Reconceptualizing school safety for Black students

Although racism, discrimination, police brutality, and educational disparities have been common and often ubiquitous occurrences in the Black American experience in the United States (U.S.), the country is currently undergoing a reckoning with regard to anti-Black racism. Recent police murders of George Floyd, Breonna Taylor, Philando Castile, and other precious Black lives have awakened the country to the reality that Black people often experience spaces where they are targeted and unsafe. This reality extends to school-based experiences of Black students, where they experience culturally incongruent curricula, discipline disparities, and bias on the part of school staff (e.g., Halberstadt et al., 2020; Ladson-Billings, 1998). The reckoning that the country is experiencing broadly provides an opportunity to reexamine and reconceptualize Black students’ experiences in schools and how American schools are often unsafe spaces for Black students. As such, we will discuss the school-based experiences of Black students in American schools with a particular focus on their physical and emotional safety and provide implications and recommendations for practice toward the establishment of safe and affirming educational spaces for Black students.

School experiences of Black students

School climate and safety

School climate is a multidimensional construct describing students’ experiences of the character and quality of school environments (Thapa et al., 2013). This includes aspects such as adult and peer support, school connectedness, the physical environment, cultural acceptance, order and discipline, and safety (La Salle et al., 2016). Students’ school climate experiences are related to their academic outcomes, physical and mental health, bullying experiences, engagement in risky behaviors including substance use, self-esteem, and behavioral outcomes, among many others (La Salle et al., 2020; Thapa et al., 2013).

Evidence suggests disparities in school climate experiences along racial lines, as Black students experience schools differently from their White counterparts. Black students have reported more negative perceptions of school climate than White students (Parris et al., 2018), including less teacher caring and equity (Bottiani et al., 2016). Perceptions of a school's racial fairness are related to Black students’ achievement through the mediating roles of behavioral and cognitive engagement (Griffin et al., 2017). Studies have demonstrated mixed results regarding the relationship between school climate and the diversity of the school's population, although the evidence is clear that this relationship is different for minoritized and White students (La Salle et al., 2020; Parris et al., 2018). Teacher race is also related to perceptions of school climate, as White students’ connectedness and perceptions of cultural acceptance increased as the population of White teachers increased, but this relationship was not found for minoritized students (La Salle et al., 2020).

With regard to safety specifically, minoritized students also reported lower experiences of school safety than White students (Koth et al., 2008). Black students have also reported disparities in safety and connectedness related to inequities in academic achievement (Voight et al., 2015). Lacoe (2015) found that Black students reported lower perceptions of school safety than White and Asian students, even after controlling for school and neighborhood factors. Black students were more likely than White students to report feeling unsafe in the classroom and outside of the school, and they were more likely to report staying home from school due to feeling unsafe; however, Black students were less likely than White students to report feeling unsafe in unsupervised environments (e.g., hallways, bathrooms; Lacoe, 2015). Another important finding from Lacoe’s (2015) study is that neighborhood factors such as violent crime rate did not account for any variance in the model after school factors were accounted for, indicating that disparities in Black students’ experiences are not a result of their neighborhoods, but rather their school-based environments. This necessitates a critical examination of the ways in which schools fail to ensure the safety of Black students.

Discipline disparities

Black students are more likely than any other racial group to experience exclusionary discipline, including office discipline referrals, suspensions, and expulsions (U.S. Department of Education, 2018). Despite only representing roughly 16% of all public-school students, Black students accounted for 39% of students suspended from school (U.S. Department of Education, 2018). The discipline gap exists as early as preschool, as Black preschool children are 3.6 times more likely to receive one or more out-of-school suspensions than White preschool children. Similarly, Black K-12 students are 3.8 times more likely to receive one or more out-of-school suspensions (U.S. Department of Education, 2016).

Research has indicated varying negative implications of discipline disproportionality among minoritized students, suggesting that exclusionary school discipline practices and policies contribute to lower student achievement (Anderson et al., 2019a, 2019b), higher dropout rates (Balfanz et al., 2014), and the school-to-prison pipeline (Shollenberger, 2015). In addition, the first disciplinary consequence in a given year is associated with more significant academic declines (Anderson et al., 2019a, 2019b; Balfanz et al., 2014), which further expands the racial opportunity gap in achievement. Black students experience higher rates of discipline but are more likely to be suspended for subjectively interpretable violations, such as disrespect or defiance, and to receive more severe disciplinary consequences than White students for similar violations (Skiba et al., 2016). For racially minoritized students, their behaviors may be misperceived by their teachers as inappropriate, often resulting in some form of disciplinary consequence (Skiba et al., 2016).

