Abstract
Wollo society has long been traditionally known for its unique case of dignified-symbiotic-religiosity (DSR) that characterized Ethiopia as the model of peaceful religious coexistence. After nearly 40 years of secular experience, the tremor of reformist and revivalist religious groups has begun to introduce new religiosity that pose grave challenge and at times intolerance against the traditional religiosity. Tragically, Wollo has come to bear the blunt of the revivalist intolerance, although it has not been the rare case of DSR in the mixed history of religious coexistence, accommodation, and repression. The new religiosity has appeared as a potent force defining social relations and shared experiences of Wollo society: both the public and the private lives. The shared history of the people too is not spared of revivalist victimization narratives and counter narratives: tolerance and forbearance. The demystification of religious tolerance and accommodation has tarnished the DSR of Wollo society and the 40-year-old secular establishment. The historical, social, and physical spaces have come to be symbolic embattled spaces of religious exclusivity projected to the future of new religiosity threatening to end the era of DSR of Wollo Society and the legitimacy of the secular establishment.
Introduction
Wollo the eastern Amhara province in North Eastern Ethiopia is the home of religious and ethnic diversity remarkably known for its unique hospitality and accommodation. Located at the strategic cross roads to the sea via east to Indian Ocean and via north to Red Sea, Wollo has been historically the meeting point of cultures, identities, religions, and political forces. The marks of forces that shaped the current Ethiopian state and society is remarkably visible in Wollo. This includes the identity fusion and genetic pool of Amhara, Oromo, Tigray, Afar, and Agaw in the identity of Wollo; the symbiotic alliance of Islam, Christianity, and traditional religions is reflected in the colorful practices and way of life of its people. It is also the home of great Islamic and Christian teachers and centers of learning which shape the quality of religious relations. In effect, Wollo, in light of tolerance and peaceful accommodation of differences, has long been the beacon love and Dignified-Symbiotic-Religiosity. However, the change ushered in the post-1991 era has brought a new religiosity which came to threaten the religious and secular identities of the society. Therefore, this study examines the new religiosity and its impacts on Wollo society. The study has used primary and secondary data collected from 2013 to 2015.
New Religiosity in Wollo
Discussion of the new religiosity in Wollo is as much predicated to the national dynamics as to local dynamics in the life of Wollo society. Historically, religiosity among Wollo Muslims and Christians has been mired with relations of cooperation and antagonism, a form of struggle which shaped the unique nature of religiosity and role of religion in the life of individual and society. Religiosity is a difficult category to measure as any sociological construct other than using the assessment of the list liked scale. This study has instead divulged on qualitatively exploring religiosity in terms not of the level of orthodox and laxity of performing religious dogmas but as relational category of inter-religious relations. Viewed this way, religiosity is explored in terms of the relational connotation of being and becoming religious, performing religious activities, rituals, prayers of worship, and their institutional contexts in defining social relations. Hence, the changing face of religiosity in Wollo in the face of religious revivalism in post-1991 period and the recent intolerance is discussed in the following sections. Thus, the impact of the struggle of the old to survive and the new to prevail with new innovations on the historically cherished religiosity of Wollo is presented from the horse’s mouth: the voice of the people, whose religiosity they considered far wider than religious divide, is threatened in the name of religious freedom, equality, and promoting secularism.
The Flux of Inner and Inter-religious Relations in Wollo: The Post-1991 Dynamics
The changing nature of religious inner and inter-religious relations is presented from the point of view of the local people. According to Ibrahim Argoba, the Sheikh of Kalu Mosque in Kemise (considered as Ahbashi) the change is reflected as:
We are for a very tolerant and peaceful type of Islam based on mutual respect and interdependence with followers of other religions. Our struggle against Wahabbi radicalism is the struggle to maintain our tradition against the inroads of radical political Islam to replace this tradition which is at the Heart of the wanton destruction in countries of core Islamic World. (Ibrahim, 2013)
He further stated that they are against all forms of religious radicalism. They are accused by Islamist radical groups like Jama’at al-Takfi, the Salafi, and Wahhabi as agents of Zionist Israel and USA working for the destruction of Islam. Ibrahim dubs the accusation as mere fabrication (Ibrahim, 2013). Their close cooperation with government is often cited as proof of the nature of the Ahbashi as anti-Islam conspiracy (Dimitsachin-Yisema, 2013a). However, the Ahbashi are bold enough to declare their commitment in line with the religious tolerance, and secular accommodation approach is an Islamic patriotic duty to salvage the rich and proud Sufi Islamic tradition of Wollo from the on slaughter of radical and political Islam. Sheikh Adem Dunna from Kalu Woreda, a student of Sheikh Abdella Al-Harari who claimed to have been taught under the Sheikh in Lebanon argues that the threat of Wahhabi radicalism on the Sufi establishment behooves them to stand for the later. He argued that the latter cannot withstand the power of Wahhabi radicalism, nor tame the erratic behavior of radical groups in Ethiopian Tewahido Orthodox Church (ETOC) and among evangelist Christians to ensure religious tolerance and peaceful coexistence (Adem, 2015).
