Finding a Fit or Developing It

Abstract

“Passion for work” has become a widespread phrase in popular discourse. Two contradictory lay perspectives have emerged on how passion for work is attained, which we distill into the fit and develop implicit theories. Fit theorists believe that passion for work is achieved through finding the right fit with a line of work; develop theorists believe that passion is cultivated over time. Four studies examined the expectations, priorities, and outcomes that characterize these implicit theories. Our results show that these beliefs elicit different motivational patterns, but both can facilitate vocational well-being and success. This research extends implicit theory scholarship to the work domain and provides a framework that can fruitfully inform career advising, life coaching, mentorship, and employment policies.

Keywords

implicit theories beliefs passion work vocation

“The only way to do great work is to love what you do.” This sentiment, famously expressed by Steven Jobs, Apple co-founder and CEO, reflects an increasing concern in American society with the meaning of work (e.g., Anteby & Wrzesniewski, 2014; Herzberg, Mausner, & Snyderman, 2011; Wrzesniewski, 2003). Because a large portion of our lives is dedicated to working, it is natural that we seek enjoyment and fulfillment in it. This experience of identifying with a line of work that one loves, looks forward to, is intrinsically motivated by, and derives fulfillment from has been effectively summarized by lay people in the term “passion for work” (Chen, Ellsworth, Schwarz, & Lim, 2015).

The notion of having passion for one’s work is pervasive in our popular discourse (e.g., Coleman, Gulati, & Segovia, 2012; Kang & Albion, 2005; Newport, 2012). And understandably so—passion has been shown to be associated with important work outcomes, including positive affect, flow, entrepreneurial initiative, lower burnout, and vocational satisfaction (Cardon, Wincent, Singh, & Drnovsek, 2009; Chen et al., 2015; Perttula & Cardon, 2011; Vallerand & Houlfort, 2003). Thus far, our knowledge of passion for work comes from research that has primarily focused on defining the experience of passion toward specific work activities, entrepreneurial passion, healthy versus unhealthy types of passion, and the consequences of having passion for work (e.g., Cardon et al., 2009; Forest, Mageau, Sarrazin, & Morin, 2011; Perttula & Cardon, 2011; Vallerand & Houlfort, 2003). For example, depending on how people identify with their work, their passion can take on more adaptive (harmonious) or maladaptive (obsessive) forms that facilitate or impede their work life balance (Vallerand & Houlfort, 2003).

Yet considering how much passion for work is touted in the popular literature, relatively little scholarly work has addressed how it is attained (Perttula & Cardon, 2011). In their recent call for research on the topic, Perrewé, Hochwarter, Ferris, McAllister, and Harris (2014) emphasize: “Although the passion that people demonstrate at work would appear to be a topic of considerable interest and importance to organizational scholars and practitioners, we know virtually nothing about it” (p. 145). In this article, we investigate how lay people believe that passion for work is attained. Our research examines lay people’s implicitly held beliefs (“implicit theories”) about how passion for work is achieved, along with their associated expectations, choices, and outcomes.

Two Mindsets: Fit and Develop Theories

The dominant mentality in America is the belief that passion is attained through finding a fit with the right line of work: We enjoy working in vocations compatible with our true selves. This is captured in the term “follow your passion,” which advocates actively seeking the right fit. Since 1990, this term has increased ninefold in English books (Google Ngram 1990-2008, Michel et al., 2011), illustrating its rising centrality in popular culture. In the scholarly literature, person–environment fit researchers similarly advise matching individuals with suitable work environments to achieve positive outcomes, including higher job satisfaction and lower psychological stress (Edwards, 2008; Kristof, 1996).

This idealistic approach, however, paints a dismal picture for those who do not find the perfect fit or even know what it is. Especially when the job market is tight, not everyone has the luxury to pick and choose the “right” vocation. Espousing what they consider a more realistic approach, some people suggest that passion for work can be cultivated over time in any line of work. They advocate developing one’s passion through mastery rather than expecting it from the outset (Newport, 2012; Tokumitsu, 2014). This developmental orientation resonates with empirical literature that focuses on how employees adjust to their companies rather than how they select into them in the first place (e.g., Saks & Ashforth, 1997; Van Maanen & Schein, 1977).

These two different beliefs about how passion for work is attained correspond to what we term the fit and develop implicit theories. We define the fit theory as the belief that passion for work is found through a fit with the right line of work, and the develop theory as the belief that passion for work is developed over time in a line of work. These theories are implicit in our popular discourse, and furthermore, highlight fundamental assumptions that may also be implicit in scholarship.

General and Domain-Specific Implicit Theories

Prior research attests to the usefulness of implicit theory frameworks in understanding how people’s beliefs influence their judgments, goals, and behaviors. At a general level, there are two basic types of beliefs about people’s personalities—an entity theory is the belief that people cannot change the kind of person they are, whereas an incremental theory is the belief that people can change their dispositions (Chiu, Hong, & Dweck, 1997; Dweck, 2000). These general implicit theories about people’s personalities have significant implications, especially for social judgment. The more strongly people believe that personality is fixed, the more likely they are to expect consistency in people’s behaviors across situations and to draw dispositional inferences about others. In contrast, the more strongly people believe that personality can change, the more likely they are to take situational factors and psychological states into account in their social judgments (Chiu, Hong, & Dweck, 1997; Levy, Stroessner, & Dweck, 1998).

Apart from these domain-general beliefs, people hold other beliefs about their abilities and attributes that are domain-specific (Dweck, Chiu, & Hong, 1995a). For instance, someone can have an incremental theory about her music ability but an entity theory about her weight. In the academic domain, students’ beliefs about the malleability of intelligence affect how they explain and respond to academic setbacks (e.g., Hong, Chiu, Dweck, Lin, & Wan, 1999). Following poor performance, entity theorists who view intelligence as stable tend to construe their failure as indicative that they are not smart enough, and they are consequently more likely to feel helpless and persist less in that subject area. In comparison, incremental theorists who view intelligence as malleable tend to attribute failure to a temporary lack of current ability that they can improve. These people generally respond to setbacks with greater mastery-oriented persistence than entity theorists (Dweck, 2000; Hong et al., 1999). Similarly, in weight management, believing that one’s body weight is stable tends to be associated with avoidant forms of coping such as giving up after a dieting setback, whereas believing that one’s body weight can change tends to be associated with expectations of future success and persistence at weight regulation (Burnette, 2010).