Racial trauma

In addition to the racist policies and practices that Black students experience in schools, they also experience racial trauma outside of school that affects their wellness and outcomes. We have seen a clarion call to address childhood trauma in recent years. Often, significant attention is given to addressing forms of trauma such as physical and sexual abuse and natural disasters. There is minimal discourse highlighting the connection between racial trauma and overall well-being. This is valid for all children of color but particularly for Black children (Sanders-Phillips, 2009). Recently, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC, n.d.) declared racism a public health crisis that is a significant threat to the well-being of all who have experienced it in the United States. Racism as a historical form of trauma has created multigenerational consequences for Black families. Researchers have demonstrated a direct relationship between race-based stress and mental health outcomes (Polanco-Roman et al., 2016). Even more alarming, children who are descendants of survivors of historical trauma are vulnerable to more psychological symptoms of trauma when exposed to new stressors (Michaels, 2010). Psychological symptoms associated with racial trauma include anxiety, hypervigilance to threat, lack of positive regard for one's future, and maladaptive responses to stress such as aggression or substance use (Carter, 2007; Kang & Burton, 2014). These symptoms can lead to poor psychosocial functioning, which can be worsened by the negative influences of racial discrimination on social factors such as educational and social mobility (Kang & Burton, 2014). Lebron et al. (2015) suggested racial trauma was the result of:

chattel slavery, Jim Crow, lynching, de facto and legal discrimination, oppression, employment discrimination, poverty, social alienation, hate crimes, demonization of non-white cultures, discriminatory child welfare practices, mass incarceration, unjust imprisonment, racially-biased justice systems, mandatory sentencing, inhumane treatment within societal institutions, unethical medical experiments on ethnic and racial minorities, forced sterilization of Black women, the school to prison pipeline, inferior schools and education, the achievement gap, the sequestering of minority students in special education programs, racial housing segregation, inhumane housing conditions, and discriminatory policing. (p.10)

One particular issue that Black Lives Matter has centered on is the ongoing police violence that occurs against Black people. Evidence suggests that police violence is often permitted at the institutional level and by the American public to uphold White supremacy (DeVylder et al., 2020). In many cases, police officers use negative stereotypes of Black men to claim they were fearful for their lives before shooting (Adedoyin et al., 2019). These negative stereotypes of dehumanization are associated with perpetrators of police brutality using aggression to maintain power and control (Bryant-Davis et al., 2017). Thus, Black people have limited recourse (Otuyelu et al., 2016). These interactions tend to have more deadly consequences for Black men and boys than their counterparts. While the rate of police shootings between 2015 and May 2021 was 15 fatal shootings per million for White Americans, it was 36 per million of the population for Black Americans (Statista Research Department, 2021). Black boys are three times more likely to be shot by a police officer than White boys (Bryant-Davis et al., 2017).

Due to technological advances, many individuals across the United States have witnessed police officers’ assault on Black bodies, such as the recent murders of George Floyd and Breonna Taylor. Even racially motivated events that are witnessed vicariously can influence one's view of safety and racial discrimination (Blackmon & Thomas, 2015). It is not uncommon for Black youth to experience symptoms of depression and post-traumatic stress disorder after viewing online distressing events directed at a member of their racial group (Tynes et al., 2019). Smith Lee and Robinson (2019) interviewed 40 young Black men between the ages of 18–24, who reported witnessing and being victims of police violence since childhood. Similarly, Staggers-Hakim (2016) indicated that Black boys experience significant levels of fear due to the national cases of police brutality, concerned that the slightest mistake could cost them their lives. Increasingly, it is not uncommon for Black people to have strong negative emotions such as anger or sadness due to being either direct or vicarious witnesses of police brutality. These recent events of police violence have increased Black children's understanding of race not only at an individual or interpersonal level but also from a structural level. In other words, they are keenly aware of racial discrimination within the United States (Rogers et al., 2021), as well as in their schools.