The Ahbashi, like Sufi Sheikhs, often refer the disrespect the intellectualists and Wahhabi Daes (preachers), trained in the teaching of Ibn Taimiya and Muslim brotherhood creed in Saudi Arabia and Egypt, publicly show towards the Sufi establishment and its leaders (Shek-Mohammed, 2015).
According to discussants of a public workshop Focus Group Discussion carried out at the height of the inter-religious crisis during 2013, the new religious groups are preaching absolute exclusivity and isolation from others, and not doing so is considered apostasy. Adoption and innovation to cope up with adversities has always been common in the history of Islam which gave Islam contextual application and practice within its universality. Sufi traditions have emerged partly as part of this historical effort and the imperative for spiritual revivalism among believers. Sufism in Ethiopia in general and Wollo in particular has won great followings to Islam and for its flourishing in this part of the Horn of Africa with less violence than in many other parts of Africa. This was rendered possible because of the shared social and cultural infrastructure established by historical interaction, struggle, and interdependence of Wollo society, irrespective of religious differences. The current campaign to replace the old religiosity of Wollo is inevitably attempting to destroy the social infrastructures and shared secular history of the society in which it is embedded in (FGD-Conference, 2013).
This is observed in the manner of changing faces of religious practices and rituals in current Wollo society. Religious worship, prayers, and spirituality in Wollo society has never been an affair carried out within the water-tight confines of the social boundary of a religious group. Even though Muslims and Christians of Wollo, like their coreligionists the world over, share the basic differences of theology and religious creeds, however, these differences did not preclude their cooperation in sharing non-religious communalities. At times, as expressions of good will and respect for the religious practices of their neighbors which both the Christian and Sufi-Islamic tradition encourage sharing in an elaborate mutual celebration of religious ceremonies has been the custom (Sheikh-Awol, 2013).
According to elders of both religious groups, social relations between Christians and Muslims have been based on the mutual veneration of both shared social experiences and exclusive religious affairs. Many people were well versed in reciting the prayers in Arabic and Geez. For elderly informants, the past was the period of unique harmony wherein more of their similarities were celebrated than their differences exaggerated to plunge them in to conflict (Aba-Mefkere, 2015; Mohammed, 2015). Antipathy and mutual alienation have never been the practice among Christians and Muslims in Wollo rather than mutual veneration of each other’s values.
Supplications to Sheiks’ prayers and making communal prayers for the good of the individual and society as in the Chat Chewing ceremony were common. Moreover, making pilgrimage to Muslim holy sites like Dana, Mersa Abagetye, Dewe, and Deger Muslim shrines and mosques, and ETOC monastries of Gishen, Tedbabe Maryam, and Hayk-Estifanos, used to be common for both groups. This is not a unique case of Dessie city but relevant to all Wollo society is presented further.
This is the story of Abo-Gora Church located at North East of Bistima, a rural town located at northeast of Hayk town in Worebabo Wereda. Residents of the village are totally Muslims except for one family of a reverend, known as the Memre household. Despite this, the church functions its annual celebrations and offers regular church educations to roaming students. Most importantly its annual celebrations are organized and elaborately venerated, except for Christians of Bistima town, by the Muslims of Mishinga, Abagora, and Godguadit. The old way of celebrating together at Abogora church and Christians coming to the Zawiya of Shekh Imam of Hid as pilgrims is no longer there. The new preachers have introduced enmity and made the old way apostasy (Muhe, 2013; Zenebech, 2013).
This tendency is exhibited in other parts of South Wollo Zone namely Kalu Wereda, Bati, Gerba, and Degan localities where the new form of religiosity attained the level of religious violence (Conference-FGD-1, 2013). Participants from Kalu rural Kebele remorsefully said that the new Muslims have openly made it clear that unless all the peasants quite their old way of religiosity, their farms and houses would be consumed in fire, and they would be excommunicated from all forms of spiritual and social affairs otherwise. People resisting the imposition of the new form of religiosity have become victims of direct and indirect violence (Conference-FGD-Kalu, 2013).
The incentivization of intolerance and violent religiosity are the dominant strategies employed to swipe and replace the face of the old religiosity totally by the new radical face. This is more aggressive in the three major urban centers: Dessie, Kombolcha, and Kemise cities. According to South Wollo Zone religious forum representatives, the three cities are the breeding grounds of radical groups. In this, Dessie city is the hub of radical groups. The unity of worship among Muslims is severely challenged by the schism of the Wahhabi, Ahbashi, and Sufi followers. The battle between the Wahhabi and Ahbashi groups to control the Sufi Islam mosques in Wollo has marginalized Sufi leaders. Imams of the Sufi order are vilified and inhibited from attending mosques; the ordinary believer is under pressure to exclude the old Sufi leaders otherwise run the risk of being excluded from the Muslim Umma. The Sufi leaders and their following for promoting the old religiosity of tolerance and symbiosis are judged by the Wahhabis as Ahbashi, and by the Ahbashi as adulterous and ignorant vestiges of the past. In the cross-fire, the sound of the old tolerant Sufi religiosity of Wollo is muffled (SWZ-RF-FGD, 2013). The inner religious division in the Muslim community has gone far to the extent of labeling mosques across creeds. This is also severely reflected inter-religious relations.
