Abstract
All life on Earth shares the same ancestor, the most primitive form of life that arose, in still unknown circumstances, more than 3.5 billion years ago. At least this is what is commonly assumed. Astrobiologists have revisited this assumption and advanced the hypothesis of the existence of a “shadow biosphere” on Earth: a parallel tree of life whose instances, being different at the molecular level to the kind of life we are used to, would remain hidden from view. In this paper, I take the emergence of the so-called shadow biosphere hypothesis and the controversial discovery of GFAJ-1, a microbe thriving in the arsenic-rich waters of Mono Lake, as an entry point to look into the strategic role of non-knowledge claims. I juxtapose the Latourian black-box, that is, those undiscussed technoscientific artifacts that are taken for granted in scientific practice, with the shadowy nature of non-knowledge claims in order to pay closer attention to the contingent, active, performative, and always social nature of the making of what is unknown. I conclude this paper by claiming that in the negotiation of what is unknown, emerging disciplines position themselves within the larger scientific community.
GFAJ-1 is a potato-shaped microbe that, for a few weeks in 2010, shook the foundations of biology. Found within a series of water and mud samples collected by the National Aeronautics and Space Administration (NASA)-funded scientist Felisa Wolfe-Simon on the shores of Mono Lake, a body of water on the eastern slopes of the Sierra Nevada mountain range, the microbe had been transferred to a US Geological Survey lab and cultured within an arsenic-rich and phosphorous-depleted growth medium. According to Wolfe-Simon and her team, 1 the observations performed in the laboratory showed that, when starved of phosphorus, one of the six fundamental elements that every living being uses to build its molecules, this microbe seemed able to do something no other known organism could: replace it with another molecule similar in structure but usually considered very poisonous, arsenic (Wolfe-Simon et al. 2011). The discovery, published in the prestigious scientific journal Science and concomitantly presented at a press conference hosted38 by NASA, was portrayed as so exceptional as to demand textbooks to be rewritten because it would suggest, in Wolfe-Simon’s (2010) words, “a different way to be alive. And if that were true,” she added, “what else might we be able to replace? And if you can replace it, could it be evolved completely independently?”
The release of Wolfe-Simon’s paper and NASA’s fanfare were met with contrasting reactions: while some fellow scientists were praising Wolfe-Simon’s groundbreaking findings, others did not withhold their doubts and made public criticisms on personal blogs and social media. 2 Several biologists declared the article “shameful” (Redfield 2010) due to the science being so bad (according to their standards), and in a few months, a number of formal and informal publications described what they considered valid evidence 3 to disprove Wolfe-Simon’s findings. No traces of arsenic in the GFAJ-1’s DNA and a high preference for phosphorus constituted, according to the critics, “just the last nail in the coffin” (Cressey 2012) of arsenic-based biology. To the many critiques, Wolfe-Simon replied by politely welcoming the new experimental results as a direct consequence of her study; in her view, the series of follow-ups “represents the kind of careful study that really helps the community,” but, she pointed out, these works “do not necessarily rule out an entirely novel mechanism” and “there’s still a lot of interesting open questions” (see Note 3).
The exchange deploys many terms and expressions related to the “opening/closure” semantic domain; where biologists could see “relatively definitive refutations” (Borhani in Hayden 2012) of the discovery, Wolfe-Simon (2010) saw the possibility to “crack open the door” to a new epistemic space (Rheinberger 1997; Hackett 2005) filled with unanswered questions and unknowns. In this paper, I do not attempt to document the closure of this controversy. On the contrary, I want to use it as an entrance point to explore the active, performative, and situated movements of opening achieved by means of future-oriented claims about what is still unknown.
