Sorong may be affected by the deceleration of human capital development due to limited evidence of knowledge transfer to the local population (so far) and migrants’ intention to remigrate. The findings of this study emphasize the importance of designing social policies that promote social cohesion across various communities in the areas of destination.

Footnotes

Declaration of conflicting interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

ORCID iDs

Meirina Ayumi Malamassam

Inayah Hidayati

Notes

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