During EOTC epiphany celebration (Timket), the finding of the True cross (Meskel) and even the Saturdays and Sundays have become point of exhibiting inter-religious rivalry than pure religious ceremonies. As compared to the past three years, ritual observation of EOTC holidays have shown the advent of new practices and spirit of celebration which carry the intonation of annoying other religious groups than orthodoxy with their religious rules. Moreover, Christian celebrations like Timket and Meskel have never been purely religious celebration only but also social events having implication beyond religious divides. The old symbolic custom throwing a lemon (in Amharic Lomi wurwera) on girls by young men as expression of love is relegated towards exclusivist religious value of Timket ritual. It has become extremely uncommon to see Muslims taking part in Timket ritual.
The dressing style and symbolism for both EOTC and Muslims have come to transmit combative spirit than pure zealotry to one’s own religion. This is even worse with protestant followers than between EOTC and Muslims. On one hand, protestants complained for being treated as aliens and discriminated against by both government and the two major religious groups even long before the coming of the new religiosity. In fact, informants from both EOTC and Muslims also imply and even some dared to openly express their opposition to protestant evangelism. While they consider EOTC and Muslim as normal but the protestant presence is often viewed as anomaly to the natural order of things (Ato-Getachew, 2015). This goes against the historically cherished tradition of symbiotic religiosity of Wollo where religion had been, instead of divisive factor, social glue. This used to be exhibited and sustained by cross-religious marriage, mutual celebration of birth, death, and other religious practices like saint veneration and pilgrimage (Hussein, 2006).
The old religiosity can be better captured through the use of a metaphor, as it is obviously known that metaphors have the power of capturing complex and vast phenomena in simplified manner. In this context, the metaphor is used to show the various dimensions of symbiotic religiosity which used to be the dominant form of religiosity in Wollo up until the recently emergent exclusivist religiosity. The authors have named it as the Mohammed-Habib-Saba metaphor as discussed further.
The Mohammed-Habib-Saba Story as Metaphor
This is the story of a young family of three: father, son, and mother, represented by Mohammed, Habib, and Saba, respectively. Mohammed the Muslim marries Saba the Christian giving birth to Habib (means in Arabic Love) and live in strong bond of love (Habib). Without further ado, the story explains for itself the metaphorical power of this bond permeating almost all walks of life in the old Wollo religiosity. The story goes on to say,
The Mohammed-Habib-Saba metaphor is derived from the real time experience of the cross religious matrimony between Mohammed obviously the Muslim father and Saba the Christian mother giving birth to Habib the son. Mr. Mohammed Adem born from Muslim family a descendant of long line of renowned Sufi-Sheiks of Dawe and Saba H/Mariyam of observant Orthodox Christen family have lived in love affairs for three years before they get wed in 2008. Neither before nor after their wedding they had not had hard time in getting their marriage accepted by their relatives; they did not demand each other to get to their respective religions and preferred to keep on practicing their respective religions without recourse to mutual influencing for a win-loss game. Though for some who has no clue of Wollo Religiosity it might appear discomforting and puzzling anyway. Yet, establishing a cross religious marriage and leading pleasant family life is not as such exceptional in Wollo society. Accordingly, Mohammed and Saba lived in love and tender care for each other’s religious values, celebrating both Christian and Muslim Holidays at home and in public together. Religion has never been an issue between them. In 2012 they gave birth to a baby boy whom they named him Habib which means in Arabic Love in celebration of their love undiluted by religious differences. During the 2014 celebration of the birth day of virgin Mary observable on the 1st of May (9th in G.C.) as per Ethiopian Calendar known in Ethiopian Tewahdo Orthodox Church tradition as Ginbote-Maryam (Literally means the May of Mary) the Mohammed-Habib-Saba family participated in the elaborate religious and social celebration. The researcher and his research aid and wife participated in the ceremony both as social obligation and as part of the participant observation research strategy of the study in their neighborhood known as Ersha-Seble Condo housing. Both Muslims and Christians participated in the Religious celebration with equal contribution and sharing of the task of making the holiday as elaborate as possible. As per the tradition they made wishes and pledges for the fulfillment of their good wishes appealing to the intercession of the holy day (by implication to Virgin Mary). They wished for peaceful lasting of the coming year and reunion of all during the coming year in unity, bounty of health and fortunes. Though the Mohammed-Habib-Saba family is used here for the exactness of its metaphorical utility, out of the forty married residents in block fifty-four half were of mixed religious marriage and out of the thirty residents of the condo who participated in the Ginbote-Maryam celebration twelve were the like of the Mohammed-Habib-Saba family.
The Mohammed–Habib–Saba way of being Muslim and Christian, however, is being vilified by the agents of emergent exclusive religiosity. The Mohammed–Habib–Saba used to be neither mundane nor extraordinary until the rise of the exclusivist religiosity. It was a normal way of being and becoming a Wollo Muslim and a Wollo Christian. It was in and of itself religiosity proper and not an exception. Since recent years, this rich culture of tolerance and peaceful accommodation of inter-religious and inner religious relations have been changing to the worse. According to Aba Mefkere, prominent clergy of ETOC Dessie diocese, the new religious groups are trying to decimate the dignified symbiotic religiosity established “in the model of the timeless friendship established by Memhir Akalewold and Sheikh Hussien Jibril based on mutual respect, love and cooperation” (Aba-Mefkere, 2015).