A critical analysis of Black students’ school experiences

The aforementioned disparities in Black students’ school experiences are not a result of happenstance. Rather, they reflect the impact of anti-Black racism that pervades American educational, health, criminal justice, and economic systems, among many others. For instance, in the 1920s and 1930s, several White psychologists attempted to prove the inherent inferiority of Black people to White people by comparing results of intelligence tests (Graves, 2009). Such targeted anti-Black practices continue to pervade the American education system, further marginalizing Black students. Critical Race Theory (CRT; e.g., Ladson-Billings, 1998) provides a theoretical background to critically analyze the ubiquitous structural racism in U.S. systems. Major tenets of CRT include the permanence of racism and racial oppression as normal aspects of American life, the notion of Whiteness as property, the centering of the experiences and voices of individuals of color, and evidence that White individuals have been the primary beneficiaries of civil rights legislation (Ladson-Billings, 1998). When applying this framework to education, Ladson-Billings and Tate (1995) and Ladson-Billings (1998) argued that racial school inequities such as opportunity gaps and discipline disparities result from school policies and practices that privilege Whiteness at the expense of other racial groups. As such, misperceptions of color-neutrality and meritocracy in school policies, funding, curricula, instruction, and disciplinary practices are reflective of White, American, middle-class values that place Black students at a disadvantage at the intersection of education, property, race, and class (Ladson-Billings, 1998; Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995).

When viewing school climate and safety through a critical lens, it is clear that Black students often experience educational environments that are not made for them to succeed or feel safe and supported. American schools continue to be segregated across racial lines decades after the landmark Brown v. Board decision, as White students often attend majority-White schools and minoritized students often attend schools with large populations of other minoritized students (de Brey et al., 2019). In addition, the workforce of teachers, principals, school psychologists, and other school staff remains overwhelmingly White, middle-class, and monolingual English-speaking (National Center for Education Statistics, n.d.). We also know that teachers hold racialized biases against Black students (e.g., Halberstadt et al., 2020; Jackson et al., 2020) and have lower expectations of Black students’ academic and behavioral performance (e.g., Tyler & Boelter, 2008). As such, individuals with the power to decide school policies and practices often do not share the racial/ethnic identity of Black students, resulting in rules, policies, and practices that privilege the culture and identities of school staff rather than the students they are serving.

White supremacy results in White values becoming the expectation for all students to meet, while minoritized students’ cultures and values are not integrated into the fabric of school cultures (Anyon et al., 2018; La Salle et al., 2020). Additionally, teachers’ failure to establish authentic and meaningful relationships with Black students, bias in interpreting students’ behaviors, and lack of cultural synchrony in understanding Black students’ culture result in school environments where Black students are often physically and emotionally unsafe and targeted by racist discipline policies and practices (Anyon et al., 2018; Blake et al., 2016b; La Salle et al., 2020). Experiences of racial unfairness can be accompanied by peer victimization and racial incivility among peers in schools, further limiting the options for safe environments for Black students (Griffin et al., 2017; Lacoe, 2015). Experiences of peer victimization can also be compounded by discrimination on the basis of other identities, as Black boys with emotional and behavioral disorders (EBD) reported significantly more peer victimization than Black boys without EBD (Collins et al., under review). As such, it is incumbent upon school staff to establish school cultures that see and value Black students’ intersectional identities and school environments that ensure Black students’ physical and emotional safety.

Physical safety

Ensuring a psychologically and physically safe and secure learning environment for students and staff is necessary for students to learn and for teachers to teach (Nickerson et al., 2021; Wood & Hampton, 2021). To enhance school safety and security, many schools have adopted various measures to heighten their physical security efforts (e.g., video surveillance systems, locking building doors during school hours, and building fences around their premises; Wood & Hampton, 2021). Further, a growing approach includes the utilization of school resource officers (SROs). In 2017, roughly 71% of students ages 12–18 reported observing security guards or assigned police officers in schools (Wang et al., 2020).