Researchers have richly applied this implicit theories framework to many important areas of life, including morality, emotions, relationships, and stress (e.g., Chiu, Dweck, Tong, & Fu, 1997; Crum, Salovey, & Achor, 2013; Kammrath & Peetz, 2012; Tamir, John, Srivastava, & Gross, 2007). However, despite extensive popular discourse on passion for work, lay people’s implicit beliefs about how this experience is attained have yet to be examined empirically.

Our Research

Our work extends previous research on implicit theories and passion for work to test how vocational passion is achieved in the eyes of the lay person. We propose that, similar to beliefs about people’s general dispositions, there are two basic sets of beliefs that people have about what it takes to achieve passion in their work which motivate them in different ways. Fit theorists, who believe in finding their fit with the right profession, are inclined to seek a line of work that they enjoy from the outset—an indication of compatibility. However, develop theorists, who believe in cultivating passion through mastery of the work, prioritize initial enjoyment less in their vocational choices, presuming that passion will grow over time. Thus, we would expect that if asked to make a trade-off between initial enjoyment and another important work goal (such as pay), fit theorists would prioritize enjoyment from the outset, but develop theorists would be more willing to prioritize other vocational characteristics.

In four studies, we examined the expectations (Study 1), choices (Study 2), predictive value (Study 3), and real-world implications (Study 4) associated with these fit and develop theories. Study 1 tested how fit and develop theorists’ intentions to go into different lines of work are influenced by their affective forecasts. Study 2 examined how they make choices between job offers that entail trade-offs. Study 3 evaluated how well the fit and develop theories explain important work outcomes above and beyond people’s general beliefs about how much they can change. Study 4 surveyed a more representative sample of American working adults across various professions to examine how people’s fit and develop theories are associated with actual work outcomes. All four studies were sufficiently powered: sample sizes were determined based on 0.80 power and small to medium effect sizes.

Pretest

We ran a Pretest survey to create the implicit theory measures for the following studies. Participants filled out single-item measures, multi-item scales, and a dichotomous forced-choice measure of their implicit theories of passion for work. We found consistency among these three measures, and therefore, primarily used the single-item and dichotomous measures in our later studies for brevity.

Method

Ninety-eight adults (58.2% males, M_age = 34.8 years, age range = 19-61, USA, Mechanical Turk) completed our online survey about work attitudes. All participants filled out single-item, multi-item, and dichotomous forced-choice measures of their implicit theories of passion for work, among other variables. These different measures were administered on separate pages of the online survey.

Single-Item Measures

We measured participants’ endorsement of the fit theory and the develop theory using 1 (strongly disagree) to 5 (strongly agree) scales. The fit theory question read as follows: “I believe that there is a perfect job fit for every individual and finding the right line of work will determine one’s happiness and success at work.” The develop theory question read as follows: “I believe that passion is developed through a learning process within any chosen line of work. The better one gets at one’s type of work, the more one will start to love the profession.”

Multi-Item Scales

Later in the survey, participants rated their agreement with 10 questions about their beliefs on 7-point scales: Five about beliefs consistent with the fit theory (e.g., “Passion arises from a good match between people’s interests and their work.”), and 5 about beliefs consistent with the develop theory (e.g., “People have to give themselves some time to truly understand a profession—only then can they appreciate and begin to love the work.”). The fit theory and develop theory questions were interspersed with one another on the same page and presented in the same order to all participants.

Dichotomous Measure

On a separate page, participants had to choose between the fit theory (“Passion for work is something that you find through a fit with the right line of work.”) and the develop theory (“Passion for work is something that develops as you gain competence in the line of work.”). This forced-choice measure was meant to identify their dominant theory. Past literature has shown that people are generally aware of many different beliefs and can even endorse different ones at different times. However, they tend to rely on a dominant theory at any one point in time to make sense of their situations (Dweck, Chiu, & Hong, 1995b). At the end of the survey, we measured participants’ demographics, including their education levels.

Results and Discussion

Using all available data, we conducted an exploratory factor analysis (Maximum Likelihood) with Promax rotation on the 10 belief questions to test whether the fit and develop theory questions loaded onto separate constructs. The resulting scree plot and extraction results yielded three fit theory items that accounted for one factor (13.44% of variance explained. factor loadings > .60) and four develop theory items that accounted for another (25.28% of variance explained, factor loadings > .55). We excluded the remaining 3 questions that did not load highly onto either of these factors (loadings < .25). The 7 retained questions are presented in Table S1 in the online supplemental materials. Reliability analyses showed that the three fit theory items formed a reliable scale, α = .70, as did the four develop theory items, α = .84. We averaged these items to form the fit and develop theory multi-item scales, respectively.

Consistent with the popular “follow your passion” mindset in America, the vast majority (78%) chose the fit theory over the develop theory on the dichotomous measure, binomial test (.5), p < .001. This was consistent with higher mean endorsements of the single-item fit theory measure (M_fit = 3.71, SD = 0.91) relative to the develop theory measure (M_dev = 3.35, SD = 0.94), paired t(97) = 2.81, p = .01, confidence interval_fit-dev (CI) = [0.11, 0.63], d = .40.¹ It was also consistent with results from the multi-item fit (M_fit = 5.56, SD = 0.81) and develop scales (M_dev = 4.97, SD = 1.06), paired t(97) = 4.81, p < .001, CI_fit-dev = [0.35, 0.84], d = .63.

Furthermore, participants’ choice of dominant theory corresponded to their means on the single-item and multi-item measures (see Table 1). Fit theorists on the dichotomous measure consistently endorsed the fit theory more than the develop theory on both continuous measures and vice versa.

Table 1.

Pretest Correspondence Between Participants’ Dominant Theory Choice and Their Ratings on the Continuous Measures.

	Dichotomous forced-choice measures
	Fit theorist	Develop theorist
Single-item measures
Fit theory	3.88 (.82)	3.14 (.99)
Develop theory	3.14 (.92)	4.05 (.65)
paired t test	t(75) = 5.78, p < .001, [0.48, 0.99]	t(21) = −4.00, p < .01, [−1.38, −0.44]
Multi-item scales
Fit theory scale	5.62 (.84)	5.38 (.73)
Develop theory scale	4.73 (1.01)	5.78 (.81)
paired t test	t(75) = 6.71, p < .001, [0.62, 1.15]	t(21) = −2.04, p = .05, [−0.82, 0.01]

Note. Single-item measures were rated on 5-point response scales; multi-item measures were rated on 7-point response scales.