Similarly, Muslim and Christian clergies, and members of South Wollo Zone Inter-Religious Forum (IRF), reiterate the same saying that the new forces backed by foreign finance and technology are a threat to both Islam, state and society in general. These groups represent no religious objective at all than economic and political objectives bent on destroying the rich tradition of symbiotic religiosity in Wollo (Aba-G/Silasie, 2015; Mohammed, 2015).
Representatives of Evangelical Christians and Catholics complain that they are discriminated against by government as compared to Muslims and ETOC. They argued that there is a clear favoring of Muslims and ETOC which is against the secular constitutional establishment. For evangelical Christians, this includes lack of responsiveness to their request for place of worship and their own cemetery (Ato-Getachew, 2015). Catholics are more worried about the growing tendency public officials’ involvement in the realm of religion (Ato H/Yesus, 2015). Both groups believe that lurking behind the new religiosity and movements in all religious groups camouflaging as religious equality and freedom is the danger of radical religiosity and bigotry (Aba-Behasha, 2015).
All religious groups agree on the lack of proper government intervention to curb the threat of religious extremism, a catch phrase known in Amharic as Haymanotawi Akrarinet. Government response to the sophisticated clandestine networks and strategies of religious extremism, which utilize the social media and grassroots cells, is very weak. The Haymanotawi Akrarinet strategy follows a series of agendas including, radicalizing the youth, silencing voices of tolerance and moderation, bribing out politicians and engulfing state institutions, and taking control over religious establishments. Finally, using these platforms to impose their version of religiosity on state and society or force government to succumb to their demands by resorting to popular resentment, to both legal and illegal mechanisms of discrediting government in the eye of the public (FGD-representatives, 2015). Therefore, in the final analyses, it is using the combined effect of engulfing the public space and state institutions as arena of struggle for exclusive religious domination.
The threat and risk assessment of the old Muslim establishment best exemplifies the aforementioned argument. According to Sheik Mohammed Nur Member of the South Wollo Zone Islamic Affairs council (SW-IAC) and close associate of the late Sheik Nuru, who was allegedly said to have been killed by radical Islamists during the height of the new Islamists’ campaign against government, reflected the level of the threat posed by the new trend in the following manner:
We informed government two weeks ago the danger but for no reason we did not get protection and the murder of Sheik Nuru is the effect of the sum of these factors. In short, we are firm for our belief, for the shared social order of our society and protection of the secular system but government has not given enough focus and emphasis beyond word to fight radical religiosity. Had it done otherwise it would have first bring to justice the criminals breeding religious extremism in its bosom. (Shek-Mohammed, 2015)
According to sources belonging to groups considered radical-Akirari, who call themselves religious freedom activists, strongly oppose the accusation. They argue that they are for the realization of true religious freedom, equality, and liberation from historically continued religious oppression. They claim the enlightened youth is struggling to end the capture and manipulation of religious institutions for personal uses by illegitimate and ignorant religious leaders on one hand, and for political ends by government on the other. They argued, both those from Muslim and Christian new religious movement activists, that the regime in power despite its avowal for secular constitutionalism, it has usurped the religious function of all religious establishments (the ETOC Senoed, the Ethiopian Islamic Affairs Supreme Council-EIASC-or Mejilis, and leading evangelist missionaries) for its own political use. Because of the mixture of their legitimate concern and elusive nature they are often called by some as reformists, revivalists (Østebø, 2008), or leaders of intellectualist religious movements (Abbink, 2014) and by their followers as fighters of religious freedom (Addis-Guday, 2014; Dimitsachin-Yisema, 2013b). They refer to government interference in appointing illegitimate, incompetent, and irresponsible representatives. In effect, it has denuded religious freedom and principle of separation of religion and politics as never before after the 1974 revolution (Anonymous-IS-1, 2015; Anonymous-MK-1, 2015).
The secular state system, government institutions, and the old tolerant religious establishments are the centers of criticism. They considered the old religious establishments as morally, intellectually, and spiritually decadent appendages of state domination over religion. They focus on the demystification of “the rich tradition of Tolerance and Peaceful accommodation” as submissiveness to state domination of the religious sphere and, for Muslims a forbearance of ETOC (Anonymous-IS-1, 2015; Anonymous-MK-1, 2015).
According to the new Islamists, the Wollo religious relations is not the result of tolerance and peaceful coexistence rather than that of historical injustice domination of Islam. Also, they denigrate the syncretism involved in Wollo Islam with pagan and Christian values. They considered the narrative of tolerant and symbiotic religiosity of Wollo is a euphemism to its deviation from authentic Islam. Therefore, to correct this is by no means being fundamentalist or jihadists. However, they even make a case for the legitimacy of Jihad against the imposition of the Ahbashi creed over Ethiopian Muslims. They contend that their movement is the call for religious freedom and respect for the secular constitutional order (Anonymous-Is-2, 2015).
