Abstract
This study examined the role that Ghanaian caregivers’ values toward education play in shaping students’ intrinsic versus extrinsic motivation for learning, and the ways these values and motivational orientations predict school attendance and achievement. Study participants included 88 students (M = 11.63 years; 48% female) from two primary schools in peri-urban Ghana and their 68 caregivers (M = 40.02 years; 60% female). Results revealed that caregivers’ perception of education as valuable was related to more intrinsically oriented profiles of motivation and higher attendance in students. Contrary to research results from Western contexts, students whose motivation was more extrinsically oriented attended school significantly more often than their intrinsically motivated peers. Finally, although attendance positively predicted academic achievement, neither caregiver values nor student motivational profiles were directly related to achievement. These findings suggest that caregivers’ values may have important implications for students’ academic thoughts and behaviours, and may be a central target for school staff aiming to improve student outcomes. These results also highlight the need for better understanding of motivational processes―both in terms of socialization and academic outcomes―in under-represented contexts where cultural values around education differ.
Keywords
Research in school psychology suggests that students’ ability to succeed academically relies on a complex interplay of individual and social factors that extend beyond simple content knowledge (Atkinson, 2009). In particular, students’ internal states of engagement, motivation, and interest all contribute to their ability to attend to, comprehend, and relay educational material (Zimmerman, 1990). Importantly, the environments in which learning takes place―including both the home and classroom―are thought to be especially salient in shaping students’ educational attitudes and motivation (Wentzel, 1999). Understanding how these processes develop and how they relate to achievement is critical for school staff and psychological service providers to optimally promote students’ engagement and success in and out of the classroom.
In keeping with psychological theories of education, research from the United States and other Western contexts has revealed consistent links between different types of motivation and students’ school engagement, classroom learning, and academic achievement (Lepper, Corpus, & Iyengar, 2005; Noels, Clément, & Pelletier, 1999; Ryan & Deci, 2000; Walker, Greene, & Mansell, 2006). In particular, this work has shown that students’ higher levels of intrinsic (internally-controlled) motivation relative to extrinsic (externally-regulated) motivation are predictive of later academic success. Although the importance of motivation for learning in the West is well established, little work has explored how motivational processes develop and operate in areas of the world where cultural and economic circumstances differ (Marfo, Pence, LeVine, & LeVine, 2011; see Salili, Chiu, & Lai, 2001; Watkins, McInerney, Akande, & Lee, 2003 for notable exceptions).
The present study explores motivational processes in a sample of Ghanaian schoolchildren. Specifically, this study evaluates the ways that caregivers’ values of education shape students’ relative levels of intrinsic versus extrinsic motivation for learning, and whether and how this motivation relates to students’ school attendance and achievement. In addressing these questions, we develop a clearer understanding of how Ghanaian children’s home environments and individual motivational qualities may relate to one another and promote or inhibit educational access and academic achievement. Understanding these links is critical for helping school staff effectively engage caregivers in students’ education and frame student learning goals.
Profiles of motivation: Links with academic achievement
A large body of research has examined the theoretical and empirical links between students’ motivational ‘profiles’ (i.e. relative levels of different subtypes of motivation) and their academic achievement. Traditionally, this work has distinguished between students’ orientation toward intrinsic versus extrinsic motivation. Intrinsic motivation is derived from one’s personal interest in learning (Pintrich, 2003). Intrinsically motivated students seek out learning opportunities and engage in behaviours that allow them to fulfil an inherent curiosity in a topic. Studies in Western educational contexts suggest that intrinsically motivated students display greater school engagement, information seeking behaviour, and, consequently, academic achievement (Hidi, 1990; Pintrich & Schunk, 2002; Ryan & Deci, 2000). This positive relationship between intrinsic motivation and school outcomes holds true in research outside of North America. In particular, expressed interest in skill mastery was found to significantly predict students’ use of ‘deep’ learning strategies (i.e. those geared toward meaning and integration rather than superficial knowledge) in South Africa (Watkins et al., 2003), and intention to complete secondary school for both white and Aboriginal Australians (McInerney & Sinclair, 1991).
