Abstract
Peer victimization is a pervasive problem among children and associated with numerous psychological and behavioural problems for all participants. Research is needed to understand the complex relations between factors that increase risk of victimization and its consequences. We used autoregressive cross-lagged modelling with self-report data to examine the longitudinal reciprocal effects of victimization by friends with problem behaviour, as well as the mediating effects of school bonding and peer norms. Participants were 316 4th grade students in socioeconomically disadvantaged elementary schools in California, USA, most of whom were Latino/a American (89.9%). Results indicated a causal path from peer victimization by friends in 4th grade to problem behaviour in 5th grade, which was fully mediated by school bonding and peer norms for academics in 5th grade. These results confirm the need to monitor and respond to peer victimization by friends in any setting. Moreover, results demonstrate the importance of creating opportunities to positively engage students in school activities that teach or ensure positive social interactions and exposure to peers that are engaged in normative social and academic behaviours.
Peer victimization is pervasive among school-age children (e.g., Cook, Williams, Guerra, & Kim, 2010; Nylund, Bellmore, Nishina, & Graham, 2007). Peer victimization is defined as inflicting any type of physical, verbal, or relational harm to others of a similar age (Crick & Bigbee, 1998; Olweus, 2001). It includes a broader set of behaviours than bullying, which involves the same behaviours inflicted with intentionality, repetition, and a power differential (Olweus, 1993). Researchers worldwide have long struggled to measure peer victimization and bullying in ways that facilitate cross-national comparisons and to accurately estimate prevalence rates. Past efforts have produced equivocal results with considerable differences of prevalence rates across studies and countries (Smith, Cowie, Olafsson, & Liefooghe, 2002). Research in the United States (USA) suggests approximately 20% to 30% of students are chronically involved in bullying as either victims, aggressors, or both (Nansel et al., 2001), whereas most students have experienced some form of peer victimization during their school lives (Espelage, Bosworth, & Simon, 2000; Felix & McMahon, 2007).
Victimization is present across countries (for a review see Jimerson, Swearer, & Espelage, 2010). In addition, Western classifications of involvement in peer victimization and the psychosocial characteristics of victims and aggressors have also been found in non-Western cultures (e.g., Korea; Shin, 2010). Peer victimization shows remarkable stability over time, with Finnish students identified as victims at age 8-years-old also reporting peer victimization at 16-years-old (Sourander, Helstelä, Helenius, & Piha, 2000). Although common across all age groups from 3- to 18years-old (Cook, Williams, et al., 2010), victimization appears to be particularly common in middle school (Nylund et al., 2007). Given its widespread occurrence, scholarship needs to uncover factors that protect youth from long-term impacts of peer victimization.
Extant international research documents the association of peer victimization to psychological and behavioural problems in victims including depression, anxiety, low self-esteem, and externalizing behaviour problems (Christiansen & Evans, 2005; Craig, 1998; Grills & Ollendick, 2002; Hampel, Manhal, & Hayer, 2009; Kaltiala-Heino, Rimpelä, Rantanen, & Rimpelä, 2000; Shin, 2010). Peer victimization interferes with current and future school functioning, including engagement in learning, attitudes toward teachers and school, and academic achievement (Buhs, Ladd, & Herald, 2006; Kochenderfer & Ladd, 1996; Murray-Harvey & Slee, 2010). A Canadian study has shown that the association between victimization and academic achievement is stronger for victims with disruptive behaviour problems and poor peer relationships (Beran & Lupart, 2009). Even students who are rarely involved in peer victimization show higher prevalence of mental health problems than non-involved students (Kaltiala-Heino et al., 2000). Although research has established the prevalence and impact of victimization, there has been a call for a second generation of research to understand more complex processes that promote or ameliorate risk for peer victimization and its consequences (Kochenderfer-Ladd & Troop-Gordon, 2010).