Moreover, they accuse government on two dimensions; on one hand, for trying to maintain ETOC domination and marginalizing Islam in Ethiopia by manipulating terrorist and Jihadist narratives-breading Islamophobia; manipulating Islamic Institutions for its political ends, on the other. Hence, the growing Muslim resistance in Wollo is not about political Islam, extremism, and intolerance, as government media try to make us believe, but logical response to tyranny the state (Anonymous-Is-2, 2015). However, people like the prominent Islamic Scholar, Oustaz Hassen Taju, do not fully support the aforementioned argument. According to Hassen Taju, the movement began with legitimate question of Ethiopian Muslims to guide government to the right track. Yet, in time, the movement was hijacked by proponents of radical Wahhabis, Salafi, and Takfiri creeds which gradually infiltrated into and dominated the movement. Also, economic and other political interests got mixed with the true cause (Hassen, 2005).
The Mahbere-Kidusan an ETOC-youth side of the story is that government has weakened the church and allowed Islamists and Evangelists to tread over ETOC values. While the church consented to the secular system, it did not benefit from it. They consider the toleration of the fundamentalism of other group but harsh control over ETOC as part of the disempowerment of ETOC. In Wollo, government has silently observed the illegal expansion of mosques and aggressive moves against the church. In effect, they said that they are supposed to stand for the right of the church and its followers. Yet, they reject government continuous accusation of Mahbere-Kidusan as the radical wing of ETOC and consider it as part of the political correctness to balance the Jihadist and evangelical radicalism at the cost of ETOC (Anonymous-MK-2, 2015).
The central theme promoted by Mahbere-Kidusan informants is similar to what Nikki Fidie in his exploration of the challenges of the Indian Secular establishment by the struggle between the historically dominant Hindu rendered secularized and the subaltern Muslim being radicalized (Nikki, 2003). As secularization of the dominant (Hindu) was accompanied by the radicalization of the minority, the same parallel of the secularization of the historically ETOC is followed by radicalization of Islam which is disempowering ETOC (Anonymous-MK-2, 2015). The evangelist have resentment against alienating treatment by both old and new Muslims an ETOC, and government lack of attention to their demands. They claim that the religious radicalism has affected them most (Anonymous-Eva-1, 2015).
New religious movements of all religions accuse government law enforcement and security organs for excessive use of violence, heavy-handed intervention, repression, and trespassing holy grounds of religious sites making sacrilegious offence against their faith (Anonymous-IS-1, 2015; Anonymous-MK-1, 2015; Anonymous-Eva-1, 2015). Contrary to this, leaders of the old religious establishments blame the government for not offering sufficient protection to the tolerant and peaceful inter-religious and inner religious tradition and the constitutional order. Inversely, they wish exacting and final blow against all forms of radicalism (FGD-representatives, 2015).
The Vanishing Present of Traditional Religiosity and Social Cohesion
The new form of religiosity is eroding the old symbiotic religiosity of Wollo which is indispensable for the functioning of the secular establishment. This section divulges into elaborating the impact of the inner religious and inter-religious dynamics on the secular sphere and social cohesion of Wollo society by examining the various aspects of social relations.
Health and Healing
In Wollo society, issues of health and healing are important social issues shared and practiced by members of society across religious divides. The role of God/Allah and super-human beings (evil and good spirits) are believed to be major one in the events of bad and good fortune and health. Despite the expansion of modern medication and health services, holding group prayers (Dua and Wedaja), the supplication of religious father, saint veneration, and use of baptism in holy waters (Tsebel) are believed and shared among Christians and Muslims to have healing power. Owing to this the Muslims and Christians used to mutually share and respect religious and customary healing and medicinal services (Assefa, 2016). Other mystic experiences like Zar cult are also shared among both Christians and Muslims used for healing and prayers of good fortune. Such practices are vital for the negotiation and formation of shared meaning and in fact social solidarity (Fate, 2015). This used to be one of the bases for secular and religious toleration in Wollo society. Currently such practices are considered as adulteration and apostasy, a subject of condemnation by the new religionists. In effect, the laity is being forced to abandon them.
According to public conference participants, they are constantly challenged and threatened by the young people of their respective religion not to share such healing practices of other religions. Very few people still insist on the old practice for reasons of conviction and on account of the less expensive nature of the healing practice. But the opportunity cost of insisting on the old custom has become being excommunicated from the religious community. This is very serious among the new Muslim groups and protestants. Yet, even in EOTC, the Mahbere-Kidusan is adamantly against it (Conference-FGD-1, 2013). The matter of health and healing as a matter of life and death is the last place where religious intolerance or exclusivity got to be negotiated. Yet the new religiosity is against it. Hence, this is attestation of the level of social disgruntlement caused by the ever-growing radicalization of society precluding even the sharing of health and healing. This is further exhibited in important aspect of social life like marriage, birth, and death.