SROs are primarily tasked with maintaining a safe and secure learning environment for students and staff (Wood & Hampton, 2021). Research on SROs, regarding perceptions of safety, has revealed mixed findings (Nickerson et al., 2021). Researchers such as Lindstrom Johnson et al. (2018) suggest that the presence of and interactions with SROs are associated with an increase in students’ perceptions of safety. In other studies, police presence in schools was associated with a higher arrest rate for all students (Homer & Fisher, 2020), and more interactions with SROs were associated with a decrease in students’ connectedness to school (Theriot, 2016). Across racial groups, students have differential views regarding SROs as being beneficial for improving school safety and limiting discipline problems (Nickerson et al., 2021; Turner & Beneke, 2020). Research suggests the presence of SROs was associated with feelings of safety for White students, whereas Black students reported feeling less safe and less favorably toward SROs (Pentek & Eisenberg, 2018).

Nickerson et al. (2021) noted several empirical studies indicating that police officers’ presence in schools is associated with more recorded crimes, arrests, and use of exclusionary discipline practices. For minoritized students and students with disabilities, SROs in the educational environment are linked to increased exclusionary discipline practices (Turner & Beneke, 2020; Wood & Hampton, 2021). For instance, the overuse of punitive discipline strategies among Black students further contributes to the school-to-prison pipeline, as students are funneled out of schools and into the criminal justice system (Turner & Beneke, 2020). Exclusionary discipline practices aid in the school-to-prison pipeline; however, arrests made in school directly route students out of school and into the criminal justice system (Turner & Beneke, 2020). Homer and Fisher (2020) suggest that police presence in schools resulted in more arrests for Black and male students. Balfanz et al. (2014) found that minoritized children who became involved with law enforcement were considerably less likely to graduate from high school or enroll in college. Because of the harm associated with SROs, many scholars, community advocates, and school stakeholders suggest removing SROs from schools (Turner & Beneke, 2020).

Despite the negative implications of SROs’ presence and interactions with students in schools, it is important to note that in some school settings, SROs engage in proactive and preventative roles alternative to their primary role as law enforcement. Informally, SROs may act as counselors, mentors, educators, and community liaisons (Stevens et al., 2021; Wood & Hampton, 2021); however, this may be problematic because SROs are not always trained as mental health professionals and often do not view student behaviors through the same lens as educators (Stevens et al., 2021). Furthermore, the degree to which SROs engage in such preventative activities and their related effectiveness remains unclear (Stevens et al., 2021). Given the mixed results regarding students’ safety in the presence of SROs, coupled with the negative implications associated with SROs and youth from minoritized backgrounds, school administrators and district leaders should carefully weigh the research evidence supporting the use of physical safety measures, including the extent of their use and varying student and school contextual factors (Lindstrom Johnson et al., 2018; Nickerson et al., 2021).

Emotional safety

Racial microaggressions can be harmful because they convey to Black students that schools are not safe or welcoming (Moore & Phelps, 2020). “Racial microaggressions are brief and commonplace daily verbal, behavioral, or environmental indignities, whether intentional or unintentional, that communicate hostile, derogatory, or negative racial slights and insults toward people of color” (Sue et al., 2007, p. 271). These racial microaggressions communicate to people of color that their positionality is lesser than their White counterparts (Liu et al., 2019). Exposure to repeated and cumulative microaggressions is correlated with a higher level of traumatic symptoms (Nadal et al., 2019). One could argue that the constant debate regarding the Black-White opportunity gap in achievement can be considered a microaggression because it is typically assumed that the low academic performance for Black students is due to internal attributes or their parents’ characteristics (Sue, 2010).

Unfortunately, these microaggressions create a school climate that may not be welcoming or safe for Black students. School safety strategies must pay particular attention to racism and how school environments are unsafe for many Black students (Zimmerman & Astor, 2021). Schools with fewer Black students provided more threatening environments than schools with significantly larger populations of Black students (Hanselman et al., 2014). Schools must provide environments that project physical and psychological safety for Black students (Nickerson et al., 2021). Schools can violate the psychological safety of Black students when there is a failure or a refusal to explicitly discuss racism with students, potentially (re)traumatizing them (Anderson et al., 2019a, 2019b).