Table 2 presented correlations among the measures and demographic variables. The fit and develop single-item measures did not significantly correlate with one another, nor did the multi-item scales, ps > .10. Unexpectedly, the fit theory multi-item scale correlated with both single-item measures; but it was only weakly associated with the develop theory single-item measure and not at all with the develop theory multi-item scale. Although we might expect generational or education level differences in endorsement of the two theories, the fit and develop measures did not significantly correlate with education level or age, all ps > .24.

Table 2.

Pretest Correlations Among the Continuous Single-Item and Multi-Item Measures and Demographic Variables.

	1	2	3	4	5	6
1. Fit single-item measure	—
2. Develop single-item measure	.02	—
3. Fit theory scale	.58**	.23*	—
4. Develop theory scale	−.13	.68**	.17	—
5. Education level	.03	.07	−.04	.04	—
6. Age	.06	.11	.04	.08	.12	—

p < .05. **p < .01.

Our findings show consistency among the three ways of measuring participants’ implicit theories of passion for work. This pretest provides a repertoire of measurement methods from which our next three studies and future studies can draw. Given the consistency and relative brevity of the dichotomous and single-item measures, we adopted those measures in our next few studies.

Study 1: Expectations of Passion

Many choices, especially long-term career decisions, are influenced by people’s expectations of what these choices entail. Study 1 examined how people’s implicit theories influence how passionate they expect to feel toward different types of work and their intentions to go into different vocations.

We asked participants to indicate their dominant belief about how passion for work is achieved. To assess their vocational trade-offs, participants reported how likely they were to go into an enjoyable but low-paying line of work and a less enjoyable but high-paying line of work. For each line of work, participants made two affective forecasts: a near future forecast about how passionate they expected to feel 2 weeks into the line of work, and a distant future forecast about how passionate they expected to feel 4 years into the line of work. We expected differences between fit and develop theorists’ forecasts of how passionate they would feel at both times and that these differences would predict their intentions to go into different lines of work. In all our studies, we focused on people’s trade-offs between enjoyment and pay—the top two dominant work goals found across representative samples of workers in seven countries, including the United States (Harpaz, 1990).

Method

We recruited 100 adults (56.0% males, M_age = 31.9 years, age range: 18-59, USA, Mechanical Turk) to complete our online survey about work attitudes. All participants received three separate blocks of thematically grouped questions about (a) their dominant implicit theory, (b) their responses to an enjoyable, low-paying line of work, and (c) their responses to a less enjoyable, high-paying line of work. These blocks of questions were presented in a randomized, counterbalanced order.

Participants indicated their dominant implicit theory using the dichotomous implicit theory measure described in the Pretest study. To assess people’s responses toward an enjoyable, low-paying line of work, we asked our participants to think about a line of work that they enjoyed very much, but which paid a low salary. They rated how likely they were to go into this line of work (behavioral intentions) and how passionate they expected to feel after having spent 2 weeks (near future) and 4 years (distant future) in it. In a separate block of questions, they responded to the same three questions while thinking about a line of work that paid extremely well, but that they did not find very enjoyable. All ratings were made on 7-point scales (0 = not at all; 6 = extremely).

Results and Discussion

We did not find any significant block order effects, so we ruled out the possibility that participants were merely responding consistently after they had indicated their dominant implicit theory. Supporting the prevalence of the “follow your passion” mentality in America, a greater proportion of participants subscribed to the fit theory (68%) than the develop theory (32%), binomial test (.5), p < .001. We present cell means and standard deviations in Table 3. Consistent with our predictions, a repeated-measures ANOVA showed that there was a significant Implicit Theory × Line of Work interaction, F(1, 97) = 10.26, p < .01, $η_{p}^{2}$ = .10. Simple contrasts showed that fit theorists had a marginally greater tendency to enter the enjoyable, low-paying line of work than the less enjoyable, high-paying line of work, F(1, 97) = 2.87, p = .09, $η_{p}^{2}$ = .03, [−0.88, 0.07], whereas develop theorists showed the opposite tendency, F(1, 97) = 7.41, p < .01, $η_{p}^{2}$ = .07, [0.25, 1.62].

Table 3.

Study 1 Means and Standard Deviations for Fit and Develop Theorists’ Behavioral Intentions and Affective Forecasts.

	Fit theory M (SD)		Develop theory M (SD)
	Enjoyable, low-paying	Less enjoyable, high-paying	Enjoyable, low-paying	Less enjoyable, high-paying
Behavioral intention	4.50 (1.26)	4.10 (1.41)	4.13 (1.31)	5.06 (1.05)
Near future forecast	5.34 (1.33)	3.28 (1.14)	4.48 (1.53)	3.90 (1.30)
Distant future forecast	4.94 (1.34)	3.06 (1.52)	4.75 (1.52)	4.38 (1.64)

How participants’ expected to feel toward these lines of work in the near and distant futures explained their behavioral intentions. A repeated-measures ANOVA showed that participants’ near future forecasts were predicted by a significant Implicit Theory × Line of Work interaction, F(1, 95) = 12.70, p < .01, $η_{p}^{2}$ = .12. Fit theorists anticipated feeling more passionate toward the enjoyable, low-paying line of work than the less enjoyable, high-paying line of work, F(1, 95) = 74.75, p < .001, $η_{p}^{2}$ = .44, [1.59, 2.53], hence, their preference for the former. Develop theorists, however, anticipated feeling equally passionate about both lines of work, p = .14, [−0.17, 1.24]. Thus, it made sense for them to choose the higher paying one. Forecasts for the distant future showed a similar interaction pattern, F(1, 97) = 10.93, p < .01, $η_{p}^{2}$ = .10. After 4 years, fit theorists expected to be more passionate about the enjoyable, low-paying line of work than the less enjoyable, high-paying line of work, F(1, 97) = 52.37, p < .001, $η_{p}^{2}$ = .35, [1.39, 2.43]; however, develop theorists anticipated feeling equally passionate about both, p = .33, [−0.38, 1.13].