Marriage, Birth, and Death
Marriage, birth, and death are the three vital treads that bound society together; they show the level of cohesion, solidarity, or polarization of social identity. Sharp demarcation in those respects may show the deterioration of social solidarity and cohesion or the vice versa. The impact of the new religiosity is examined here by examining the trend of mixed region marriage through the naming of children, and the sharing of the delight and sorrow of life through the self-help social institution known as Edir.
Mixed Marriage and Naming
In Wollo society cross-religious/mixed marriage has been one common unique feature of social relations. The juxtaposed Christian and Muslim naming is common among the Wollo society, such as Yohannes Yimer, Bereket Abdu, Selamawit Yimer, Maryamawit Said, Eyerisalem Mohammed, etc. showing mixed parent from Christian mother and Muslim father. Inversely, names like Yassin G/Kidan, Yahiya Dawit, Mohammed Solomon, Rahma Sibihatu, Kedija Leulseged which are a juxtaposition of unique Muslim first name and unique Christian second name. The sharing of secular names (male-Yilma, Abate, Ejigu, Gugsa and Tizazu and female Birke, Yeshi, Mulu) along with unique Muslims and Christians naming shows case of the unique social alchemy of family formation in Wollo society. Marriage and family formation across religious divides have never been uncommon.
From the survey of the naming style in Wollo society, it is evident that Wollo society has relaxed social boundary unhindered by religious divides. More interesting is that it has also secular spaces of naming shared by all religious groups. But most important is that the naming is testimony of the cross-religious marriage which allows mixed families to put their marks of religiosity but without exclusivist orientation towards social boundary. Though religion is a vertical divide where being half Christian and half Muslim is not possible, the family system of Wollo society has its own unique system that does not require partners to be coreligionists, leaving their children at liberty to follow their own religious following (Table 1; Survey, 2013). The Wollo experience is a unique case of transcendence without compromising the religious imperative. This is evident from the fact that Wollo is the home of the great Ethiopian Ulama and the home of great ETOC teachers and monasteries. This study has done survey of naming of people above 18 years old from Wollo University registrar records representing those born under the old religiosity and kindergarten students between the age of five and eight representing those born under the new religiosity. In the later exclusivist naming, though does not necessarily show exclusivist marriage, is the dominant trend as opposed to the dominantly common mixed naming in the old one (Survey, 2013). It showed a shifting landscape of naming into religious exclusivity.
Typology of Naming Among Wollo Society
Furthermore, the general shift into exclusive religious naming of children (narrowing the secular space of naming) has taken a very sharp turn to naming with high religious sensitivity. Names totally new or names never been popular are becoming common. For instance, Muslim names like Ahmed, Mohammed, Kedija, Fatuma, Ibrahim, etc. and Christian names like Abriham, Yissak, G/Maryam, and Sara are being replaced by Aymen, Sudais, Jaffar, etc. and Arsema, Gedeon, Aron, etc., respectively. Those names are brewed from either the holy books of Muslims and Christians or from Islamic countries and Judaic traditions. Most striking is the coining of new names like Arkema (coined from Arsema and Maryam), Mikarya (coined from Mikael and Maryam), and Armika (coined from Arsema and Mikael). The new naming typologies are too new to be natural of pure pursuit of religiosity for a society like Wollo which used to have juxtaposed naming as reflection of the mixed religion marriage (Ibid).
The new trend is also reflected in aspects of death and mourning. According to elders of Dessie city, the old custom in Wollo was sharing of happiness and mourning through their shared self-help institutions known as Edirs. In Dessie city, there used to be 40 Edirs by tradition composed of members of all religious followings. Currently, more than half of them have become exclusively religious-based Edirs. The believer is being forced to leave its old membership in inclusive Edirs towards exclusively religious Edirs. The new religionists promote absolute separation of Edirs across religious lines. Among radical Muslim leaders, the inclusion of Christian members in Muslim Edirs means inclusion of their money, contribution, and Christian practices in Islamic mourning which constitutes sharing of the forbidden-Haram-with the infidel (Edir-Judge-1, 2014). The new religionists justify their stances for the separation of members of Edirs across religious lines based on an alleged mandatory Islamic creed the non-observance of which constitutes apostasy to Islam (Oustaz-Anonymous, 2014).
Moreover, the same exclusivist religiosity has cast its shadows on wedding ceremonies, the songs, rituals, and the feasting which used to be all inclusive. Currently, the religious nature of wedding has prevailed over its secular and social nature as binding force of society. Because all aspects of wedding ceremonies and the invitation of coreligionists only have put it one among matters of exclusive religious practice (Ritual-Observation, 2014).
The fact that the new trend impedes the function of a social system of sharing of happiness, elaboration of sorrow, getting consolation and closure for the braved families constitutes deterioration of social cohesion and solidarity. Besides the imposition of ideas unpopular in society, however religious cogency they may have, goes against the very principles of democracy and secular establishment (Nikki, 2003).