Reciprocal relations between peer victimization and problem behaviour
Peer victimization is correlated with aggressive behaviour that impairs a child’s ability to meet the behavioural standards of school settings. For example, Schwartz, McFadyen-Ketchum, Dodge, Pettit, and Bates (1998) conducted a brief longitudinal investigation with 330 US children in 3rd or 4th grade of the role of peer victimization in the development of children’s behavioural maladjustment in school and at home. Results indicated that peer victimization was both concurrently and prospectively associated with increasing aggressive and delinquent behaviour as assessed by both teachers and mothers. In another US longitudinal study, Hanish and Guerra (2002) also found that peer victimization predicted increased externalizing behaviour.
The predictive association of aggressive behaviour to future victimization has also been identified (Hanish & Guerra, 2000; Turner, Finkelhor, & Ormrod, 2010). For example, in another analysis of similar longitudinal data, Schwartz, McFayen-Ketchum, Dodge, Pettit, and Bates (1999) expanded on research that identified problematic and potentially aggressive relationships between children who have been victimized and confirmed that early behaviour problems predicted later peer group victimization. In the United Kingdom (UK), short-term longitudinal research supported the theory that peer victimization and poor psychosocial outcomes are mutually related over time (Boulton, Smith, & Cowie, 2010). Overall, these findings suggest it is important to consider the reciprocal nature of victimization and problem behaviour longitudinally. It would therefore be informative to understand which of those directional trends is more dominant.
There is growing international evidence to suggest that children who are involved in peer victimization as aggressor or victim experience problems within their friendships (Laird, Pettit, Dodge, & Bates, 1999; Shin, 2010; Wei & Jonson-Reid, 2011). Children may begin to narrow their group of friends to other children who are also victimized and who have similar behavioural issues. That is, children with a tendency towards antisocial behaviour select into peer relationships with other antisocial children, and these relationships with antisocial peers lead to increases in problem behaviour (Laird et al., 1999). Among Korean school children who were classified by their involvement in peer victimization (passive victim, aggressive victim, bullies, and normative contrasts), children tended to befriend others within their same subgroup (Shin, 2010). Among Taiwanese students, reciprocal peer nominations of friendship were found between aggressors and victims in 8% of relational victimization incidents, and 12% of physical victimization incidents (Wei & Jonson-Reid, 2011). Moreover, Hodges and Perry (1999) found that despite the negative consequences of peer victimization across time, this victimization did not predict a loss of friends. They suggested that victimization leads to changes in the nature of children’s friends, children tend to befriend similar others, and the experience of being victimized may influence these youth’s friend selection.
These studies highlight the importance of understanding friendship groups as a context where problem behaviour is reinforced and where children who are victimized by peers in general are also victimized in their friendship groups. This scenario fits with the ‘lifestyle exposure’ theoretical perspective about risk of victimization (Hindelang, Gottfredson, & Garofalo, 1978). That is, an individual is exposed to victimization by associating with other individuals who are aggressive and/or who find themselves in risky situations where they are more likely to be victimized. Although research has focused on the peer contexts and social support of youth involved in victimization (e.g., Demaray, & Malecki, 2003; Holt & Espelage, 2007; Tanigawa, Furlong, Felix, & Sharkey, 2011), research has not yet focused on the specific subset of victimization that occurs in friendship groups, which we label ‘friend victimization’. Friend victimization may be a particularly insidious form of victimization because it is not well recognized. For example, in Canada, Mishna, Wiener, and Pepler (2008) conducted interviews with children aged 9- and 10-years-old who self-identified as victimized, as well as with their parents and teachers. Interviews indicated that a child being bullied by a friend is particularly perplexing for both the victim and observers. Specifically, it was difficult for the child to recognize that a friend was bullying them and for adults to appropriately identify these interactions as bullying despite experiencing repeated and intentional aggression. To pinpoint intervening factors in trajectories that involve victimization, further examination of friend victimization is warranted.