Unpacking Black-boxes: Janus’s Third Face
In the opening of his book Science in Action, Latour (1987) introduces the reader to the mythological figure of Janus Bifrons, the two-headed deity borrowed from Ancient Roman folklore. Janus is represented with both a young and a mature face, each speaking for science at a different stage of its unfolding: science in the making and all made science. While science in the making is uncertain, involving many people at work, harsh competition, and provisional decisions, all made science is certain, cold, and unproblematic. When science is in the making, concepts and devices are questioned, deconstructed, and reassembled; when science is all made, on the other hand, the complex chain of social relationships and alliances that made it possible are hidden from view. The achievement of this latter stage is what Bruno Latour called a black-box: the functioning of an artifact, either a technological device or a scientific concept, comes to be accepted and then taken for granted. 4 All the elements that used to be questioned and reassembled, at this stage, flawlessly work as a whole (Latour 1987). Because looking into the artifact’s complex internal functioning becomes unnecessary and inconvenient, black-boxes are first of all practical achievements that make communication more efficient and simplify usage, thus defining a shared paradigm for practitioners. Black-boxes are not intended to exclude ways of thinking or experimenting, but in hiding the complex chain of decisions that came to constitute them, they also prevent change. This is why, when science is made, opening a black-box becomes, according to Latour, an almost impossible task. This is what makes Janus, as a narrative device, necessary: “the impossible task of opening the black-box is made feasible (if not easy) by moving in time and space until one finds the controversial topic on which scientists and engineers are busy at work” (Latour 1987, 4). The narrative device serves the sociologist well in accounting for the dynamics of science through the scientists’ own words; Janus is not committed to any representation on which a scientist (or technologist) herself would not be keen in a particular moment in time.
To make sense of science, we could easily imagine a third face of Janus, who borrows the voice of those scientists talking about the future of their fields or the emergence of new spheres of inquiry (Rheinberger 1997; Hackett 2005). Looking at the future, Janus would make promises about the fulfillment of the gaps still present in science and the grasp of what is still unknown (Borup et al. 2006). From newspapers to funding proposals, scientists spend thousands of words describing what is not yet known. Contemporary cosmologists, for example, point to the fact that they only know the constituents of 4 percent of the universe; the rest is called “dark matter,” a kind of substance still invisible to their hyper-technologized eyes (Lemonick 2013). The rainforest, in turn, has to be protected because of the huge biodiversity we still fall short of understanding; what makes it valuable, according to this kind of rhetoric, is the “undescribed and unknown” species that we still do not know but will be able to grasp in the future (Costello 2015). The agreement on what is unknown as foundational for future scientific developments has been given different names, such as “specified ignorance” in Merton (1987) or “ignorance as a native state” in Proctor (2008), but very scarce sociological attention. In fact, agreeing on what is unknown is not less of a social process than the creation of knowledge itself.
By looking at the role of the so-called shadow biosphere hypothesis in contemporary astrobiology, this paper explores how artifacts (including the entangled life of concepts and devices) are put into question in scientific discourse and everyday practices. I claim that emerging fields of inquiry presuppose one or more claims about what is still unknown, which must be agreed upon to legitimate the research and create new epistemic spaces. As a consequence, I propose that we should rethink the black-box metaphor to include more fluid, flexible, and locally contingent movements of closure and reopening. By borrowing from astrobiologists’ interest in what is in the “shadow,” I advocate paying closer attention to the ways in which claims about what is unknown are socially constructed.
A number of terms referring to claims about what is unknown can be found in Science and Technology Studies (STS) literature. In this paper, I have chosen to adopt the verb not-knowing and the nouns non-knowledge and unknown to emphasize the symmetry to knowledge (Gross 2016) and the same social nature. 5 I follow Matthias Gross’s (2007) suggestion of adopting the term non-knowledge as a literal translation of the German Nichtwissen, indicating “a type of knowledge where the limits and the borders of knowing are taken into account for future planning and action” (p. 749). I decided not to use the term ignorance as it shares the same root of the verb to ignore, and the kind of claims I am taking into consideration are not ignored at all; they are formulated, agreed upon, and explicitly used for specific purposes. At the same time, bounding my argument to what is ignored would imply that scientists take into consideration something that was previously neglected but has always been “out there.” On the contrary, I contend that unknowns are socially constructed. In using non-knowledge and unknown, I nevertheless resist further typologies as I am intrigued by the plasticity of those non-knowledge claims; rather than encapsulate them in categories, I prefer to attend to their specificities and contingencies.