Politics, Business, and Religious Scholarship
Politics, business, and the social system supporting traditional scholarship of Yekolo-Temari/Teme (ETOC religious students) and Darasa (Islamic religious students) are not also spared of the influence of the new religiosity. In the political sphere, the party leadership, civil servant, and bureaucracy have become the battleground of the various sects of Christians and Muslims. This is reflected in the act of the four groups. First, the old religionists to resist the pressure from the new religionists have taken refuge within the ambit of the government institutions and in turn inviting the involvement of government in religion. Thus, brought politics into religion and religion into politics (Ejugu, 2013). Especially after the assassination of Sheik Nuru the renowned Sufi cleric in Dessie city the security need of this group increased making it more affiliated with government (Conference-FGD-1, 2013).
Second, the Ahbashi reiterating government’s official understanding of the current religious dynamics tries to use the power of government to impose its own creed on the new and old form of Islam. This group mixes politics and religion and hence commits the crime of political Islam which it rallies against. Hence, this gave the new religionists a compelling rallying theme of unconstitutional interference in religious affairs (Hassen, 2005). Third, the new religionists infiltrated government and party rank and file coopting and bribing political leaders to their goals. They have moles and sale outs in every sector of government leaking vital security and political information. According to an anonymous informant, this is justified in the struggle against a government which violates its own constitution (Anonymous-Is-2, 2015). Fourth, government structures, reciprocated by infiltrating inside the new religious movements. Government informants conceded that there has been mutual insurgency between government organs and the Haymanotawi-Akirari Hayloch. Almost every move of government organs has been reaching to the Haymanotawi-Akirari Hayloch and government has been using people inside the Haymanotawi-Akirari Hayloch to follow up their activities (Indris, 2013; Nega, 2013). In effect, all groups contributed in making politics the playground of religion despite their avowal for tolerance and secular accommodation.
In the bid to use state institutions for religious and partisan political purposes, the aforementioned struggle made secular academic and civil service institutions arena of religious struggle. This was observed in the South Wollo Zone and Dessie city administration, high schools, Dessie TTC, and Wollo University. The witch hunt against the Haymanotawi-Akirari Hayloch and the latter’s action and reaction set government institutions instable. Alignment across religious and sectarian lines went to the level of defining interpersonal relations involving secular matters. This was apparently observed in the deteriorating relation of students in Wollo University (Observation-Institutions, 2013/14).
In the business sector, religion has become a defining factor in commercial exchange than market rationality. Sherfi-Tera, the Merkato of Dessie city, the historical center of bustling business and commerce, is known for its strong business community tied together in the traditional Wollo morality of symbiosis engagement. According to informants from the business community, religion has never been an issue in Wollo business, but mutual trust and honesty. Since the emergence of the new religiosity business partnership, alliance, cooperation, and membership into the grassroots saving and capital pool schemes known as Equb, renting of business shops, houses, and buildings became religion oriented (Alebachew, 2013; Trader-Annonymous, 2014).
Furthermore, even the public space is not spared of being bearer of exclusivist religious identification. A case in point is the prevalence of religious symbols, writings, and images on the public transportation systems of the city. Even minibuses and the tri-wheeled Bajaj are bearers of religious identification in Dessie city. A survey of vehicles with and without external and internal religious identification carried out by authors of this study has found that the dominant majority of (84 percent) minibuses and (83 percent) of Bajajs have external and internal religious identifications (Observation-Vehicles, 2014; Survey-Symbols, 2013). The impression one gets in observing the cacophonic mixture of symbols, images, and statements in vehicles meant to provide service to society is how much the exclusivist religiosity is taking roots to replace the old in the public space.
One last dimension to this trend is the way Yekolo-Temari/Teme of ETOC and Darasa of Islam are being treated by society. The two are traditional religious scholarships of students who came from faraway places in search of attending religious schools. On the treatment of these religious students too, mutual marginalization and exclusivist accommodation by ordinary folks is the current trend (Aba-G/Silasie, 2015; SWZ-RF-FGD, 2013). This stands for one aspect of the changing face of inter-religious relation in the study area.
The “Muhaba” and “Hak” of Wollo: Love, Good Neighborliness, and Friendship
The Arabic term Muhaba which means love and empathy has far stronger generic meaning in Wollo society than anywhere. Muhaba is the catch phrase for both Christian and Muslim societies of Wollo. It is a term used daily to give meaning for good and bad fates. In Wollo parlance, the meaning Muhaba is that “love is the answer!” for whatever problem that be. As St. Paul’s teaching that “Love is the fulfillment of Laws!” has it, in Wollo society there is nothing which cannot be done for love. In other words, an act done out of love is beyond religious good and bad. In celebrating their success, they humble themselves saying it is the work of Muhaba: “it is the love of my people and not my industriousness which is behind my success!” In case of tense conflicts and the need for forgiveness and reconciliation, elders would rebuke the defiant party saying “There is nothing worthier than love; not everything is done based on bitter truth and sheer strength but also with Muhaba-out of love!” So Muhaba is a metaphor binding the creator to his creation, human beings among themselves. It is the solution in facing the day today challenges and adversities of life in the world (Mohammed, 2014). For Wollo society, irrespective of their religion, the totality of life is conceptualized with a focus on love and empathy: Muhaba. In short, in its own way, Muhaba is the Ubuntu of Wollo.