Mediators of friend victimization and problem behaviour
In addition to exploring the directional, reciprocal nature of the relations between victimization and problem behaviour, it is also important to understand key mediators of this association. For example, peer and school contexts may serve as ‘protective’ or ‘risk’ factors for victimization and problem behaviour (Crick et al., 1999; Hanish & Guerra, 2000). Despite substantial evidence that peer victimization leads to negative consequences, not all children suffer adverse consequences and many may be resilient in the face of the risk caused by victimization. For example, Ybrandt and Armelius (2010) found that self-esteem mediated the association between peer aggression and externalizing mental health problems, indicating a possible protective possibility for school interventions to enhance self-esteem to reduce behaviour problems. MacDonald and Validivieso (2000) propose that environments can promote resilience by providing developmental opportunities and emotional, motivational, and strategic supports. For students entering adolescence, school and peer groups are particularly critical contexts for development that likely influence resilience.
School bonding
School bonding can be conceptualized as psychological engagement to school, which includes students’ feelings that they belong in school, their interest in school and motivation to succeed, their identification with or attachment to school, the value they place on education, and their relationships with teachers and peers (Christenson, & Thurlow, 2004). Students’ bonding to school is positively related to their acceptance of school behavioural norms and negatively related to destructive behaviours that affect academic performance, such as substance abuse, disruptive behaviour, and delinquency (Finn & Rock, 1997; Hawkins, Guo, Hill, Battin-Pearson, & Abbott, 2001). Students with positive, supportive connections to school staff are more successful, both academically and socially (Furlong, Pavelski, & Saxton, 2002).
In contrast, a cross-national study of 40 countries found an association between negative school perceptions and involvement in bullying (Harel-Fisch et al., 2011). Past research has found complex relations between peer victimization, problem behaviours, and school bonding. For example, Wei and Williams (2004) found that the association between peer victimization and school bonding is mediated by perceived peer nonsupport among 6th grade students. They also found that lack of school bonding was related to inattentive school behaviours and poor academic achievement. Thus, it can be hypothesized that peer victimization leads to perceptions that peers are not supportive, which reduces feelings of attachment to school, which consequently leads to behaviour associated with school disengagement. In support of this, Haynie et al. (2001) compared non-victims, victims, bullies, and bully-victims in grades 6–8 on a variety of psychosocial indices. They found increasing problem behaviours and decreasing school adjustment and bonding across the subgroups of students involved in peer victimization. Victims reported more negative outcomes than non-victims, bullies reported more than victims, and bully-victims reported the most problems.
The extent that peer victimization affects school bonding may be the reason for increased behaviour problems, because students feel less connected to the social institutions that foster prosocial attitudes and behaviour. In support of this hypothesis, Stadler, Feifel, Rohrmann, Vermeiren, and Poustka (2010) found that school bonding (i.e., teacher support, attachment to school, and school climate) buffered both male and female adolescents from the negative effects of victimization when considering risk for mental health problems. Overall, school bonding has support as a potential mediator between peer victimization and problem behaviour.
Peer norms for academics
As students approach adolescence, the salience of peers as influences in social and academic arenas increases (Berndt, 1996). Friendship groups provide a ‘norming’ opportunity. Children who experience instability in their peer relationships or who are rejected by their peers tend to develop a negative attitude toward school and subsequently are at greater risk for low academic success, retention, delinquency, and dropping out (Vitaro, Larocque, Janosz, & Tremblay, 2001). Alternatively, a child is protected in situations where the peer group exhibits positive and adaptive behaviours (Hindelang et al., 1978). In the school setting, positive peers exhibit adaptive study habits and beliefs about the importance of doing homework and complying with school rules. Shin, Daly, and Vera (2007) established the association of positive peer norms for academics to school bonding in a sample of inner-city middle school students. Further work to understand the protective influence of positive peer relationships on victimization trajectories is needed.
Study purpose
Although peer victimization is commonly studied, further work is needed to determine longitudinal pathways of victimization and what factors mediate the causes and impacts of victimization (Kochenderfer-Ladd & Troop-Gordon, 2010). Exploration of the protective roles of school bonding and positive peer group norms for academics on the relations between victimization and problem behaviours is especially important for understanding students who are already at-risk for negative schooling outcomes. Thus, our target population is late elementary school students who attend school settings where the majority of students are Latino/a and from families with lower socioeconomic status. Latino Americans are one of the fasted growing populations in the United State; yet additional study is needed to identify educational interventions that will address their unique educational challenges related to language differences, low socioeconmic status, recency of immigration, and variations in academic/school readiness. Identification of protective possibilities for these understudied students provides much-needed guidance for key educational interventions.