In order to do so, I find it useful in this context to consider how non-knowledge claims can be constructed and negotiated along three dimensions: awareness, intentionality, and temporality (Böschen et al. 2010). Awareness refers to something close to Donald Rumsfeld’s often-cited distinction between known unknowns—that is, things that we now know we do not know—and unknown unknowns—usually referred to as “nescience,” that is, those things we do not know we do not know; the two categories describe different epistemic phenomena. Since no one can refer to their own current nescience and thus unknown unknowns can only be realized in hindsight (when one becomes aware of them), only known unknowns can be taken into consideration from a sociological perspective (Gross 2016). The second dimension, intentionality, focuses on the effort made by social actors to tackle something that is not (yet) known. Degrees can vary from a passive lack of interest in front of what seems inconsequential non-knowledge to more active attempts to bridge salient knowledge gaps. The last dimension, temporality, refers to the stability and persistence of a non-knowledge claim and to expectations of it becoming knowable in a more or less near future. Importantly, the way a non-knowledge claim is positioned with respect to these three dimensions is not fixed once and for all. On the contrary, Böschen et al. (2010) suggest that “social conflicts over the correct assessment of what is known and not known are far from being resolved by the routine appeal to the available evidence” (p. 786). In this paper, I welcome their suggestion to investigate the pluralization of the perception and evaluation of the unknown. By focusing on the way sciences generate, define, communicate, and investigate non-knowledge in different ways, I develop the metaphor of “shadow” to move beyond the relative stability of Latour’s black-boxes and attend to unknowns-in-process (Gross 2007).
The Origin of Life Debate
In the 1860s, a young chemist, Louis Pasteur, engaged in a long and controversial debate with the naturalist Felix Pouchet over the existence of spontaneous generation, that is, the possibility that living systems could self-assemble from non-living material. Thanks to a series of experiments, Pasteur convinced the French Académie des Sciences that germs could not form inside properly sterilized flasks; when they appeared, it was simply because they were somehow introduced as a contaminant. 6 As Latour ([1987] 1995, 2000) noted, the controversy was not simply over the spontaneous generation of microscopic living creatures in the laboratory but over the very possibility of demonstrating it. The debate was not simply about concepts but about the proper methodology and instruments to make them visible, investigable, and understandable beyond doubt. Seeking the help of Janus, one might say that if the older face (i.e., all made science) had to describe the unfolding of the controversy, he would probably say that the correct experimental method decided who was the winner of the controversy; the younger face (that of science in the making) would say that the winner was he who could convince the commission that his method was the correct one (Latour [1987] 1995). The material apparatus, constituted by flasks with different shapes, microscopes, sterilization techniques, and so on, became the very basis on which experimental biology took shape. Once the appropriateness of Pasteur’s methodology and the functioning of the laboratory as a visibility device were black-boxed, the spontaneous generation debate came to an end and the scientific community agreed on this new set of interconnected black-boxes, constituted by instruments and concepts whose social nature slowly came to be forgotten.
If the closure of the spontaneous generation debate seems to suggest that life simply does not originate from non-living matter, the inevitable observation of the existence of life on Earth presents a conundrum. In the second half of the twentieth century, the interest in the possibility of life originating from abiotic molecules cannot be encapsulated under a single disciplinary label. Among the different approaches adopted, one particular way of looking at the problem connects the study of the origin of life on Earth to the search for extra-terrestrial life elsewhere in the universe (Dick 1996; Messeri 2016). This field, once called “exobiology” and recently rebranded as “astrobiology” (Dick and Strick 2004), went through phases of hype and disappointment over the second half of the twentieth century. Astrobiology is still in the process of gaining scientific authority and being institutionalized (Des Marais et al. 2008), but its legitimacy and sustainability are often linked—today as in the past—to the questions “how likely is life to emerge?” and “what conditions are required for it to self-assemble from non-living matter?”