The last claim makes sense when we add the concept of “Hak” (in Amharic literally means truth) closely associated with the Arabic Haqiqa (Arabic حقيقة ḥaqīqa “truth”) which means what is real, genuine, authentic, what is true in and of itself by dint of metaphysical or cosmic status. It is the third stage of the Sufi Islamic spirituality which constitutes “the direct experience of the mystical states of Sufism, direct experience of the presence of God within.” It is going beyond imitation and involving the praxeology of believe and practice in truth (Bilqies, 2014, p. 66). The Hak of Wollo stands for the categorical imperative to do the truth, justice, fairness, and doing right to others. It is both the claim others have on you as friend, neighbor, member of a family, or religious or worldly authority and its inseparable recognition of your duty to do right. Even though the concept is driven by the Sufi Islamic tradition the two terms are used both Christians and Muslims equally. Therefore among the Wollo, Muhba is not only blind commitment to metaphysical love but also an act in lieu of the mutual recognition and reference of the “Hak/Haqiqa.” (Mohammed, 2015). The very structure of usage of the term “Hak” is attached with a possessive owner of the truth, as subject of the phrase: Friend’s Hak, Mother’s Hak, Neighbor’s Hak, etc. Good neighborliness and friendship in Wollo society is based on the categorical imperative of mutual honoring and doing of love (Muhaba) and truth (Hak) that makes it relevant to show the changing landscape of inter-religious relations in Wollo. The sum of total of this type of religiosity in Wollo society is what the authors termed as Dignified-Symbiotic-Religiosity (DSR) of Wollo. SDR is neither tolerance, nor forbearance or secular accommodation only but more than the sum of all. According to religious fathers of Wollo, it is being and becoming religious in genuine love, compassion, sympathy, respect, and honor to both coreligionists and other religion followers (Aba-G/Silasie, 2015; Muhe, 2013).
Based on the tango-twins of Muhaba and Hak, as well as the empirical experience of attests that good neighborliness and friendship an empathetic concern with the safety, security, happiness, and spiritual and worldly fulfillment of the neighbor (Layla, 2013; Yeshi, 2013). Sadly, these values are being denuded by the new religionists. Believers are under pressure to abandon them. This new tendency is openly sharp among the Wahabbi, and sometimes Ahbashi Islamic groups, as subtly it is done by protestant and ETOC youth groups (Eyerusalem, 2013; Foziya, 2013).
Conclusion
Wollo society has long been traditionally known for its unique case of SDR that characterized Ethiopia as the locus of peaceful religious coexistence. After nearly 40 years of secular experience, the tremor of reformist and revivalist religious groups has begun to introduce new religiosity that posed grave challenge at times intolerance against the traditional religiosity. Tragically, Wollo has come to bear the blunt of the revivalist intolerance, as though it has not been the rare case of SDR in the mixed history of religious coexistence, accommodation, and repression. The new religiosity has appeared a potent force defining social relations and shared experiences of Wollo society: both the public and the private life. The shared history of the people too is not spared of revivalist victimization narratives and counter narratives: tolerance and forbearance. The demystification of religious tolerance and accommodation has tarnished the SDR of Wollo society and the 40-year-old secular establishment. The historical, social, and physical spaces have come to be symbolic embattled spaces of religious exclusivity projected to the future of new religiosity threatening to end the era of SDR of Wollo society and the legitimacy of the secular establishment.
In the absence of secular spaces not falling under the spell of exclusivist revivalist judgments, this study has ventured on showing the often overlooked role of shared secular heritages as platform for revitalizing the traditional DSR under the framework of pluralist secular principles. The study establishes a case for utilizing the space of secular heritages in Dessie city to revitalize positive shared communal memories of religious groups engraved by shared secular heritages. As the new revivalist religiosity is fighting for the soul of the DSR of Wollo society, the pillars and structures of the traditional religiosity as well as the secular establishment has continued to the target of demystification.
Consequently, the new revivalist religiosity is harping on delegitimizing the DSR as anachronistic to accommodate the religious demands of our time. In effect, the imperative for revitalizing DSR via dialogue is required to work on neutral spaces beyond replenishing the old to re-contextualizing it in a way to harness the positive dimensions of the new religiosity and address shared religious demands of our time. The hitherto unattended space of secular heritages often relegated to secular concerns like tourism and history are the less tarnished by revivalist demystification.
Hence, secular heritages, as platform, can have built in effect to revitalizing and re-contextualizing the DSR. Central to the argument is that such shared elements cherished by all provide historical, social, and symbolic spaces for inter-religious dialogue to counter the new revivalist religiosity which is recasting multiple-overlapping shared past and public spaces into patch works of exclusive religious territories. In this spirit, the study explores secular heritages in Dessie city not only in their traditional face as tourist and heritage centers but also as vital platforms of positive transformation of the paradox posed by the revivalist new religiosity to revitalizing and re-contextualizing the DSR to reclaim its cogent role in the era of religious intolerance and identity.
Therefore, the renovation, preservation, and management of heritage sites in the city (in honor of the past) has to be synchronized to the present demands of addressing the changing face of society and of intolerant religiosity, as well the revitalized continuity of DSR in the future.