Using a cross-lag panel analysis, we explore the question of causational direction between victimization and problem behaviour to determine if friend victimization leads to problem behaviour rather than the other way around. Additionally, we examine if latent constructs of school bonding and peer norms for academic excellence explain the relation between friend victimization and problem behaviour. By understanding the impact of school bonding and peer norms for academics on the pathways between friend victimization and problem behaviour we investigate the possibility that school-based relationships are critical to interrupt negative developmental trajectories.
Method
Participants
Participants were 316 students (153 males and 163 females) sampled from a larger evaluation of an After School Education and Safety Program (http://www.cde.ca.gov/ls/ba/as/) implemented in five elementary schools in a central coast California community. The project focused on ‘healthy start schools’, which have at least 50% of their students who either (a) come from families who have income and property below the California maximum limits for family size or (b) are English Learners. With approval from Institutional Review Board for Human Subjects, researchers collected surveys from all participating students with parent permission and student assent. Only students who participated in both their 4th and 5th grade years over the course of the program evaluation, which spanned from Spring 2000 to Spring 2006, were included in the study. For descriptive reference in this article, in the United States, 4th and 5th grade students are predominantly 9- and 10-years old. The ethnic make-up of this sample was 89.9% Latino/a American (145 females, 139 males), 6.3% European American (13 females, 7 males), and 3.8% other ethnicities (5 females, 7 males).
Measures
Friend victimization
Self-reports of peer victimization were obtained using an adapted four-item scale within The Perceptions of Peer Support Scale (Kochenderfer & Ladd, 1996). The original scale demonstrated consistent patterns of responses with kindergarten children (α = 0.73) and, using the Olweus (1991) criterion, rates of kindergarten children who reported experiencing victimization were similar using the four-item measure (20.5%) as with 2nd graders in the Olweus (1991) study (17%). Participants in this study were asked to rate the extent to which they had experienced four types of friend aggression (originally ‘anyone in your class’) using a 3-point Likert scale (1 = no/never, 2 = sometimes, 3 = a lot). These items asked if they had experienced: Physical (e.g., ‘My friends kick or hit me); direct verbal (e.g., ‘My friends say mean things to me’) indirect verbal (e.g., ‘My friends say bad things about me to other kids’); and general (e.g., ‘My friends pick on me’) victimization. Cronbach’s alpha coefficients for pre- and post-friend victimization scores were 0.82 and 0.80, respectively.
Problem behaviour
The Individual Protective Factors Index (IPFI) is a self-report measure of adolescent resiliency (Springer & Phillips, 1997). We used the five highest-loaded items (> 0.40) from the self-reported risk behaviour section. These items inquired how many times in the last year the participant did any of the following: ‘Get sent to the principal’s office or have detention’, ‘get into a fist fight’, ‘talk back to a teacher’, ‘steal something’, and ‘damage someone else’s property on purpose’ on a three-point Likert scale (1 = 3 or more, 2 = 1 or 2, 3 = 0 times). Items were reverse-coded so higher scores indicate increase in problem behaviour. Cronbach’s alpha coefficients for pre- and post-problem behaviour scores were 0.73 and 0.77, respectively.
Peer norms for academics
The Peer Norms Regarding Academic Excellence Inventory (Kurdek, Fine, & Sinclair, 1995) was developed to examine the degree to which adolescents are friends with peers who value academic excellence. On the inventory students are instructed to indicate how much they agree (1 = strongly disagree and 7 = strongly agree) with each of the eight statements regarding how their friends thought and felt about school. Five of the highest loaded items (> 0.40) were selected for this study 3, 4, 6, 7, 8: ‘I talk about school subjects with my friends’, ‘My friends and I have common interests in school subjects’, ‘I hang around with kids who like school’, ‘I fit in with kids who like school’, and ‘One thing my friends and I have in common is wanting to do well at school’. Cronbach’s alpha coefficients for pre- and post-peer norms scores were 0.75 and 0.82, respectively.