In contrast, extrinsic motivation is primarily driven by external factors (Pintrich, 2003). Extrinsically motivated individuals view learning as a means to an end, and are motivated by the potential for reinforcement from their environments. The direction of the relationship between extrinsic motivation and student learning is somewhat ambiguous, with associations often differing across ethnic/cultural groups. In South Africa, research has shown that among poor black children, the desire to escape poverty was a primary predictor of academic success and resiliency (Dass-Brailsford, 2005; Theron, 2013). In addition, interdependent (rather than independent) self-concepts and positive external relationships with teachers were related to higher grades for Native American students (Fryberg, Covarrubias, & Burback, 2012). Other work has shown that extrinsic motivation―particularly when measured relative to intrinsic motivation―predicts lower cognitive engagement, greater superficial learning, more infrequent attendance, and poorer academic test performance in both Western and non-Western cultures (Lepper et al., 2005; McInerney, Roche, McInerney, & Marsh, 1997; Walker et al., 2006).
The question of how students become more intrinsically versus extrinsically motivated is paramount to understanding how best to shape their approaches to school and academic outcomes (Wentzel, 1999). In line with bioecological and social learning theories, Pintrich (2003) has theorized that individual, environmental, and situational characteristics contribute independently and additively to the development of students’ profiles of motivation. Motivation, therefore, is considered neither a stable nor transitory phenomenon; rather, it relies on a complex interplay between students’ individual personalities, socialization in their homes and cultures, and experiences within their classroom and schools (Atkinson, 2009; Ginsburg & Bronstein, 1993; Noels et al., 1999; Salili, 1994; Watkins et al., 2003). Despite efforts to understand these complex processes, numerous researchers have cited the need for additional exploration of contextual features as ‘paramount’ for understanding motivation cross-culturally (Pintrich, 2003, p. 681; Vallerand, 1997). In particular, understanding these processes within diverse cultures is critical for helping school-based psychological service providers to best target the educational needs of their unique student populations, and for developing ways to promote optimal learning environments for all students.
The Ghanaian educational context and the present study
Since the 1961 signing of Education Act 87, which guaranteed a free, compulsory primary education for all Ghanaian children, improving basic education has become a priority for Ghana. Currently, more than two-thirds of Ghanaian young-adults are literate (Oduro, 2008) and approximately 70% of primary school-aged children are enrolled in school (UNESCO, 2011). Despite this clear progress, more than 500,000 Ghanaian children remain out of school due to the limited economic resources of their families and government (Akyeampong, 2003; Dei, 2007; Global Partnership for Education & Ghana Development Partner Group, 2012; Wolf et al., 2012). In addition to limiting access, the economic realities of everyday life in Ghana serve as salient external motivators for individual students. Education is thought by policymakers and researchers to be the best way out of poverty (World Bank, 2002), a belief that has been largely localized within Ghanaian culture. Indeed, caregivers cite increased earning potential as one of the most important motivators for sending children to school (Wolf et al., 2012).
Limited financial resources have also constrained the availability of training opportunities for teachers and other school-based staff. As a result, Ghanaian schools rely largely on a ‘chew and pour’ pedagogical framework whereby memorization and repetition are emphasized over critical thinking and problem solving (Adjei, 2007). With little training in alternative strategies, under-resourced and undervalued school staff often relies on external punishment contingencies like caning and public shaming to regulate student behaviour. These practices appear to be rooted in and sustained by a number of higher-order cultural, religious, and historical imperatives, including Ghanaians’ strict adherence to power structures, respect for authority, and rule-following (Agbenyega, 2006).
Taken together, these cultural and financial motivators suggest a high level of extrinsic reinforcement within the Ghanaian educational system. The local threat of punishment and the hope for future economic success may motivate students to perform well in school as a way of avoiding negative outcomes in the short-term and increasing positive outcomes in the long-term. Simultaneously, the memorization and repetition approach to teaching and fear of punishment for academic failure may prevent students from attaining an intrinsic value of learning.