With very few people holding a position in between, the vast majority of those involved in the debate are divided into two factions. Those who support the so-called cosmic imperative position claim that life will promptly arise as soon as the conditions are favorable. Carl Sagan, astronomer and spokesperson for exobiology and search for extra-terrestrial intelligence (SETI) between the 1960s and the end of the 1980s, was notoriously a great supporter of this position and managed to make it very popular (see also de Duve 2011). Other authors, such as Francis Crick (1981) and Stephen Jay Gould (1989), claim that the emergence of life can only be the outcome of such an improbable chain of events that it might have happened only once in the history of the universe. These positions are both the outcome of different interpretations of the same observations, and at the same time, the very perspective from which new observations (and the appropriateness of the methodologies with whom these observations are performed) are assessed—a phenomenon known as experimenters’ regress (Collins 1985). What both factions would—at least in theory—agree on is that finding a second example of life would tip the balance in favor of a higher probability of the emergence of life (Davies 2011). This is because of the magnification factor that astronomical thinking invites: as SETI scientists often repeat, astronomers count “one, two, a billion,” alluding to the fact that if something has happened more than once, it is likely to have happened many times.
The Viking mission Press Kit, released in 1975 on the occasion of the launches of the first landers equipped with life detection experiments to be performed on the Martian surface, claimed that: Science cannot calculate the probability of encountering extraterrestrial life on this solar system and in other solar systems on the basis of this evidence. We cannot tell conclusively by laboratory studies or theoretical reasoning whether the evolution of life is vanishingly improbable or quite likely. (p. 2)
The Viking Press Kit (1975) continued, “we can only estimate the probability by looking around us for signs of extra-terrestrial life; the nearest reasonable planet on which to look is Mars” (p. 2). In this respect, on the contrary, the situation has changed dramatically; after the Viking missions returned ambiguous results (Sagan, Horowitz, and Murray 1977; Young 1976), Mars had been considered for a long time a desert and inhospitable planet, 7 and life detection experiments based on the in situ search of microbial life had, at least temporarily, been set aside. Attempts to detect the presence of extra-terrestrial life have taken different routes, the most significant of which was, in the 1970s and 1980s, the SETI 8 . Characteristic of the SETI approach is a rampant empiricism: “the probability of success is difficult to estimate,” wrote Cocconi and Morrison (1959) in their seminal work, “but if we never search the chance of success is zero” (p. 846).
In the early 2000s, a group of scientists came up with a hypothesis that could serve as a test of the two positions about the likelihood of life to emerge just relying Earth-bound research. They set out by noting the common assumption that all life on Earth shares the same ancestors, the most primitive form of life that arose, in still unknown circumstances, more than 3.5 billion years ago. All living beings on this planet, even if on different branches, are believed to belong to the same tree of life. But if life is quite likely to emerge as soon as the conditions are favorable, on Earth—the only place where we know with certainty that the conditions of life are all fulfilled—life might have originated more than once. This alternative origin of life would have given rise to a different tree of life—or maybe a number of them—that might look nothing like the tree of life we are used to, the tree of “standard” life, or life as-we-know-it. The microbiologist Shelly Copley and the philosopher Carol Cleland (2005) coined the phrase “shadow microbes” to name this parallel ecology, which, they suggest, could have been completely overlooked by traditional biology. Life as we know it on Earth today shares a number of fundamental characteristics at the molecular level. […] However, it is also clear that some of the molecular building blocks of proteins and nucleic acids could have been different. Indeed, it is an open question as to whether all life (wherever it may be found) is constructed of proteins and nucleic acids. This question is difficult to answer outside the context of a general theory of living systems, something that we currently lack. […] The detection of even modestly different life forms poses a tremendous challenge. (Cleland 2007, 166)
The Shadow Biosphere: Thinking Outside the (Black) Box
With a few excellent exceptions, 9 sociologists of science have only very rarely taken into consideration the social processes though which, within a scientific community, non-knowledge, uncertainty, ignorance, and doubts are created; the status they acquire; and the possibilities of action that they might open (Street 2011; McGoey 2009). This could easily be due to the fact that ignorance is often simply described as a void to be filled. 10
Authors such as Abbott (2010), Smithson (1985), and Proctor (2008) have proposed typologies to describe the quantity of kinds of non-knowledge, so to speak, that exist, the way they are put in place and their function. In Agnotology, Proctor (2008) proposes a threefold classification to question “the naturalness of ignorance, its causes and its distribution” (p. 3). The author describes the first kind of ignorance as a native state or as a resource; scientists, he claims, think about ignorance as a “great place to be from.” In his words, Ignorance is seen as a resource, or at least a spur or challenge or prompt: ignorance is needed to keep the wheels of science turning. New ignorance must forever be rustled up to feed the insatiable appetite of science. […] This regenerative power of ignorance makes the scientific enterprise sustainable. We need ignorance to fuel our knowledge engines. (Proctor 2008, 4)
In joining those who advocate more attention to the social production of ignorance (Croissant 2014) and its strategic deployment, I recall McGoey’s (2012) words on what she calls “antiepistemology”: While epistemology explores the nature, methodology and limits of the production of knowledge, antiepistemology asks after its shadow: the nature of non-knowledge, and the political and social practices embedded in the effort to suppress or to kindle endless new forms of ambiguity and ignorance. (p. 3)
“Alien Life, Right Under Our Noses”
Trees of Life in the Cosmic Backyard
In 2006, Paul Davies, an astrophysicist active in SETI research and self-defined “armchair astrobiologist,” (Paul Davies, personal communication, February 8, 2016) organized a workshop dedicated to “the question of how we might identify an ancient, or even extant, hidden biosphere of alien organisms.”