Black students, particularly males, are more likely to be victims of racial violence from their peers, teachers, and other school personnel (Henderson et al., 2019). Prejudiced beliefs in youth social networks can increase the chances of Black students experiencing ethnic harassment (Özdemir et al., 2018). Bottiani et al. (2016) surveyed 58 high schools to explore differences in perception of caring, equity, and high expectations among Black and White students. They found that Black students perceived their schools to be less caring and equitable than their White peers. The racial harassment that Black youth experience in school can lead to feelings of anger and sadness (Henderson et al., 2020). Moreover, the low public regard Black students might experience in school can manifest itself as internalized racism, which can be just as stressful and traumatizing for them (Seaton & Iida, 2019).

Recommendations for practice

The aforementioned systemic barriers, such as physically and emotionally unsafe school environment and climate, and anti-Black policies and practices impeding the success of Black students in schools, highlight the importance of providing recommendations for practice toward establishing safe and affirming educational spaces for Black students to promote equitable outcomes. According to Albert Sidney Beckham, who is credited as the first African American school psychologist, “What one is depends much on his environment, physical experiences, type of training, emotional stability, and strength of will” (as cited in Graves, 2009, p. 13). Given that Black students have differential experiences within the educational system, the use of culturally responsive evidence-based interventions and supports that promote a positive, safe learning environment for Black students in schools is warranted. As such, culturally relevant multi-tiered systems of support (MTSS), mindfulness, Afrocentric interventions such as mentoring, restorative justice, and conflict resolution interventions and supports aimed at fostering a safe and effective learning environment for Black students in schools are discussed.

Strengths and assets of Black youth

Ladson-Billings (2009) seminal study highlighted the importance of schools incorporating the strengths of Black students in order to create a more inclusive environment. Brock et al. (2016) stressed that an effective school safety team strives to promote both internal and external resilience to reduce the probability of students experiencing psychological trauma. Okeke-Adeyanju et al. (2008) demonstrated that highlighting the accomplishments of Blacks throughout our society and promoting racial pride can help foster resiliency among Black youth. School programs that focus on positive youth development can help develop strengths in students. Therefore, schools must be willing to create a safe environment for youth to explore their racial identity development. There is an association between Black students’ perception of a positive school climate and schools that encourage students to be proud of their racial and ethnic heritage (Spencer, 2008). Nicolas et al. (2008) have suggested that a student's ability to critically think about racial imbalances and various coping strategies to deal with these sorts of situations is a strength. Thus, schools need to actively create opportunities for Black youth to practice skills and strategies that allow them to cope with racially stressful events at school and in the community. Another strength for many Black students is their community connections with immediate and extended family members and community leaders. Schools must be willing to establish partnerships with families, spiritual figures, and other community stakeholders (Brock et al., 2016).

Culturally relevant MTSS

MTSS is a widely used framework intended to establish safe, positive, and consistent school environments. To address behavioral and mental health challenges, schools often implement School-Wide Positive Behavior Interventions and Supports (SWPBIS; Sugai & Horner, 2009), a multi-tiered framework for assessing students’ response to evidence-based interventions and supports. Major tenets of MTSS models such as SWPBIS include universal screening, progress monitoring, data-based decision-making, and the implementation of evidence-based interventions with treatment integrity (Sugai & Horner, 2009). Although MTSS has been shown to result in reductions in discipline disparities for Black students, these disparities were not eliminated and continued to exist in each of these studies (e.g., Baule, 2020; Heidelburg et al., 2021; McIntosh et al., 2018). As such, traditional MTSS models are not sufficient to combat institutional racism and discriminatory policies in American schools. This necessitates an equity-focused and culturally relevant MTSS framework that can promote Black students’ safety, positive experiences, and predictable school environments (Heidelburg et al., 2021).