The present study aims to explore the relationships between caregivers’ perceptions of the value of education and students’ relative orientations toward intrinsic versus extrinsic motivation, and examining relationships between these factors and attendance and achievement within a Ghanaian educational context. This study improves understanding of how motivation and achievement develop within a group of students for whom educational access and achievement represent especially critical predictors of later success. This information is important for helping teachers and other psychological service providers to forge more effective relationships with caregivers, to affect students’ motivation to learn, and, ultimately, to improve students’ outcomes.
Method
Sample and procedure
Participants in the present study were recruited from two privately funded primary/junior high schools in peri-urban Ghana. Private schools in Ghana account for approximately 18.6% of primary school enrollment nationwide (Global Partnership for Education & Ghana Development Partner Group, 2012) and differ from government schools in that they are funded through private donations or student fees and are not subject to governmental regulations (e.g. teacher qualifications, curricula requirements). Although both of the schools in the present study were privately funded, the population of students they served and the financial barriers they faced were likely similar to those of nearby government-funded schools due to their location in a rapidly developing area with few alternative options.
For data collection, caregivers attended one of four voluntary research sessions held at the schools. All study materials (e.g. recruitment fliers, consent forms, surveys) were reviewed and approved by local research staff, headmasters at both schools, and the institutional review board at New York University prior to the beginning of the study to ensure adherence to ethical standards and cultural relevance. All study participants were notified of the voluntary and confidential nature of the study as part of the consent procedure. After providing consent for their and their children’s participation, caregivers completed a written English survey or an interview conducted in either English or a local language (Twi) by a trained, local interviewer. In total, 26% of caregivers completed written surveys, and the remainder were interviewed in English, Twi, or a combination. Caregivers were provided with a small meal to thank them for their participation. After providing consent/assent, all students answered questions during normal school hours using a written English survey, which was also read out loud in English for students in grade 5 and below.
In total, 88 students in grades 3 through 8 (School 1, N = 68; School 2, N = 20) and their 68 caregivers (School 1, N = 52; School 2, N = 16) participated in the study. The 88 students represented approximately 35% of the eligible population at both schools. The mean age of students was 11.63 years (SD = 1.89), the median class was 5th grade, and 48% of students were female. Of the caregivers, 84% were biological parents, 9% were older siblings, and the remainder were other female relatives (aunt, grandmother). (Student and caregiver characteristics are presented in Supplemental Material).
Measures
Caregiver values
Caregivers reported on their values of education as useful for children’s future success using five true/false questions originally developed and validated for educational research in Gambia and Tanzania (Jukes & Grigorenko, 2010; Jukes, Grigorenko, & Alcock, unpublished material; See Supplemental Material). Items were adapted for the present study by local research assistants to take into account local cultural values, words, and phrases. Each of the items (e.g. ‘Many caregivers do not send their children to school because children do not profit from school’) was averaged to generate a score from 0 (true for all questions) to 1 (false for all questions), with higher scores indicating greater value. Together, these items showed adequate inter-item reliability (Cronbach’s α = 0.67).
Student motivation
Students’ profiles of motivation (i.e. relative levels of intrinsic versus extrinsic motivation) were reported by students using a culturally adapted, 16-item version of the Academic Self-Regulation Questionnaire (SRQ-A; Ryan & Connell, 1989). Adapted versions of the SRQ-A have shown to have adequate predictive validity and reliability in other non-Western contexts (e.g. Yamauchi & Tanaka, 1998). For the present study, students rated items targeting four domains of motivation ranging from strongly intrinsic to strongly extrinsic using a scale of 0 (Not at all true) to 3 (Very true). Examples of items include, ‘I work on my classwork because I enjoy doing my classwork’ (intrinsically-focused) and ‘I try to do well in school because I might get a reward if I do well’ (extrinsically-focused). Items from each domain were averaged and aggregated to form the Relative Autonomy Index (RAI), which can range from −7–7, where higher positive numbers indicate more intrinsically oriented motivation, and lower negative numbers indicate more extrinsically oriented motivation. The range of the RAI for the present sample was −4.20–4.13.