12
The use of the word “alien” aims to echo its Latin root alius, meaning “other” or “stranger.” Chris McKay (2013), one of the participants of the workshop and planetary scientist at NASA Ames Research Centre, commented (on a different occasion) that astrobiologists are not simply looking for life on other worlds but for “something that is not on this tree of life, an alien. When I was a kid,” he continued, an alien was defined geographically: if you were from Mars, you were an alien; if you’re an alien, you’re from another planet. But now we define it biochemically…you can be on Earth, living right in the backyard, and be an alien if you don’t map on this tree of life. [Among the other questions], this would also tell us if life is common in the universe. If life started here in our solar system twice, independently, that would be strong evidence that life is common. (min 3.10) I’ve come to one of the most unusual places, an alien environment here on Earth, to look for life as we don’t know it. If there is a different kind of life here on Earth, our current methods would never see it. Why? Because we only know how to look for the life we do know. So if there is a shadow biosphere, if there is an alternative kind of life, even here on Earth, we would never see it. In fact, it could be all around us. (min 5.49)
The intricacies of Wolfe-Simon’s unpacking of black-boxes can only be understood within the broader context that provides the social landscape of openings and closures, black-boxes, and shadows. Right after the publication of the GFAJ-1 paper in Science (and concurrently with the controversy that started on social media), Paul Davies (2010) wrote a short article on the Wall Street Journal uncovering the behind-the-scenes story of Wolfe-Simon’s research on her GFAJ-1 microbe—the name of which stands for “give Felisa a job”—and praising her bold thinking: Felisa was still in her 20s and had a career to build. […] Most young scientists play it safe and focus on a mainstream topic. But Felisa is a free spirit with a healthy contempt for scientific and professional hierarchies, and she had faith in her hunch. She dyed her long hair a defiant bright pink and refused to be browbeaten. It was a career gamble that very few young scientists would have the courage to make.
In fact, despite the debacle described in the incipit of this paper, it would be misleading to say that the GFAJ-1 case was not successful, at least in part. A number of laboratories tried to replicate Wolfe-Simon’s experiments and look into the matter further, and they used blogs to make the results immediately available. Although most microbiologists immediately attempted to re-close what Wolfe-Simon, Davies, and others had tried to open up for scrutiny, for the astrobiology community, the right to keep on looking for anomalies in an attempt to shed light on the unknown nature of alien life had proven to be a strategically deployable narrative. GFAJ-1 messed things up, created shadows, moved them around, and situated knowledge and non-knowledge in space (claiming that current theories about life might hold on this planet only) and time (renegotiating what was known, what was not-known, and the temporal horizon for them to become knowable). Astrobiology is gaining momentum, not only due to uncontroversial discoveries and widely accepted protocols but also because of the taking shape of what should not be taken for granted anymore. 15 Being a good astrobiologist—and making astrobiology a respectable discipline in the first place—requires that scientists learn how to question the rigidity of otherwise widely accepted claims and the very instruments in which these principles are inscribed. Thinking about the possibility that some forms of life might live undisturbed and unseen requires astrobiologists to open the black-boxes that Pasteur and his colleagues already closed: those of sterilization, culture, and the possibility of determining whether those techniques were performed successfully. Once they are reopened, the inability of life to self-assemble, to spontaneously emerge out of non-life, is put into question and thus biology is made partial, local, and biased by Earthly idiosyncrasies.