We tested whether forecasted passion mediated the influence of implicit theory on behavioral intentions at each time point. Bootstrapped indirect effects analyses were conducted with 1000 resamples, as recommended by Preacher and Hayes (2004). Relative to develop theorists, fit theorists were more likely to enter an enjoyable, low-paying line of work partly because they expected to feel more passionate toward it in the near future, indirect effect = −.46, Z = −2.61, p < .01, [−0.83, −0.12] (Figure S1). However, this was not driven by differences in how passionate they expected to feel in the distant future, indirect effect p = .53, [−0.48, 0.20]. Relative to fit theorists, develop theorists were more likely to enter a less enjoyable, high-paying line of work because they expected to feel more passionate about it in the near future, indirect effect = .28, Z = 2.07, p = .04, [0.04, 0.61], and distant future, indirect effect = .27, Z = 2.03, p = .04, [0.03, 0.57] (Figures S2a and S2b). All mediation figures are available in the online supporting materials. These results suggest that fit theorists’ vocational trade-offs may be largely driven by short-term considerations, whereas develop theorists’ trade-offs may be made with both short- and long-term consequences in mind.

Change scores (= distant future forecast − near future forecast) showed that develop theorists expected their passion to grow over time, as we might expect. They forecasted significantly greater increases in their passion across both lines of work, relative to the expected decrements by fit theorists—enjoyable, low-paying line of work: M_fit = −.36, SD = 1.20; M_dev = .29, SD = 1.22, t(96) = −2.47, p =.02, CI_fit-dev [−1.17, −0.13], d = .54; less enjoyable, high-paying line of work: M_fit = −.24, SD = 1.29; M_dev = .42, SD = 1.39, t(96) = −2.29, p =.02, CI_fit-dev [−1.23, −0.09], d = .50. We found it surprising that fit theorists predicted declines in their passion for work over time—this was significantly different from zero in the enjoyable, low-paying line of work, t(66) = −2.44, p =.02, [−0.65, −0.06], and trending but not significant in the less enjoyable, high-paying line of work, t(66) = −1.51, p =.14, [−0.55, 0.08]. A possible explanation is that fit theorists may not expect their initially high levels of passion to be sustainable over a long period of time—a form of intuitive regression to the mean. Alternatively, finding a fit may emphasize one’s current interests, which can change over time—thus, a good fit now may not be as good a fit in the future.

In a nutshell, fit theorists, who consistently expect greater passion in an enjoyable, low-paying line of work than in a less enjoyable, high-paying line of work, gravitate toward the former. In contrast, develop theorists, who expect to feel equally passionate in either vocation, are more likely to choose the higher paying one. Develop theorists expect their passion to grow over time in any line of work, as we hypothesized; however, fit theorists, perhaps realistically, expect decrements in their passion over time. Our next study sought to understand whether these group differences in behavioral intentions extended to how people make actual choices between job offers.

Study 2: Vocational Choices

To test whether Study 1’s results extended to people’s actual choices, we asked participants in Study 2 to choose between two job offers. As in Study 1, these job options entailed trade-offs on enjoyment and pay.

Method

We recruited 151 adults (61.6% males, M_age = 32.3 years, age range: 18-77, USA, Mechanical Turk). They reported their dominant implicit theory as in Study 1 and made a choice between two job offers in an online survey. Respondents chose between Company A, which “offers you a job in a line of work that pays highly; however, the work does not sound very enjoyable to you,” and Company B, which “offers you a job in a line of work that you find very enjoyable; however, the work does not pay well.”

Results

As in Study 1, more participants endorsed a fit theory (80.7%) than a develop theory (19.3%), binomial test (.50) p < .001. A chi-square test showed significant differences in job offer preferences by implicit theory, χ²(1, N = 149) = 4.44, p = .04, d = .35. Replicating Study 1, 61.2% of fit theorists chose the enjoyable, low-paying option (Company B), as compared with 39.3% of develop theorists. Again, we found that fit theorists tend to prioritize enjoyment from the outset in their vocational choices and are willing to compromise on pay for it, whereas develop theorists tend to make the opposite trade-off.

Discussion

In sum, Studies 1 and 2 showed that implicit theories about passion for work are associated with how passionate people anticipate feeling toward different lines of work and how this affects their vocational choices. However, our results do not differentiate these implicit theories about work from more general beliefs about whether people can change. Do these findings simply reflect people’s general theories about malleability, or do they reflect theories specific to work? In the next study, we examined whether people’s implicit theories of passion for work account for important work-relevant outcomes beyond their general implicit theories about personality.

Study 3: Differentiating From General Implicit Theories

In Study 3, our goal was to distinguish implicit theories about passion for work from general implicit theories. We examined whether these domain-specific and general beliefs were associated with one another. We predicted that people’s implicit theories of passion for work would explain variance in work-relevant outcomes beyond general implicit theories.

Method

We recruited 272 adults who were working full-time in the United States (60.2% males, M_age = 34.4 years, age range = 19-64, USA, Mechanical Turk) to fill an online survey on attitudes about work.

Implicit theory measures

Participants reported two different types of implicit theories that they held: general “kind of person” implicit theories and domain-specific implicit theories of passion for work. Their general “kind of person” implicit theories were assessed with Dweck’s (1999) four-item scale (α = .96). Examples of items include: “The kind of person someone is, is something very basic about them and it can’t be changed very much” and “People can do things differently, but the important parts of who they are can’t be changed.” Their implicit theories of passion for work were measured with the dichotomous and single-item continuous measures described in the Pretest study.

Vocational choice

Using our Study 2 job choice measure, participants were asked to make a choice between two job offers associated with different priorities. They chose whether they preferred to join a company in a line of work that did not sound particularly enjoyable, but that paid highly (Company A) or a company in a line of work that was very enjoyable, but that did not pay well (Company B).

Vocational well-being measures

To assess people’s actual experiences at work, we asked participants to rate how passionate they were toward their work (passion), how satisfied they felt (vocational satisfaction), and how committed they were toward their vocations (vocational commitment). People rated their passion on a 10-item Work Passion Scale (α = .96; Chen et al., 2015; online supplemental materials appendix). They reported their general vocational satisfaction in response to the question “How satisfied are you with your current line of work?” (−3 = very unsatisfied; 3 = very satisfied). Their long-term vocational commitment was assessed through two questions adapted from Blau (1988): “I like this vocation too well to give it up” and “I definitely want a career for myself in this profession” (1 = strongly disagree; 5 = strongly agree; inter-item bivariate correlation: r = .77, p < .001).