Student attendance and academic achievement
Students’ daily attendance records and English and mathematics and class marks and exam scores were obtained through school administrative records from one of the two participating schools. (School administrators from School 2 did not respond to multiple requests for these records. See below for comments on missing data.) Each student’s marks and exam scores were averaged across both English and mathematics to represent his/her overall academic achievement. These scores were then standardized (z-scored) within classroom to form an overall composite of academic achievement that reduced bias associated with differential marking procedures and students’ nesting within teacher and/or grade.
Student- and family-level covariates
As part of the larger survey, caregivers provided information on their age, relationship with the student, preferred language, and family size. Students provided their gender and grade.
Analytic strategy
Following a descriptive evaluation of all study variables, a set of path analyses was used to test the relationships between caregivers’ values of education, student motivational profiles, attendance, and academic achievement. A structural equation model (SEM) approach was chosen over alternative models (e.g. multivariate regression) in order to (1) evaluate overall model fit and (2) estimate multiple pathways/processes simultaneously. Although SEM is often used in large samples, it was considered appropriate for the present study because of the limited number of parameters included, the simplicity of the model (e.g. the absence of embedded measurement models), the relatively normal distributions of the outcome variables, as well as past precedence in the educational literature (e.g. Drew & Watkins, 1998). To provide an additional sensitivity check for the use of SEM, all individual pathways were tested using traditional multivariate regression and found to show similar results. As such, only SEM results are shown. Because caregivers were sometimes asked to report on multiple students, standard errors were adjusted to account for students’ clustering within caregivers/families. All analyses were run using Mplus (version 6; Muthén & Muthén, 1998–2011) and each path controlled for child grade, child gender, caregiver biological relation to child, caregiver English language literacy, caregiver age, and household size. Due to the study’s exploratory nature and low statistical power, marginally significant findings (p < 0.10) are reported in addition to those whose p-values are statistically significant at p < 0.05.
Model fit
The following criteria were used to indicate adequate model fit: (a) relative chi-square value (the ratio of chi-square to degrees of freedom) ≤ 3; (b) root mean square error of approximation (RMSEA) value <0.06; (c) comparative fit index (CFI) ≥0.95; and (d) standardized root mean square residual (SRMR) <0.08 (Hu & Bentler, 1999). A scaled chi-square difference statistic (χ2Δ) considered appropriate for small samples was used to compare nested models (Satorra & Bentler, 2001).
Missing data
The full sample (88 students, 68 caregivers) was used for all descriptive analyses. Independent sample t-tests and chi-square tests revealed that most characteristics were similar across schools, with the exception of caregiver age and English language literacy (See Supplemental Material). No significant differences were found across schools for either student motivation or caregivers’ values, indicating some generalizability of these results across slightly different school contexts.
For SEM analyses, two approaches were used to address missing student attendance and academic achievement data from School 2. First, full information maximum likelihood (FIML) was used to estimate model parameters in the full sample using all non-missing information, including that from exogenous predictor variables and covariates. Second, analyses were re-run using only the limited sample of students attending the larger of the two schools (68 students, 52 caregivers). Results of analyses in School 1 were largely consistent in both the magnitude and direction of coefficients compared to those in the full sample using FIML. Thus, only those results from the full sample are presented to retain power and sample generalizability. (Results from School 1 are available from the first author.)
Results
Descriptive results
Results of descriptive analyses revealed that caregivers’ average reported values of education were relatively high (M = 0.77); however, the standard deviation of these scores (0.28) indicated variability in individual caregivers’ responses. The mean score on the RAI of −0.17 indicated that approximately half of students identified as more extrinsically than intrinsically motivated (i.e. negative scores) and half identified as more intrinsically than extrinsically motivated (i.e. positive scores). At School 1, the average attendance rate was 90%, and average score on mathematics and English exams and classroom marks was 73.13%. Bivariate correlations between the primary study variables are presented in Supplemental Material.