Equity-focused and culturally relevant MTSS must be used to simultaneously address educational inequities and establish culturally relevant school cultures and climates. First, data are utilized to address issues of equity in schools. Disaggregating discipline data by student and staff race/ethnicity, location, time of day, and other important variables can reveal areas in which target behaviors are most likely to occur, and staff are most likely to either exacerbate or attenuate behaviors (McIntosh et al., 2018). Conducting root cause analyzes at the school and classroom levels can reveal teachers who are most likely to issue office discipline referrals and the students who are most often targeted (Blake et al., 2016a). Second, implementing culturally relevant interventions (discussed in the following sections) that are personalized to students and families and consistent with their values and goals, as well as fit the context of the school environment, is critical. Implementing culturally relevant interventions without an equity focus can result in biased decision-making based on flawed data, and the opposite pattern would result in the implementation of culture and culture-evasive interventions with little likelihood of success in addressing disparities. Third, issues of racism and bias among staff must be addressed via accountability for staff, anti-bias training, coaching (Bradshaw et al., 2018), and implementation of strategies around vulnerable decision points (i.e., situations in which staff biases are likely to result in inequitable decision-making; Smolkowski et al., 2016). Fourth, compassionate and culturally relevant school policies must be implemented, as zero-tolerance discipline policies create inequities in schools and push Black students into the criminal justice system (Lacoe, 2015). Fifth, Black students and families should have the opportunity to co-create school rules, cultures, and practices to fit their norms and values so that their school environments reflect their culture rather than that of school staff (e.g., with classroom agreements, discussed below). Each of these five elements are critical to an affirming and safe approach to educational service delivery, and the failure to include any of these elements may result in furthering the variety of disparities we currently see in American education.

As part of MTSS training, school personnel, including administrators, should require professional development in cultural and racial literacy so that staff develop the skills to discuss race and racism with students. Cultural literacy is knowing the cultures and experiences of ethnic minority groups (Palacios & Trivedi, 2009). Racial literacy creates the space for community-based problem-solving to engage in action to address oppressive practices and structures within school systems (Vetter & Hungerford-Kressor, 2014). Racial literacy can help teachers foster an authentic sense of care for students and their personal and collective experiences (Brown, 2017). Development in racial literacy will require school officials to provide ongoing support, reengagement, and in some cases, differentiation to their teachers (Flynn et al., 2018). School climate screening can reveal areas to focus on in terms of Black students’ experiences of adult support, cultural acceptance, and safety in schools, among others. To create more inclusive school environments, there needs to be a continued commitment to learning and self-reflecting through cultural and racial literacy training for teachers and staff. For instance, Swain-Bradway et al. (2019) indicated that Wisconsin schools that provided training in self-awareness, culturally responsive classroom practices, and approaches to analyzing data to determine greatest need of impact demonstrated equitable improvements in academic and school discipline outcomes. Moreover, California schools that have equity-based training in administrative leadership, integrated educational framework, family and community engagement, and inclusive policy and practice saw significant increases in English Language Arts and Math student proficiency scores (McCart & Choi, 2020). Also, schools that prioritize the use of engaging instruction to reduce the opportunity in achievement gap, develop policies with accountability for disciplinary equity, and teach strategies for reducing implicit bias in discipline decisions as part of their social and emotional learning programming can improve equity in school discipline (McIntosh et al., 2018).

Mindfulness

As mentioned earlier, chronic stress contributes to higher rates of poor health outcomes for Black Americans (Biggers et al., 2020). Schools must provide support and empathy in stress and validation of emotional experiences (Keels, 2020). One practice that schools can implement to improve the school climate for Black students is mindfulness. Kabat-Zimm (2011) defined mindfulness as “paying attention in a particular way; on purpose, in the present moment, and non-judgmentally” (p. 4). Researchers have reported that mindfulness significantly moderates the effect of racial discrimination on mood symptoms (Zapolski et al., 2019) and the overall school functioning of ethnic minoritized elementary school children (Black & Fernando, 2013). Mindfulness practices can allow Black youth to manage stressors and challenges, empowering them to see and manage their emotions (Kazanjian, 2020). For instance, compassionate meditation, a form of mindfulness, has been shown to decrease racial distress for people of color (Hwang & Chan, 2019).

Kwah (2019) suggested mindfulness can help students recognize and heal by bringing attention to the oppression of the dominant culture, so they do not constantly internalize racial experiences. Furthermore, mindfulness can allow teachers and other school personnel to become more aware of their privilege and unconscious words and actions that harm Black students (Hanger, 2015). At least 10 min per day of mindfulness meditation can reduce implicit race bias among adults (Lueke & Gibson, 2015). As suggested earlier, when a trauma victim's voice is suppressed, it may prevent their ability to fully heal from those toxic stressors (Herman, 2015). Thus, mindfulness offers the space for Black students to process and recover from their traumatic racial experiences.