Results and Discussion

Distribution of fit and develop theorists

Similar to previous studies, a majority (73.5%) of our American working adult participants chose the fit theory over the develop theory on the dichotomous implicit theory measure, binomial test (.5), p < .001. This pattern of results replicated on the continuous measures, where participants endorsed the fit theory more (M_fit = 3.75, SD = 0.91), on average, than the develop theory (M_fit = 3.41, SD = 1.02), paired t(253) = 4.35, p < .001, CI_fit-dev[0.19, 0.50], d = .36.

Participants’ responses on the dichotomous and continuous measures of implicit theories of passion for work were consistent. On average, those who had chosen the fit theory on the dichotomous measure gave higher ratings on the fit theory continuous measure (M_fit = 3.88, SD = 0.83) than on the develop theory continuous measure (M_dev = 3.18, SD = 1.02), paired t(184) = 8.15, p < .001, CI_fit-dev [0.53, 0.87], d = .75. Those who had chosen the develop theory on the dichotomous measure gave higher ratings on the develop theory continuous measure (M_dev = 4.04, SD = 0.68) than the fit theory continuous measure (M_fit = 3.40, SD = 1.05), paired t(66) = −5.20, p < .001, CI_fit-dev [−0.89, −0.40], d = .71. The fit and develop theory continuous measures were weakly correlated with one another, r = .14, p = .03.

Differentiating implicit theories of passion for work and general implicit theories

Neither the fit theory (r_fit = −.06) nor the develop theory (r_dev = .11) measures were significantly correlated with the general implicit theory measure, both ps > .05. These results suggest that they do not measure the same construct. Although prior literature has found that some domain-specific implicit theory measures, such as those on intelligence and morality, are positively and weakly associated with the general implicit theory measure (Dweck et al., 1995a), our fit and develop theories of passion for work seem to be tapping into separate psychological mechanisms.

Vocational choices

First, we examined whether endorsements of the fit and develop theories explain people’s vocational choices above and beyond general implicit theories about people’s personalities. To replicate our Study 2 findings, we performed a hierarchical logistic regression of job offer choice on the general implicit theory measure (Step 1) and the dichotomous implicit theory of passion for work measure (Step 2). People’s general implicit theories were not associated with their choices between the two lines of work, B = −0.04, Wald(1) = 0.11, p = .74, exp(B) = 0.96, CI_exp(B) [0.78, 1.20].² Importantly, participants’ implicit theories of passion for work significantly explained their vocational choices, B = −0.96, Wald(1) = 10.34, p < .01, exp(B) = 0.38, CI_exp(B) [0.21, 0.69]. As we found in Study 2, those with a dominant fit theory (68.3%) were more likely than those with a dominant develop theory (46.3%) to choose the company associated with an enjoyable though poorly paying line of work, and vice versa.

Vocational well-being

Next, we considered whether people’s endorsements of the fit and develop implicit theories explained work-relevant outcomes beyond their general implicit theories. We regressed people’s self-reported passion, vocational satisfaction, and vocational commitment on their general implicit theories (Step 1) and their fit and develop theories (Step 2). Table 4 presents the results of our hierarchical multiple regressions.

Table 4.

Study 3 Hierarchical Multiple Regression of People’s General Implicit Theories, Fit Theory Endorsement, and Develop Theory Endorsement on Each Work Outcome: Passion, Satisfaction, and Commitment.

	ΔR²	F _change	B	SE	t	95% CI
Passion
Step 1	.00	0.39
General implicit theory			.04	.05	0.85	[−0.06, 0.14]
Step 2	.14**	18.48
General implicit theory			.03	.05	0.68	[−0.06, 0.12]
Fit theory			.19**	.06	3.01	[0.06, 0.31]
Develop theory			.27**	.06	4.82	[0.16, 0.38]
Satisfaction
Step 1	.01	1.63
General implicit theory			.11	.09	1.28	[−0.06, 0.29]
Step 2	.14**	19.04
General implicit theory			.08	.08	0.91	[−0.09, 0.24]
Fit theory			.23*	.11	2.13	[0.02, 0.45]
Develop theory			.54**	.10	5.46	[0.34, 0.73]
Commitment
Step 1	.00	0.13
General implicit theory			.03	.07	0.35	[−0.11, 0.16]
Step 2	.09**	11.69
General implicit theory			.01	.07	0.10	[−0.13, 0.14]
Fit theory			.19*	.09	2.08	[0.01, 0.36]
Develop theory			.32**	.08	4.03	[0.16, 0.48]

Note. CIs are for the unstandardized B coefficients. CI = confidence interval.

*p < .05. **p < .01.

Passion

We expected people’s fit and develop theories to account for a significant amount of variance in experienced passion above and beyond their general implicit theories. First, people’s general implicit theories were not significantly associated with their passion for work, B = 0.04, t = .85, p = .40, CI_B = [−0.06, 0.14]. Controlling for the effects of their general implicit theories, people’s endorsements of the fit theory, B = 0.19, t = 3.01, p < .01, CI_B = [0.06, 0.31], and the develop theory, B = 0.27, t = 4.82, p < .001, CI_B = [0.16, 0.38], were both significantly associated with how passionate people felt toward their work. Supporting our predictions, working adults’ implicit theories of passion uniquely explained 14.1% of variance in their passion for work beyond their general implicit theories, F_change(2, 224) = 18.48, p < .001.

Satisfaction

The pattern of results replicated with vocational satisfaction. People’s general implicit theories were not significantly associated with their reported vocational satisfaction, B = 0.11, t = 1.28, p = .20, CI_B = [−0.06, 0.29]. Controlling for their general implicit theories, their endorsements of the fit theory, B = 0.23, t = 2.13, p = .03, CI_B = [0.02, 0.45], and the develop theory, B = 0.54, t = 5.46, p < .001, CI_B = [0.34, 0.73], were associated with how satisfied they were. People’s implicit theories of passion uniquely explained 13.5% of variance in their vocational satisfaction beyond their general implicit theories, F_change(2, 242) = 19.04, p < .001.