School bonding
The Psychological Sense of School Membership Scale (PSSM; Goodenow, 1993) measures perceived liking, personal acceptance, inclusion, respect, encouragement for participation, and sense of belonging in the school setting. Six of the highest loaded items (> 0.40) were selected for this study: ‘I feel like a real part of this school’, ‘People at this school are friendly to me’, ‘I am treated with as much respect as other students’, ‘People here know I can do good work’, ‘I feel proud of belonging to this school’, and ‘Other students here like me the way I am’. All items are written in a 5-point Likert format, with responses ranging from ‘not at all true’ (1) to ‘completely true’ (5). Cronbach’s alpha coefficients for pre- and post-school bonding scores were 0.81 and 0.86, respectively.
Procedures
The two-page questionnaire was administered to students in small groups by graduate student researchers during the after school program. All participants were assigned study-specific identification numbers for tracking their responses over time. Since the items are ordinal variables that violate the assumption of multivariate normality, analysis was based on a robust weighted least squares (WLS) estimation using Mplus 4.0 (Muthen & Muthen, 2006). In order to study the longitudinal relation between friend victimization and problem behaviour, an autoregressive cross-lagged modelling was performed. The key characteristic of the autoregressive model is that a linear regression of the scores at time t (when students were in 5th grade) is adequately explained by the score variation at time t-1 (when students were in 4th grade; Curran & Bollen, 2001). The parameter values obtained by regressing the measure at each time-point onto the same measure at the previous time-point are called autoregressive coefficients. In this study, our autoregressive model was extended to the bivariate case with two latent variables to allow the cross-lagged paths to represent reciprocal influences across constructs over time.
We modelled autoregressive cross-lagged relations in the repeated latent variables with multiple indicators rather than summed composites of multiple items. The latent variable approach has two advantages: Controlling for measurement error, and testing the assumption of measurement invariance across time. Testing the assumption of measurement invariance is a prerequisite to test the autoregressive model since it should be the outcome of theoretical interest that is changing rather than the scale used to measure the construct (Sayer & Cumsille, 2001). For model evaluation, we examined comparative fit index (CFI; close to 0.95) and root mean square error of approximation (RMSEA; lower than 0.08). As experimental control was not possible due to human subjects protection against experiences of victimization, a causal chain was established in the first step of analysis by determining not only that there is an association between friend victimization and problem behaviour but that the victimization experience occurred prior to problem behaviour in longitudinal analysis (Frazier, Tix, & Barron, 2004).
Results
Descriptive statistics
Descriptive statistics, reliability coefficients, and correlations between study variables
Note: a indicates gender difference at p < 0.01. *Correlation is significant at p < 0.01. The correlation matrix for males is displayed above the diagnonal and for females is displayed below the diagonal.
Reciprocal relations between friend victimization and problem behaviour
We fit the autoregressive cross-lagged model to test the reciprocal relations between friend victimization and problem behaviour. We tested first whether the latent variables have the same interpretation at each time-point. We tested measurement invariance across time by comparing two models: Model 1 without any constraints, and Model 2 with the equality constraints of the factor loadings across time. If a latent factor has equal loadings across time, this ensures that participants respond to the items in the same way across time. The comparison between the two models in terms of CFI and RMSEA demonstrates that Model 2 (i.e., χ2(121) = 176.39; CFI = 0.96; RMSEA = 0.04) fits better than Model 1 (i.e., χ2(130) = 251.67; CFI = 0.92; RMSEA = 0.06). Because the Model 2 is nested within the Model 1, a chi-square difference test was also performed, which supported Model 2, indicating the equality constraints of factor loadings over time are valid. The parameter estimates obtained from Model 2 are presented in Figure 1. Results demonstrated a significant relation between pre- and post-scores in both latent factors, in particular, there was a strong relation found (0.55) in problem behaviour. Regarding cross-lagged path coefficients, we found that only friend victimization in 4th grade influenced problem behaviour in 5th grade. This result indicates that there is a causal direction from friend victimization to problem behaviour.