Path analyses
Three models were compared to understand the best representation of study relationships. The first model tested only the direct pathways between variables: Student achievement was regressed on attendance, attendance was regressed onto motivation, and motivation was regressed onto caregivers’ values. All additional pathways were constrained to equal zero. This model showed adequate fit, χ2(3) = 4.745, p > 0.10, RMSEA = 0.081, CFI = 0.957, SRMR = 0.031. The second model released the constraints on the direct pathway between caregivers’ values and student attendance and showed marginally significantly better fit compared to the first model, adjusted χ2Δ(1) = 3.327, p < 0.10, and good model fit overall, χ2(2) = 1.265, p > 0.10, RMSEA = 0.000, CFI = 1.00, SRMR = 0.012. The third model included all pathways between variables by releasing all constraints. This model did not show significantly better model fit than the second model, adjusted χ2Δ(2) = 1.265, p > 0.10; therefore, the second model was selected as having the best overall fit (see Figure 1).
Final structural equation model of the relationships between caregivers’ values of education, students’ profiles of extrinsic versus intrinsic motivation, student daily school attendance, and student academic achievement.
Within the chosen model, coefficients for all specified pathways were found to be statistically significant, net of all covariates. Specifically, higher caregiver values predicted significantly more positive scores on the RAI measure of motivation, β = 0.136, p < 0.05, suggesting that higher values were related to students’ higher intrinsic (relative to extrinsic) motivation. In turn, higher levels of intrinsic versus extrinsic motivation were found to predict significantly lower student attendance, β = −0.219, p < 0.05. Net of students’ profiles of motivation, higher caregiver values predicted higher student attendance, β = 0.205, p < 0.05. Finally, higher attendance predicted greater academic achievement, β = 0.511, p < 0.01 (See Supplemental Material).
Discussion
The present study explored the relationships between caregivers’ values of education and students’ profiles of motivation, school attendance, and academic achievement in Ghana. In doing so, this study aimed to generate information for Ghanaian school staff on specific ways to promote students’ daily school access and achievement through affecting caregivers’ values and students’ motivation. Descriptive findings showed that although most caregivers see education as valuable, a subgroup showed relatively low endorsement of educational worth, suggesting that these values have not been fully embraced by the community. Approximately half of students reported being more intrinsically than extrinsically motivated to learn, whereas half reported the opposite. Given that students in this sample were exposed to similar and primarily extrinsically rewarding educational contexts, this heterogeneity suggests some degree of multifinality in the development of academic motivation and reinforces the importance of examining ecological influences on motivational growth both inside and outside of school (Deci, Koestner, & Ryan, 1999).
Results of path analyses revealed important links between caregivers’ values and student characteristics. First, when holding constant motivation, students whose caregivers agreed that school teaches important skills were significantly more likely to (1) report a desire to learn that was based more on inherent interest than environmental reinforcements and (2) attend school regularly. Although these results are similar to work from the United States (e.g. Fan & Williams, 2010), this is the first study to our knowledge that finds an association between caregivers’ values (and not just demographic characteristics) and student outcomes within an African context. Although effect sizes of these findings are small to moderate (See Supplemental Material), these results highlight the need for teachers and school staff to engage students’ caregivers in broader conversations on the value of education as one mechanism for improving their school-related outcomes.
Second, students’ expressed preference toward intrinsic (versus extrinsic) motivation predicted lower school attendance. Specifically, students who noted a preference toward extrinsic motivators (e.g. rules, rewards, and avoiding punishment) were found to attend school more than their more intrinsically oriented peers, net of their caregivers’ values. Although the direction of this relationship was inconsistent with research from the USA and other non-African contexts (e.g. Watkins et al., 2003), it may reflect important cultural, economic, and contextual differences faced by African schoolchildren (Dass-Brailsford, 2005). Many Ghanaian schools rely heavily on extrinsic reinforcement systems (e.g. economic motivators, corporal punishment) and ‘chew and pour’ pedagogical frameworks to encourage student learning. As a result, intrinsically oriented students may not find school to be particularly stimulating or fitting to their needs, and may elect to miss school more often than their extrinsically oriented peers (Deci et al., 1999). This ‘person-environment fit’ theory has been used in past educational research (e.g. Eccles, 2004), and suggests that particular profiles of student motivation may not be universally adaptive or maladaptive; rather, it is the match between individual characteristics and the larger learning environment that matter most for engagement and participation. To optimize outcomes for the largest number of students, school staff must incorporate multiple learning goals that target various motivational profiles whenever possible.