Commitment

We found similar results for working adults’ vocational commitment. People’s general implicit theories were not significantly associated with their vocational commitment, B = 0.03, t = .35, p = .72, CI_B = [−0.11, 0.16]. Controlling for these general beliefs, their endorsements of both the fit theory, B = 0.19, t = 2.08, p = .04, CI_B = [0.01, 0.36], and the develop theory, B = 0.32, t = 4.03, p < .001, CI_B = [0.16, 0.48], were significantly associated with how committed people felt toward their vocations. People’s implicit theories of passion for work uniquely explained 8.9% of variance in how committed they felt beyond their general implicit theories, F_change(2, 239) = 11.69, p < .001.

Finally, we analyzed correlations among measures of people’s fit theory endorsement, develop theory endorsement, education level, and age (Table 5). Higher endorsements of the fit theory were negatively and weakly correlated with education level, r = −.15, p = .02. There were no other significant correlations among the measures. Because these results were inconsistent with the lack of association among these measures in the Pretest, where we found no significant correlations between participants’ fit theory endorsements and their education levels, we attempted to replicate them in the next study.

Table 5.

Study 3 Correlations Among the Fit and Develop Theories and Demographic Variables.

	1	2	3	4
1. Fit theory	—
2. Develop theory	.14*	—
3. Education level	−.15*	.11	—
4. Age	0	−.10	.17**	—

p < .05. **p < .01.

Discussion

Thus far, our findings show that people’s vocation-related forecasts, choices, and even outcomes are associated with their implicit theories about passion for work. Working adults’ endorsements of the fit and develop theories significantly explain their vocational choices and outcomes, above and beyond their general implicit theories. In fact, people’s general implicit theories did not relate to any of the work outcomes that we measured. Our results highlight that people’s implicit beliefs about work are not just an extension of their implicit theories about people in general. Rather, these fit and develop theories can help us better understand how people make decisions about their professions that affect their well-being.

Having mainly focused on hypothetical scenarios in Studies 1 and 2, the next study sought to extend Study 3’s findings further by examining the relation between people’s implicit theories and vocational outcomes in their actual lines of work. We surveyed a more representative sample of American working adults from various professions, and asked them to share their beliefs and actual work experiences.

Study 4: Real-World Working Adults

We examined how implicit theories of passion for work are related to various outcomes on the job with a more representative sample of American working adults. In addition, we wanted to examine one main difference between the two mindsets—how much they emphasize compatibility with their lines of work. Do fit theorists go into lines of work that they think they are suited for from the outset? Do develop theorists’ perceived fit with their lines of work increase over time, as we found with their passion forecasts in Study 1? By extension, how might fit and develop theorists’ perceptions of fit with their current lines of work affect their feelings toward their vocations? For instance, do fit theorists feel less passionate about a line of work that they do not think matches well with their current interests and more passionate about a line of work that they think does? Compared with fit theorists, are develop theorists’ passion less strongly dependent on their perceptions of compatibility with their lines of work? Finally, we also tested whether people’s work well-being and success on the job were associated with their fit and develop theories.

Method

As part of a larger work attitudes survey, 271 U.S. citizens and permanent residents who were working full-time or part-time in the United States (48.3% male, 1.5% unreported, M_age = 40.9 years) responded to our survey questions. We recruited them from a variety of vocations through a professional survey sampling company. The targeted sample size was 300, but not all who participated met our criteria. Demographic descriptives and data exclusion criteria are included in the online supporting information in Table S2 and the Appendix, respectively.

Implicit theory measures

Participants filled out the same dichotomous and single-item implicit theory measures used in previous studies.

Vocational priorities

To assess their priorities, participants were asked to make a trade-off between enjoyment and pay. They were asked to indicate where their preference fell along a continuum between a line of work that they found enjoyable and a line of work that paid well (“Suppose you had to choose between a line of work that you find very enjoyable and a line of work that you think pays well. On the scale below, please indicate where your preference falls”; 1 = enjoyable line of work; 6 = line of work that pays well).

Perceived fit

To assess subjective compatibility, we measured participants’ perceived current fit with their vocations (current fit) and their perceived fit with their vocations when they first started (starting fit). Current fit was measured with two questions as follows: “How good a fit do you think there is between you and your current line of work now?” (1 = very poor fit; 7 = very good fit) and “How well-suited do you think you are for this line of work now?” (1 = not at all suited; 5 = perfectly suited). Because these two items were highly correlated (r = .74, p < .001) and on different scales, we converted each scale rating into a proportion (e.g., 4/7 and 3/5) and summed the two proportions to create our composite measure of current fit (with a maximum value of 2). Starting fit involved two similarly correlated questions measuring perceived fit when they first started in their lines of work (r = .62, p < .001). We collapsed them to form our composite measure of starting fit.

Outcome measures of well-being and success

Participants’ reported their work well-being and success through a number of measures. They reported how passionate they were toward their work on the Work Passion Scale used in Study 3, and how satisfied they were in their lines of work on a four-item Vocational Satisfaction Scale (adapted from the Satisfaction With Life Scale; Diener, Emmons, Larsen, & Griffin, 1985). Examples of items include “I am satisfied with my line of work” and “So far I have gotten the important things I value in my line of work.” This multi-item Vocational Satisfaction Scale (α = .91) was used as a more comprehensive measure than the single vocational satisfaction question administered in Study 3. To measure subjective and objective success, we had participants rate how successful they thought they were in their work (“How successful or unsuccessful would you say you are in your work?” 1 = very unsuccessful; 7 = very successful) and report their annual income range (12 brackets ranging from “less than US$10,000” to “US$150,000 or more”).

Results and Discussion

Distribution of fit and develop theorists

Replicating previous studies, a majority of 69.9% chose the fit theory over the develop theory, binomial test (0.5), p < .001. On the continuous measures, participants also endorsed the fit theory (M = 4.05, SD = 0.86) more than the develop theory (M = 3.81, SD = 0.97), paired t(270) = 3.75, p < .001, CI_fit-dev = [0.11, 0.36], d = .26.