Autoregressive cross-lagged model with standardized solution.
Mediating effects of school bonding and peer norms
To establish an indirect effect of friend victimization on problem behaviour via two mediators, both the path from friend victimization to the mediating variable and the path from the mediating variable to problem behaviour must be significant. Thus, we tested two mediational models: The partial meditational model included only the indirect effects from friend victimization to problem behaviour via two mediators, and the full meditational model included both indirect and direct effects of friend victimization to problem behaviour. Because the full mediational model is nested within the partial mediational model, a chi-square difference test was performed. A chi-square difference test supported the full meditational model (i.e., χ2(166) = 378.57; CFI = 0.98; RMSEA = 0.06) in addition to the fact that the direct path from friend victimization to problem behaviour was not significant in the partial meditational model (i.e., χ2(165) = 377.22; CFI = 0.98; RMSEA = 0.06). The parameter estimates obtained from the full mediating model are presented in Figure 2. Both mediators exerted significant effects in the relation between friend victimization and problem behaviour.
Final structural model with standardized solution.
Discussion
This study examined the relation between friend victimization and problem behaviour with mediating influences of school bonding and peer norms for academic excellence. The directional effect of problem behaviour leading to friend victimization is not supported by this study, in contrast with another US study (Schwartz et al., 1999) and the ‘lifestyle exposure’ theory. Results of the autoregressive cross-lagged modelling indicated that at-risk Latino students who experienced more frequent friend victimization exhibited a subsequent increased likelihood of problem behaviour, whereas problem behaviour did not lead to future friend victimization. Thus, self-reports of physical or verbal victimization by friends at age 9-years-old years had a significant impact on their own reports of getting in trouble at school and being involved in delinquent activities such as stealing and property damage during the subsequent academic year.
These results support the US findings of Schwartz et al. (1998) about the prospective effects of peer victimization and concerns raised by Crick et al. (1999) about the negative effects of bullying between friends; however, they are in contrast to findings of Schwartz et al. (1999) about the link from early problem behaviour to later peer victimization. Other short-term longitudinal research has found an association between earlier engagement in bullying behaviour and changes in behavioural conduct (Boulton et al., 2010), thus, the type of involvement in peer victimization may matter. It is possible that reciprocal effects may have been muted given the short duration of the study and the fluid nature of friendship associations in elementary school. In the transition between 4th and 5th grades, the concentrated ‘exposure’ to negative friendship relationships may not be an issue if their friendship groups have changed. In particular, the students in this study were associated with an after-school program where friendships were limited to peers in the after-school program, similar to the circumstance of their regular academic day. As such, further study is warranted to continue exploring the longitudinal reciprocal effects of victimization and problem behaviour.
Limitations
Although this study addressed multiple important gaps in the peer victimization literature, there are some limitations that need attention in further study. First, the results relied solely on youth self-report. Triangulating data from other sources such as teacher and parent reports, peer nominations, or behaviour observations may provide a more accurate picture. Second, the sample size was small for such a complex analysis. Additional participants would provide more power to detect subtle effects and to analyse moderating effects such as the influence of gender that may influence the relations between variables. Third, although psychometrically valid measures were used, four items were changed to assess ‘friend’ victimization. Further psychometric analysis is needed to verify the validity of this adaptation. Finally, without additional research, results cannot be generalized beyond this understudied group of primarily low-income minority students, of whom many were English language learners.
Mediating effects of school bonding and peer norms
The mediation model indicated that school bonding and peer norms for academics explained the relation between friend victimization and problem behaviour. That is, early school bonding and peer academic norms were intervening variables in the trajectory from friend victimization to problem behaviour. The path from 4th grade peer victimization to 5th grade problem behaviour was explained by the extent to which the students felt connected to school and had friends who were also engaged in and liked schoolwork. Thus, the relation between early friend victimization and later problem behaviour is reduced by positive perspectives about school relationships and the availability of friends and associates who are positively engaged in the academic work of school. That is, school bonding and having peers with positive academic attitudes buffered the impact of early friend victimization.