Uncertain laboratories, emerging sciences: Making microbes invisible again
When I asked astrobiologists what their laboratories looked like, I was often told that they completely resembled any other microbiology lab but that all the activities were performed with a context in mind. To figure out what this context might consist of, I spent many mornings strolling around an astrobiology lab. Sitting on the stool in front of the microscope, one day, one of the senior PhD students in astrobiology was looking at his microbial samples. Leaning on the microscope ocular, the young researcher zoomed in on random spots of the slide he had carefully prepared and counted the cells lightened in every spot to estimate their growth or ratio of survival. “How many cells are there?” I asked. “Not that many of them,” he replied, and then he explained that most of them had probably died, at least those that we know. But that thin piece of glass might have held plenty of cells from a shadow biosphere, he explained, that he simply could not see or recognize: “…alien life right under our noses.” His younger colleague, pipetting on the nearby bench, turned his head around and asked what he was talking about. “It’s just a hypothesis,” he replied, shrugging his shoulders, “but it makes you wonder…!” In fact, as mentioned above, very little research into the shadow biosphere hypothesis is today actively carried out in laboratories, possibly as a side effect of the harsh debacle that followed NASA’s triumphant announcement. The shadow biosphere hypothesis, which became both well-known and infamous following Wolfe-Simon’s GFAJ-1 article, did not fade: on the contrary, the possible existence of a shadow biosphere, even if seldom discussed in formal settings, is still brought up in informal talks and taken into consideration when debating whether anomalies should be discarded as failed experiments or investigated as possible insights into what “traditional” biology would fail to grasp.
Inside the laboratory walls, the detection and recognition of microbial life forms is mediated by a multitude of instruments that make them visible and manipulable. The simple act of looking is more troublesome that one can imagine. First of all, the microbes the scientist was interested in did not come from a commercial strain; they were not purchased from an online catalog and delivered to the lab but instead collected on a field site, in some environment presenting characteristics of interest as analogue to other planetary places. Immediately after collection, the samples were stored in plastic bags and then carried to the laboratory where microbes could be separated from other components of the sample. Extracting microbes from a soil sample requires a complex mix of crushing, dissolving, blending, and centrifuging. Once separated, they can be transferred on to agar plates and cultured in different conditions for several days to monitor their responses.
Cell culture is used to make microbes visible by causing them to grow into large communities. Biologists spend a significant part of their time taking care of their cultures, following protocols for “optimal” growth. However, they are adamant that only a small portion—less than 1 percent, according to Pace (1997)—of the huge microbial diversity found in the field can be cultured in the lab, often for unknown reasons. The identity of most of the microbes refusing to survive and duplicate within a petri dish remains unknown, “shrugged aside as uncooperative” (Davies et al. 2009, 247). Shadow life forms might require conditions that astrobiologists do not expect, for example, unusual chemical elements, extreme temperatures, and a different barometric pressure putting into perspective adjectives such as “standard,” “normal,” and “optimal” (Helmreich 2012).
An important technique for identifying unculturable components of microbial communities is polymerase chain reaction (PCR), which allows the amplification of a segment of DNA across several orders of magnitude. However, PCR might not be serviceable for different forms of life, as the process requires “universal primers,” which might in fact turn out to be very specific and contingent.
The microscope allows the researcher to exercise her sensing capabilities across scales with the mediation of lenses, lights, dyes, calibrations, and so on. Nevertheless, under the lens of a microscope, single cells with a structure different from what scientists are used to might not be visible, as fluorescent microscopy can only identify cells containing a gene or protein complementary to the probe being used. On the contrary, they might be visible (if they contain sites where the dye can attach or with traditional optical microscopes) but not recognizable, as the morphology of microbes (i.e., their shape and physical characteristics) provides little insight into their phylogenetic classification or metabolic capabilities. As Cleland and Copley (2005) put it, “we are unlikely to be able to distinguish between normal life and alternative life just by looking” (p. 168).