On average, participants’ ratings on the dichotomous measure were consistent with their ratings on the continuous measures. Those who chose the fit theory on the dichotomous measure rated significantly greater endorsement on the continuous fit theory measure (M = 4.14, SD = 0.85) than the develop theory measure (M = 3.71, SD = 1.00), paired t(187) = 5.66, p < .001, CI_fit-dev = [0.28, 0.58], d = .47. Those who chose the develop theory on the dichotomous measure rated significantly greater endorsement with the continuous develop theory measure (M = 4.05, SD = 0.85) than the fit theory measure (M = 3.84, SD = 0.86), paired t(80) = −2.12, p = .04, CI_fit-dev = [−0.41, −0.01], d = .27.

Vocational priorities

When asked to make a trade-off between enjoyment and pay, what would fit and develop theorists prioritize? As in our previous studies, fit theorists preferred an enjoyable line of work (M = 3.37, SD = 1.59), whereas develop theorists preferred a well-paying line of work (M = 3.86, SD = 1.45), t(265) = −2.40, p = .02, [−0.90, −0.09], d = .32.

Perceived fit

Do fit theorists self-select into lines of work that they perceive as fitting their interests, whereas develop theorists mature in fit over time? To test this, we ran a repeated-measures ANOVA, which yielded a significant Implicit Theory × Change in Fit interaction, F(1, 261) = 6.82, p = .01, $η_{p}^{2}$ = .03 (Figure 1). Consistent with the argument that fit theorists self-select into better-fitting vocations from the outset, they rated higher starting fit with their lines of work than develop theorists, F(1, 261) = 9.62, p < .01, $η_{p}^{2}$ = .04, [0.05, 0.24]. However, both fit and develop theorists reported similar levels of current fit, p = .75, [−0.09, 0.12]. This was because, over time, develop theorists increased in fit significantly more than fit theorists, t(261) = −2.61, p = .01, [−0.23, −0.03], d = .35. Regardless of their implicit theory, the higher people’s perceived starting fit (r = .60, p < .01) and current fit (r = .83, p < .01), the more passionate they felt toward their vocations.

Figure 1.

Study 4 Implicit Theory X Change in Fit interaction showing how fit theorists report greater perceived fit with their lines of work at the start, but develop theorists catch up with them over time.

The fit theory suggests that fit theorists’ experiences of passion are very much tied to their perceived compatibility with their lines of work. Develop theorists, however, may not emphasize compatibility as much, although their experiences at work could certainly benefit from it. Therefore, we expected that fit theorists’ perceptions of starting fit are more strongly associated with how passionate they are about their work compared with that of develop theorists. Multiple regression analysis supported our prediction. There was a significant Implicit Theory × Starting Fit interaction on people’s work passion, controlling for each main effect, B = −0.26, t(244) = −2.00, p < .05, CI_B = [−0.51, 0.00] (Figure 2). The interaction and main effects accounted for 36.6% of the total variance in people’s reported passion, model F(3, 244) = 46.98, p < .001. Fit theorists experienced very low levels of passion when starting fit was low and were extremely passionate at high levels of starting fit, B = 1.62, t(171) = 10.21, p < .001, CI_B = [1.30, 1.93]. Develop theorists showed a similar pattern of results, but the impact of starting fit on their experienced passion was more modest, B = 1.11, t(73) = 5.84, p < .001, CI_B = [0.73, 1.49]. This same interaction pattern emerged between implicit theory and current fit; the interaction was marginally significant controlling for both main effects, B = −0.15, t(245) = −1.88, p = .06, CI_B = [−0.30, 0.01].

Figure 2.

Study 4 Implicit Theory × Perceived Starting Fit interaction on experienced passion.

Effects on well-being and success

Given the different motivational patterns of fit and develop theorists, we examined whether there were any differences in well-being and success. Fit and develop theorists reported similar levels of experienced passion, vocational satisfaction, subjective professional success, and annual income, all ps > .20.

We further analyzed correlations between the continuous implicit theory measures and outcome variables (Table 6 presents correlations and partial correlations). Williams’s tests for comparing dependent correlations (Williams, 1959; Steiger, 1980) showed that there were no significant differences in how strongly each implicit theory was associated with passion and satisfaction, Williams’s test ps > .05. Hence, both implicit theories were effectively associated with vocational well-being, although they facilitated different paths to these outcomes. Interestingly, the develop theory was more strongly correlated with subjective professional success, Williams’s t(239) = −2.57, p = .01—perhaps, because higher endorsements of the develop theory might be associated with expecting more success from higher investments of effort. Neither theory was significantly correlated with income. This lack of association is not surprising, given that these are theories about how passion for work is achieved, rather than how financial success is achieved. Thus, financial success can occur regardless of how people believe passion is attained.

Table 6.

Study 4 Correlations Between Continuous Implicit Theory Measures and Work Outcomes Using All Available Data.

	1	2	3	4	5	6	7	8
1. Fit	—
2. Develop	.36**	—
3. Passion	.33**	.36**	—
4. Vocational satisfaction	.32**	.40**	.84**	—
5. Subjective success	.08	.27**	.40**	.39**	—
6. Income	.02	.12	.08	.12	.06	—
7. Education level	−.12	.00	.10	.12	.09	.35**	—
8. Age	−.07	.03	.05	.01	.05	.08	−.08	—
Partial correlations controlling for develop theory endorsement
1. Fit	—
2. Passion	.23**	—
3. Vocational satisfaction	.21**	.82**	—
4. Subjective success	−.02	.34**	.32**	—
5. Income	−.03	.04	.08	.03	—
6. Education level	−.12	.11	.13*	.09	.35**	—
7. Age	.08	.04	.00	.05	.08	−.08	—
Partial correlations controlling for fit theory endorsement
1. Develop	—
2. Passion	.28**	—
3. Vocational satisfaction	.32**	.82**	—
4. Subjective success	.26**	.40**	.39**	—
5. Income	.12	.08	.12	.06	—
6. Education level	.05	.15*	.17**	.10	.36**	—
7. Age	.05	.08	.04	.06	.08	−.09	—

p < .05. **p < .01.

Implicit theories and background factors

Do people’s implicit theories reflect natural preferences, or are these beliefs a luxury that some people but not others can afford? Framed differently, is the fit theory a belief that only people of higher socioeconomic status or education level are in a position to hold? Our results showed that these beliefs are not a function of socioeconomic background. Annual household income provided by the survey sampling company was not significantly associated with people’s endorsements of either implicit theory, ps > .05. Similarly, there were no significant correlations between working adults’ education levels and either implicit theory (Table 6). These results suggest that the fit and develop theories may be widely held beliefs among American working adults regardless of their socioeconomic standing. Furthermore, these beliefs about work may not be inculcated through the education system, but propagated more through the popular media and socio-cultural norms.