Morrison, Brown, D’Incau, O’Farrell, and Furlong (2006) label key actions that can be taken in school settings to enhance student resilience as ‘protective possibilities’. These relationships within a school setting have been captured with research measures that centre on concepts of bonding, attachment, and engagement in school (Jimerson, Campos, & Greif, 2003). Our results lend credence to the importance of present circumstances for elementary school students. The longitudinal effects of friend victimization and later problem behaviour were lessened by the students’ perceptions, at the later point in time (5th grade), about the extent to which they felt their peer and teacher relationships at school were positive and the extent to which their peers had good attitudes toward academics tasks at school. These findings emphasize the importance of school-level interventions designed to enhance the student’s positive relationships to teachers, peers, and academic norms. Such efforts have the potential of halting a negative developmental trajectory initiated through early peer victimization experiences.
Implications
This study confirms the importance of understanding that victimization or aggression within peer groups has long-lasting effects on adjustment, especially later involvement in incidents of misbehaviour. Fortunately there are social and contextual processes that may intervene in this negative developmental trajectory. Comprehensive reviews of the international literature identify some of these processes in elements of bully-victimization prevention and intervention programs, e.g., schoolwide and classroom behaviour intervention programs, peer anti-bullying interventions, individual interventions, and parent education and awareness programs (Jimerson & Huai, 2010). Acknowledging the importance of implementing programs at the community, school, family, and individual levels, our research findings lend the most insight into peer group and school social contexts as important levels of concern and intervention. School psychologists play an important facilitative role in assessing and modifying peer and school social contexts, e.g., as consultants they may be involved in the design and implementation of evidence-based programs to enhance social skills. They provide key information for teachers about how to identify and intervene with peer social contexts that involve aggression or bullying. School psychogists may also assist in the design and implementation of classroom structures and curriculum that ensure positive peer norms for academic and social engagement.
The implications of this study are important beyond the role of school psychologists in schools. The presence of school psychologists varies considerably from country to country, and the types of services provided by a school psychologist may be scarce (Cook, Jimerson, & Begeny, 2010). Thus, it is important to develop intervention strategies that can be implemented in a variety of settings as well as by professional school psychologists in schools. Schools, families, and other caretaking contexts should be aware of the interactions that happen within friendship groups. Relational and physical aggression may be considered acceptable, ‘normal’ behaviour in some peer groups or friendship dyads; research in Taiwan demonstrated that peer victimization incidents often occurred in perceived friendship groups (Wei & Johnson-Reid, 2011). School personnel need to be alert to bullying dynamics and normative aggression within friendship dyads or groups. Opportunities within classrooms or other group peer contexts to discuss acceptable and unacceptable social interactions can help to norm or re-norm social group standards (Olweus, 2004; Salmivalli, 2001).
The results of the present study indicate that school bonding and academic peer norms are significant mediators of early friend victimization and later problem behaviour. As surveyed in this study, these concepts refer to opportunities within a school context for students to feel they are liked and respected by teaches and peers and for them to relate to other peers who are positively involved in school activities and recognized for their participation. School psychologists can play a key role in collaboration with teachers and adminstrators to combat peer victimization in the following ways: (a) provide opportunities for students to be actively and successfully engaged in academic, social, artistic, and athletic school activities; (b) provide mechanisms for recognizing and rewarding such engagement; (c) provide opportunities for mentoring relationships—e.g., teacher-to-student and student-to-younger-student; (d) teach cooperative learning; and (e) ensure that positive feedback and discussion about successes occur in individual, peer, and parent contexts. In conclusion, our results reinforce the importance of close examination of peer group dynamics and opportunities to positively engage students in school activities where structure teaches or ensures positive social interactions and exposure to peers that are engaged in normative social and academic behaviours.
Footnotes
Funding
Study data were collected for a grant designed to evaluate an after-school program funded by the California Department of Education (ASES I.D. NUMBER:42-R2002-594). A Hankuk University of Foreign Studies Research Fund granted to Sukkyung You supported the analysis.