Universal Afrocentric interventions

Because traditional education often inadequately teaches Black students their history and culture, Afrocentric interventions are needed to combat the systemic barriers that hinder the success of Black children in schools (Aston & Graves, 2016; Heidelburg & Collins, in press). Afrocentrism refers to the perspective of Africa as the origin of human civilization (Denbo & Beaulieu, 2002). Afrocentrism involves centering African-derived structures, values, and practices to present-day situations in Black Americans’ lives, thereby promoting resilience to anti-Black systems and practices (Asante, 2009). When Black individuals view themselves as centered in Afrocentric structures, values, and practices, their thoughts, behaviors, and emotions are liberated from the centering of Eurocentrism (Asante, 2009). One universal Afrocentric practice involves centering the value system of guiding principles for African Americans Nguzo Saba. The seven principles of Umoja (Unity), Kujichagulia (Self-Determination), Ujima (Collective Work and Responsibility), Ujamaa (Cooperative Economics), Nia (Purpose), Kuumba (Creativity), and Imani (Faith) are core values that every Black individual should live by and can assist Black people in navigating oppressive systems and anti-Black policies and practices (Asante, 2009).

Although more research is needed, Afrocentric programs can challenge systemic barriers such as racism, inadequate resources, and discrimination found within oppressive institutional systems (Aston & Graves, 2016; Heidelburg & Collins, in press). Belgrave et al. (2011) suggested that Afrocentric interventions provide students with a host of positive characteristics, including positive choice-making, relationship skills, identity empowerment, self-esteem, and greater ethnic/racial pride. Furthermore, Afrocentric values are positively correlated with academic self-efficacy beliefs for elementary-age students, suggesting higher expectations for future accomplishments (Shin, 2011). For Black students, culturally responsive practices incorporating Afrocentrism through the schooling process can serve as a protective factor (Graves & Aston, 2018; Heidelburg & Collins, in press) and can empower students to overcome oppressive institutional barriers (Denbo & Beaulieu, 2002).

Afrocentric school-based mentoring

Utilizing Black adults with a strong racial identity, trained to provide interventions and support for Black children in schools, as mentors for Black students in schools, is a specific culturally responsive and effective strategy to cultivate students’ positive development. Mentoring youth in school is an effective, flexible intervention strategy that can be easily incorporated into the schooling process in various contexts and for a variety of purposes (DuBois et al., 2011). Mentoring youth within schools involves a positive relationship between a non-parental adult to a young person in the school setting (Wheeler et al., 2010). A mentor's overall objective is to serve as a professional helper or role model to a mentee and provide a mentee with the necessary information and skills needed for positive living (DuBois et al., 2011). Since students spend a large portion of their day in school, School-Based Mentoring (SBM) can be more effective for mentoring youth (Randolph & Johnson, 2008; Wheeler et al., 2010). Research suggests that participation in SBM programs can positively affect students’ behavior, academic achievement, personal and social growth, and aspirations of success (DuBois et al., 2011; Randolph & Johnson, 2008; Wheeler et al., 2010).

For Black children, research demonstrates that mentoring can serve as a protective factor (Hall, 2006), and when combined with Afrocentrism, mentoring can also enhance culturally responsive practices such as social skills instruction (Heidelburg & Collins, in press). Mentoring with an Afrocentric worldview intentionally incorporates Black culture and historical roots (Gordon et al., 2009) and can lead to a host of positive outcomes for Black students. For instance, Gordon et al. (2009) revealed that students in an Afrocentric mentoring intervention had significantly higher academic success than non-mentored peers. Additionally, mentoring with an Afrocentric worldview can be effective due to the opportunity for a mentee to receive direct role modeling from an individual who shares their racial/ethnic identity. For Black students, research has shown that interactions with positive Black individuals can foster one's behavior, mindset, and racial identity (Gordon et al., 2009; Hall, 2006).