Each of these devices is a black-box connected to all the others that come to constitute a microbiology lab. These techniques, when thought about in relation to the hypothesis of the existence of an independent biosphere, have to be reopened. Despite—and because of—the heuristic uncertainty, they offer a handhold for astrobiologists’ commitment to unknowns and help to articulate questions that might not otherwise have made sense. The idea of a shadow biosphere is a discursive space in which astrobiologists can share their perplexities, uncertainties, and new possibilities of visualizing living beings and broadening the definition of life. It goes hand-in-hand and reinforces the idea that life and its kaleidoscope of possibilities remains unknown and in need of a new approach for further investigation. This set of uncertainties and unknowns is, in a sense, the different context that astrobiologists have in mind when performing their daily work at the laboratory bench. In Davies and colleagues’ (2009) words: This extensive ignorance raises the intriguing issue of how sure we can be that all microbial types have been identified. Might it be the case that the exploration of the biosphere is not complete? (p. 421)
Conclusion
In this paper, I take the emergence of the so-called shadow biosphere hypothesis and the controversial discovery of GFAJ-1, a microbe thriving in the arsenic-rich waters of Mono Lake, as an entry point to look into the strategic role of non-knowledge claims. On the one hand, the possibility of pleading against the successful use of instruments by means of which living organisms are known and made recognizable offered astrobiologists the opportunity to propose new sites and methodologies for life detection. To think differently, astrobiologists have to displace their research outside the traditional biological bench or make the laboratory walls permeable to other ways of asking questions about life, for example, by moving their instruments to the field—where they might not work as efficiently as in the controlled environment of the laboratory—and look for anomalies. On the other hand, the shadow biosphere hypothesis reinforces the agreement on another significant non-knowledge claim that characterizes astrobiology: the fact that we still do not know what life.
Importantly, I have shown how, despite their reference to traditional biology 16 as a paradigm to be overcome by astrobiology, explicitly highlighting the necessary attention to anomalies, astrobiologists’ unpacking of the microbial black-boxes is indeed partial, as they continue to capitalize on the assumptions embedded in most of the black-boxes they question for other practical needs, for example, publishing papers with data obtained in the laboratory (with all its “traditional” techniques), elaborating experiments and measurements and seeking collaborations with microbiologists, synthetic biologists, and so on. A black-box, then, can be both sealed within a certain disciplinary framework and partially opened in different epistemic contexts. Openings and closures should not be considered as finished actions but have to be understood as flexible and locally contingent processes. Researchers can and do shift between different approaches and models of work (Ankeny and Leonelli 2016), depending on circumstances; they can make use of traditional biology’s black-boxes, perhaps without even realizing it, but at the same time unpack them and look into their functioning, give shape to new unknowns, and deploy them strategically.
It is because of this contextual and always situated assessment of what can and should be taken for granted, and the consequent agreement on what is known, unknown, and knowable, that the opening of black-boxes is instrumental to the endorsement of new spheres of inquiry. If successfully negotiated, this newly created knowledge gaps contribute to the positioning of emerging fields of research within the larger scientific community.
By juxtaposing the Latourian black-box, that is, those undiscussed technoscientific artifacts that are taken for granted in scientific practice, with the shadowy nature of non-knowledge claims, I advocate paying closer attention to the contingent, active, performative, and always social nature of the making of what is unknown. Unknowns are not a negative and unavoidable aspect of scientific research. On the contrary, they are fundamental resources actively shaped and mobilized in discourse and practice. The deployment of “shadow” as a metaphor to look into the specificities of non-knowledge allows a deeper insight into the continuities and discontinuities inherent in scientific change.
Footnotes
Acknowledgments
I wish to thank Jane Calvert and Alice Street for their precious help and Giampietro Gobo for his tireless support. I would also like to express my most sincere gratitude to Rodolfo John Alaniz, Elizabeth Petrick, Caitlin Wylie, and to the two anonymous reviewers for thoughtful comments on the article.
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
