Abstract
SNAP Matters: How Food Stamps Affect Health and Well-being is timely in its arrival. The Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP; formerly known as the Food Stamp Program), which has traditionally imposed relatively few participation restrictions compared to other social programs (e.g., Temporary Assistance for Needy Families, Medicaid, Unemployment Insurance) and received bipartisan support, has come under recent scrutiny as local and federal governments move to decrease funding and/or place restrictions on the program. The goal of this edited volume is to “explore how and why the [SNAP] program has grown over time, how it affects the well-being of participants, and its interconnections with the broader safety net” (p. 1). Authors also identify current gaps in the body of knowledge on SNAP effectiveness, including those that this volume is unable to fully answer, and provide directions for future research as well as applications to current policy debates.
The volume begins with a historical overview of SNAP and an analysis of recent trends in SNAP participation. The introductory chapter introduces readers to relevant concepts and demonstrates the centrality and unique nature of SNAP in the social safety net. In the first analytical chapter, Ziliak notes recent and rapid increases in SNAP participation have led to program scrutiny. Ziliak applies regression and simulation techniques to nationally representative data to show the greatest factors contributing to the increase in SNAP participation since the Great Recession are macroeconomic in nature: higher unemployment, lower incomes, and widening inequality. Ziliak concludes that proposals to decrease funding and limit SNAP eligibility will likely increase economic vulnerability among recipients.
The next five chapters in this volume analyze the effects of SNAP on various measures of well-being. First, Tiehen, Jolliffee, and Smeeding assess the effectiveness of SNAP as a means to combat poverty. They are careful to note that there are limitations inherent to both the measurement of poverty and the implementation of SNAP, making analyses into the antipoverty effects of SNAP challenging. Still, they conclude SNAP reduces poverty by 14 percent to 16 percent, depending on the measurements considered, and it is the “most effective antipoverty program for the non-elderly” (p. 68). Second, Gregory, Rabbitt, and Ribar review the effects of SNAP on food insecurity. After providing an overview and critique of previous research, the authors conduct a replication analysis of prior analyses based on a rational-choice framework. The authors find that conclusions about the relationship between SNAP receipt and food security prevalence are sensitive to model specifications and data sources. Based on this result, they suggest better data collection methodologies as well as indirect methods and natural experiments be employed whenever possible.
Third, Hoynes, McGranahan, and Schazenbach analyze the relationship between SNAP receipt and changes in food consumption patterns. Using data from the Consumer Expenditure Survey, the authors show that most families are “inframarginal,” meaning they spend more than their allotted benefit amount on food items. As such, the authors argue policies intended to restrict the purchase of certain foods (e.g., sugar sweetened beverages) are unlikely to alter consumption behavior. Next, Bitler describes the state of knowledge about the degree to which SNAP improves health and nutrition outcomes. Bitler uses data from two nationally representative data sets to show, in terms of health, there is evidence for negative selection into the SNAP program. Bitler also notes that this is not uniform across metrics, as SNAP users have worse health profiles and some worse nutritional outcomes but consume calories and fat in quantities not statistically dissimilar from their peers who do not receive SNAP. Lastly, Gunderson analyzes the effect of SNAP receipt on a specific health outcome: obesity. Gunderson notes that while policy makers assume a positive relationship between SNAP receipt and obesity, this does not bear out in the data, which shows that SNAP leads to either reductions or no changes in obesity among participants. Gunderson goes on to suggest SNAP purchasing restrictions will likely lead to a decrease in participation and consequentially, a likely increase in obesity given the robust, inverse relationship between income and obesity.
The final analytic chapters describe the co-occurrence of SNAP and other social programs. Bartfeld examines the degree to which SNAP is complemented by food meal programs (i.e., the National School Lunch Program and the School Breakfast Program). Using cross-sectional and longitudinal data, Bartfeld shows the co-occurrence of SNAP and school meal programs has increased, and these programs are a central component of children’s household resources. As such, Bartfeld recommends researchers consider how these programs work in tandem and their combined effects on markers of well-being such as those analyzed in the preceding chapters. Similarly, Moffitt examines multiple program receipt among SNAP users. Using data from the Survey of Income and Program Participation, Moffitt shows multiple receipt is common, but the combinations of programs received in addition to SNAP has varied over time as a result of program restrictions. Moffitt suggests, as do other authors in this volume, that researchers should exploit variations in tax rates and other SNAP characteristics by state in their analyses.
The strengths of this volume are numerous, and several of these (e.g., use of nationally representative data sets, use of advanced methodologies, and thoroughness of reviews and critiques) have been alluded to in the summary above. Still, the greatest strength of this volume is its ability to parlay analytical findings into meaningful policy recommendations. Throughout the volume and in the conclusion, authors make concise statements about the degree to which proposed modifications to the SNAP program, whether those changes be to funding or food allowances, will affect participation and well-being among SNAP-eligible or SNAP-enrolled households. Still, the volume suffers from several weaknesses as well. First, the language and statistical analyses are likely to seem inaccessible to lay audiences and perhaps even to policy makers who are unfamiliar with the jargon and techniques used in this volume. The volume certainly reads as one intended for economists and policy makers who are well versed not only in SNAP legislation but in econometric analyses as well. Second, issues of stigma and other markers of well-being outside of the metrics used in this analysis are rarely discussed. This volume would be nicely complemented by qualitative research on the lived experiences of SNAP recipients which would both provide nuance and captivating quotes to engage readers. Despite these minor weaknesses, this volume provides a comprehensive overview and analytical update on common questions regarding SNAP that are often debated among policy makers and researchers, both of whom would benefit greatly from reading it.