Restorative justice and conflict resolution interventions

Positive relationships with peers and school staff are critical to the physical and emotional safety of Black students in schools; however, schools need effective strategies to use in avoiding conflicts and to repair harm when conflict arises. Restorative Justice (RJ) and conflict resolution interventions are promising methods to address conflict in schools and are well-positioned as viable alternatives to inequitable exclusionary discipline practices (Mayworm et al., 2016). RJ practices can fit seamlessly into culturally relevant MTSS models, and common practices include restorative circles (i.e., meetings to repair harm and discuss group dynamics), restorative chats (i.e., adult-guided amend-making meetings), and classroom agreements (i.e., a process for creating classroom rules and culture describing how students and staff will interact with one another; Nese et al., 2021). These strategies are included in the various peer-mediated interventions that have strong theoretical foundations for success with Black students (Collins et al., 2021). Gregory et al. (2016) found that teachers exhibiting strong implementation of RJ strategies had better relationships with their minoritized students and issued fewer office discipline referrals to Black and Latinx students than teachers who implemented RJ less effectively. Given its potential to replace racist discipline practices in schools, Mayworm et al. (2016) argued for a tiered model of coaching and support for teachers in their implementation of RJ practices. Because RJ meetings are held with students and school staff, they provide an opportunity for staff to apologize and make amends to students when they engage in problematic behaviors that make the environment less safe for Black students, and they can discuss how staff will make amends and proceed positively in their interactions with Black students. Although more research is needed, RJ and conflict resolution interventions hold promise as compassionate responses to conflict rather than exclusionary discipline strategies that push Black students out of school.

Conclusion

Ensuring a school environment that is physically and psychologically safe for students is critical for the positive development of students, particularly minoritized students continuously oppressed by systemic barriers. Thus, reconceptualizing school safety for Black students must entail a particular focus on system-wide policies and practices impeding the liberation of Black students in schools. Lack of physical and emotional safety, discipline disproportionality, reduced academic success, and racial bias and trauma are common components of the schooling experience of Black students. Given the dire need to better support Black students in schools, reconceptualizing school safety must be a top priority for school and district leaders. As a result, it is the responsibility of school and district stakeholders to better understand the schooling experience of Black students. Key stakeholders must examine the culturally biased assumptions held within themselves and the education system to effectively foster an environment of safety for Black students in schools. For example, understanding the ongoing racial trauma Black students and families experience and how inequitable practices and policies continue to impede Black students should be explored to support safe and productive schooling experiences for Black students.

Furthermore, professional development on cultural awareness and culturally relevant pedagogy, implicit bias, proactive and compassionate approaches to discipline, promoting a safe and inclusive learning environment, as well as the inclusion of students, families, and communities’ voices regarding solutions on school issues should be integrated to increase cultural competency among school staff (Heidelburg et al., 2021). Continued professional development would allow educators to understand the nuances of the Black experience in America to avoid treating all Black students as if they were all the same and had the same experiences. Efforts at promoting equity must incorporate the various intersectional identities that Black students have and how they experience various forms of marginalization and oppression within schools and their communities. Contextual variables must also be considered, such as the percentage of Black students and other racially and ethnically minoritized students in buildings. In schools with large percentages of Black students, entire school cultures and policies can be centered around the unique lived experiences of the population of students served in the building. In settings where Black students are underrepresented, it is necessary to ensure that their culture and lived experiences are integrated into building policies and practices representative of the school's population. In each case, every Black student deserves to feel that they are seen and valued and that they are safe in a world that rarely allows them to have such experience. Future research is needed to identify the various considerations that need to be made to most effectively promote Black liberation in schools in ways that respect the various lived experiences of Black youth.

Lastly, school officials and district leaders must closely analyze their policies and practices to ensure existing policies and practices do not sustain or promote anti-Black racism in schools. For example, the exclusionary discipline practice of suspending students for subjectively interpretable behaviors or being chronically absent are counter-productive practices that further the discipline gap, funneling Black students out of school (Balfanz et al., 2014). Future research must re-examine and reform zero tolerance discipline policies and the use of SROs to promote and center the safety of Black students. In conclusion, stakeholders have the responsibility to better support the positive and safe school experience of all students, particularly Black students who continuously experience systemic oppression. As such, stakeholders are faced with an ultimatum and must decide to either be a part of the solution and better support the schooling experiences of Black students or to maintain the status quo and further oppress Black students within schools.