Finally, although students who attended school more often showed better mathematics and English achievement, no direct relationship was observed between caregivers’ values and academic achievement, or between student motivation and academic achievement (see Author Note). The overall lack of association with academic achievement suggests that caregivers’ values and student motivation may be important factors for increasing daily access to school, but may be less important in predicting achievement once there. Together with the strong relationship between attendance and achievement, these findings highlight the importance of considering student attendance as a critical academic mechanism and endpoint within contexts where day-to-day and long-term educational access is limited by economic constraints. Furthermore, they provide additional evidence for identifying school attendance as a primary goal of Ghanaian school service providers.
Limitations
Although this study has numerous strengths―including its multi-informant design and unique sample―there are several important restrictions to the validity and generalizability of these findings. First, the use of cross-sectional data limits the ability to establish the directionality of these relationships. Although social, motivational, and academic processes likely operate in transactional ways across time (Theron & Donald, 2013), this theory cannot be tested with these data. Second, the small and non-representative sample and presence of missing data from School 2 limits generalizability. Although few observed differences in student and family characteristics were seen across the schools, the fact that student attendance and achievement data were missing non-randomly may have biased results in unknowable ways. In addition, little is known about how representative the present sample is of the larger Ghanaian or West African population, or whether these results extend to government-sponsored schools. Additional research with larger samples from both government and private schools is needed to replicate these findings. Finally, research is needed to better understand relationships with additional subtypes of motivation in Ghanaian students. For example, understanding how students whose extrinsic orientations are based on approach goals (those linked to a desire for positive reinforcement) versus avoidance goals (those based on an aversion to negative reinforcement) may help to further explain the observed relationships between extrinsic motivational orientations and higher school attendance.
Implications for schools
Results of this study further highlight the importance of considering individual and environmental forces in determining student outcomes across cultures and contexts. In particular, these findings suggest several avenues for schools aiming to promote student motivation, attendance, and performance. As a first step, school staff in developing countries can implement concrete strategies (e.g. workshops on effective communication strategies, regularly yet flexibly scheduled caregiver-teacher meetings) to involve students’ caregivers and promote common educational goals. By opening channels of communication, school personnel can forge positive school-family partnerships that not only convey important educational content, but also reinforce the mutual benefits of school attendance and learning (Farrell & Collier, 2010; Overett & Donald, 1998; Pelco & Ries, 1999).
In addition to promoting connections between students’ home and school environments, school personnel must work within the school itself to promote multiple, diverse learning goals for all students. Such student-centred whole-school reform efforts have been found to be effective for improving student engagement in other international contexts (Covell, McNeil, & Howe, 2009). In the case of Ghana and other areas that are geared toward external reinforcement in their education systems, providing more individualized learning plans and incorporating pedagogical approaches that focus on critical thinking, curiosity, and creativity may engage students who have been socialized at home to be more intrinsically oriented.
More broadly, these results highlight the need for school professionals to consider students’ family and cultural contexts in addition to their localized school experiences when designing efforts to improve student attendance and outcomes (Fryberg et al., 2012). School policies and initiatives that are in direct conflict with the goals and values of the local community, family, or individual student will likely fail in promoting engagement and sustainable change. School personnel must make every effort to take into account cultural values, equalize power inequalities, and provide opportunities for collaboration with caregivers and students to enhance students’ ‘fit’ with their local school environments (Lewis & Naidoo, 2004).
Footnotes
Note
Author biographies
References
Supplementary Material
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