Finally, we suspected that endorsements of the fit theory may be a more recent phenomenon and tested whether there were generational or cohort differences in implicit theories. We did not find a significant association between age and endorsements of either implicit theory (Table 6). These somewhat counter-intuitive results may attest to the extensive influence of today’s popular view about finding one’s fit with a line of work. As with household income and education level, it seems that age is not associated with how much people endorse one theory or the other about achieving passion at work. Nevertheless, our cross-sectional studies should be supplemented in the future by longitudinal surveys that can more rigorously test how people’s backgrounds influence the implicit theories they hold.

General Discussion

Vocational passion has become an increasingly important topic for people ranging from high school and college graduates to those experiencing midlife crises. Yet little research has been done on the topic of vocational passion, let alone on how it is attained (Perrewé et al., 2014; Perttula & Cardon, 2011). To shed light on this issue, we examined lay people’s implicit beliefs about how passion for work is achieved. We categorized lay people’s beliefs implicit in American popular discourse and scholarship into the fit and develop theories and examined the implications of these beliefs for people’s vocational expectations (Study 1), choices (Studies 2 and 3), and outcomes (Studies 3 and 4).

Although most Americans believe that passion comes from finding the right fit, our results suggest that this is not the only route to attain passion. Rather, people can achieve similar levels of well-being at work by endorsing either the fit or develop theory. The key difference lies in how these outcomes are attained: fit theorists tend to self-select into lines of work that fit them from the start, whereas develop theorists cultivate passion over time.

When making trade-offs, fit theorists tend to prioritize enjoyment at the expense of good pay, because they expect to feel consistently more passionate toward lines of work that they enjoy from the outset than toward higher paying but less enjoyable lines of work. Thus, fit theorists tend to self-select into lines of work that they think they enjoy and fit with from the start. Their passion toward their work strongly relates to how compatible they think they are with their vocations. Because develop theorists anticipate their passion to increase over time, they are generally more willing to prioritize goals other than immediate enjoyment in their vocational choices. Compared with fit theorists, develop theorists’ passion for work is less strongly related to how well they think they fit with their vocations. Moreover, develop theorists report growing to fit their vocations better over time.

Importantly, people’s fit and develop theories explain important work outcomes, including vocational passion, satisfaction, and commitment, above and beyond their general implicit theories. Whether these fit and develop theories are related to beliefs about fit and growth in other domains, such as relationships (e.g., Knee, 1998), remains an open question that future research may explore.

Our studies found that people’s endorsements of the fit and develop theories were sometimes positively and weakly correlated with one another (Studies 3 and 4). This suggests that they are not necessarily mutually exclusive opposites, as many other implicit theories (for example, intelligence, willpower, and personality) have been conceptualized (see Knee, 1998, for an exception). People are able to agree with both fit and develop theories at the same time but can also hold a more salient dominant theory that motivates their preferences and choices.

Limitations and Future Directions

Because our findings are correlational, more research is needed to establish causality. Ongoing research is attempting to manipulate the fit and develop theories to provide causal evidence of the role of implicit theories in vocational choices and outcomes. These experiments could be further complemented by longitudinal studies that address how fit and develop theories are acquired and the functions that they play in people’s relations with their work.

Although we focused on positive work outcomes in this article, future research can examine how these implicit theories might be associated with negative outcomes. In prior research, downsides to an entity theory include earlier withdrawal from difficulties and vengeful responses to peer conflicts (e.g., Burnette, 2010; Yeager, Trzesniewski, Tirri, & Dweck, 2011). Fit theorists may construe any dissatisfaction or professional setback as an indication of poor fit with their lines of work, and therefore more easily conclude that they should consider changing careers. However, an incremental theory has its drawbacks too—develop theorists may stay in professions that poorly match their interests and abilities for too long, which could be taxing to their psychological well-being (Wrosch, Scheier, Miller, Schulz, & Carver, 2003).

Our findings show that both beliefs can be adaptive. Yet it is also possible that one theory might be more advantageous over the other under certain circumstances. For instance, the fit theory might more efficiently enable passion when one can sample from multiple alternative options, but the develop theory might be more adaptive with few alternatives. More research could examine the situational variables that make one theory more effective than the other.

Practical Implications

From a practical standpoint, the fit–develop theory framework provides preliminary guidelines for advice giving and receiving. In an age of increasing awareness toward midlife and even “quarter-life” crises (an early form of midlife crises gaining prevalence among adolescents; Arnett, 2007; Robbins & Wilner, 2001), people are seeking successful approaches to inform their vocational choices. One approach has been to change people’s beliefs to effectively modify their strategies and outcomes (e.g., Blackwell, Trzesniewski, & Dweck, 2007; Dweck, 2000). Our research offers a complementary approach—to tailor strategies to people’s existing beliefs and priorities. Especially, if people’s implicit theories about a particular domain are difficult to change, proposing belief-congruent means by which they can achieve their desired ends can be helpful. For example, fit theorists may be more receptive to the use of personality tests in personnel selection and career guidance. However, develop theorists may relate better to an emphasis on organizational socialization and training opportunities. Overall, interventions built on our framework could fruitfully inform career advising, life coaching, mentorship, and employment policies.

Conclusion

In conclusion, people who have not found their “perfect fit” in a career can take heart—there is more than one way to attain passion for work. Contrary to popular wisdom, a love-at-first-sight experience is not necessary. The good news is that we can choose to change our beliefs or strategies to cultivate passion gradually or seek compatibility from the outset, and be just as effective in the long run at achieving this coveted experience.

Footnotes

Authors’ Note

The authors very much appreciate Alexander McBrairty’s contributions to their studies and Joshua Wondra’s feedback on some analyses presented in this article.

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: This study received financial support through the following University of Michigan in-house graduate student research grants: (a) Interdisciplinary Committee on Organizational Studies Small Grant Competition and (b) Rackham Graduate Student Research Grant.

Supplemental Material

The online supplemental material is available at .

Notes

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