Perceived Fairness and Relationship Satisfaction During the Transition to Parenthood

Abstract

The current study examined the influence of perceived fairness of household labor and childcare on relationship satisfaction among new parents. Emotional spousal support and negative spousal interactions were analyzed as potential mediators, using cross-sectional and longitudinal data from couples transitioning to parenthood (N = 92). At 9 months postpartum, mothers’ perceived fairness of household labor and childcare were related to their relationship satisfaction through emotional spousal support. Negative interactions mediated the association between mothers’ perceived fairness of childcare and relationship satisfaction, concurrently and longitudinally across the transition. For fathers, there was no evidence of mediation. However, spousal effects of fathers’ perceived fairness of childcare on mothers’ relationship satisfaction was found longitudinally. Overall, the results demonstrate the importance of emotional spousal support and negative spousal interactions when understanding the influence of new mothers’ perceived fairness of family labor on their relationship satisfaction.

Keywords

perceived fairness spousal support relationship satisfaction parenthood

During the transition to parenthood, cohabiting and married couples experience many changes in their relationship. One major change is that as couples become parents, relationship satisfaction often declines (e.g., Belsky & Pensky, 1988; Cowan & Cowan, 1992; Doss, Rhoades, Stanley, & Markman, 2009; Twenge, Campbell, & Foster, 2003; White & Booth, 1985). Moreover, what may explain new parents’ relationship deterioration is perceived unfairness related to the division of household labor and childcare (Dew & Wilcox, 2011; Stevens, Kiger, & Riley, 2001; Suitor, 1991). Perceived fairness is an integral part of the transition to parenthood, as the arrival of a new baby brings an increase in household responsibilities and the addition of childcare duties (e.g., Gjerdingen & Center, 2005). These increases in household and childcare responsibilities are typically borne by mothers (Baxter, Hewitt, & Haynes, 2008; Coltrane, 2000; Dribe & Stanfors, 2009; Shelton & John, 1996). Although new mothers take on a greater share of the family labor, studies have shown that it is not the unequal division of labor, but rather the perceived fairness of the division that is most strongly associated with relationship satisfaction (Dew & Wilcox, 2011; Stevens et al., 2001; Suitor, 1991).

Perceived fairness of family labor has been found to be related to relationship satisfaction, but prior research has also alluded to its association with spousal support (Van Willigen & Drentea, 2001). In turn, spousal support is predictive of relationship satisfaction (e.g., Acitelli & Antonucci, 1994; Cutrona, 1996; Julien & Markman, 1991). The importance of spousal support in relationship satisfaction is especially salient during the transition to parenthood as couples consider their spouses a primary source of support (Beach, Martin, Blum, & Roman, 1993; Brown, 1986). To our knowledge, no studies have examined whether positive (i.e., emotional) spousal support or negative spousal interactions mediate the association between perceived fairness and relationship satisfaction. We are also unaware of any studies that have examined the differential influence of perceived fairness of childcare versus housework on relationship satisfaction, and only one study has examined the spousal effect of perceived fairness on relationship satisfaction (Mikula, Riederer, & Bodi, 2011). In the present study, we examine each of these issues in a sample of first-time parents.

Perceived Fairness and Relationship Satisfaction

Marital and relationship quality is a complex phenomenon. Yet many agree that fairness and justice are critical components of a happy and satisfied relationship (Carroll, Badger, & Yang, 2006). As a result, research examining perceived fairness of household labor and relationship satisfaction has concluded that individuals who feel that the division of household labor is fair are more satisfied and content in their spousal relationship (Benin & Agostilleni, 1988; Kluwer, Heesink, & Van de Vliert, 1996; Piña & Bengtson, 1993; Stevens et al., 2001; Suitor, 1991; Wilkie, Ferree, & Ratcliff, 1998), and are more likely to believe that their relationship is stable and has an adequate level of commitment (Tang & Curran, 2012). But, why does perceived fairness, rather than the actual division of labor, have a stronger impact on relationship dynamics? Although social exchange and equity theories have suggested the importance of an unequal division of labor on relationship outcomes, they are limited in their explanation of perceived fairness. For instance, according to social exchange theory (Shelton & John, 1996; Suitor, 1991), maximizing benefits while minimizing costs (i.e., performing the least amount of labor) is related to well-being—in other words, the advantaged partner is most likely to benefit. On the other hand, according to equity theory (Bird, 1999; DeMaris & Longmore, 1996), being either advantaged or disadvantaged can be distressing because any relationship that is not equitable results in guilt or frustration.

However, equity though does not necessarily mean fairness. For one individual, performing a significantly greater amount of family labor may be perceived as fair, whereas for another individual it may be perceived as unfair. Studies have shown that even when unequal, the division of labor can still be perceived as fair (e.g., Greenstein, 1996). Distributive justice theory (Major, 1993; Thompson, 1991) helps us understand why. This theory states that perceived fairness is not dependent on the actual division of labor but on three factors: (a) personal values and attitudes on family labor, (b) within gender comparisons (i.e., women comparing how much housework they do to other similar women), and (c) justifications for the division of labor (i.e., it is accepted that the husband does less housework because he works full-time, whereas the wife does not). As a result, distributive justice theory emphasizes perceptions and appraisals of family labor, which is likely to better reflect relationship dynamics.

Research, however, is fairly silent on perceived fairness of housework versus childcare. As couples with children tend to have lower relationship satisfaction than couples with no children (see Twenge et al., 2003, for a review), perceived fairness of childcare may be an equally (if not more) important predictor of relationship satisfaction than perceived fairness of housework during the transition to parenthood. Despite a large, rich literature on household labor and relationship satisfaction, few studies separately assess childcare, including studies of new parents (e.g., Baxter et al., 2008; Grote & Clark, 2001; Keizer & Schenk, 2012; Kluwer et al., 1996). When childcare is included in this research, it is often aggregated with other household tasks, such as cooking, cleaning, and laundry (e.g., Baxter et al., 2008; Ferree, 1991; Grote & Clark, 2001; Poortman & Van der Lippe, 2009; Thompson & Walker, 1989). Researchers have argued that childcare is a distinctly different construct than household labor (Coltrane, 2000; Ishii-Kuntz & Coltrane, 1992). Thus, examining childcare within household labor limits researchers’ ability to compare the differential influence of perceived fairness of housework versus childcare on relationship satisfaction.

Importantly, although many household chores have increasingly been considered gender-neutral tasks (e.g., cooking, laundry, mowing the lawn), childcare is still considered a predominantly female task (Craig & Mullan, 2011). As a result, the influence of perceived fairness of childcare and housework may be different for mothers and fathers. In recent years, men have contributed more toward household labor and childcare (Bianchi, Sayer, Milkie, & Robinson, 2012). Yet although men are spending more time on childcare, women still provide most of the childcare (Craig & Mullan, 2011). Furthermore, research suggests that gender role attitudes tend to become more traditional after the transition to parenthood, especially for men (Deutsch, 2001). To our knowledge, only one study has examined childcare and household labor independently and found that violated expectations of childcare was a more salient predictor of women’s distress than violated expectations of household labor (Goldberg & Perry-Jenkins, 2004). Because Goldberg and Perry-Jenkins’s (2004) study only consisted of women, it is unclear if this relationship holds for men. In another recent study, relationship satisfaction was lower for mothers but not fathers when childcare expectations were unmet (Biehle & Mickelson, 2012). However, this study did not examine housework or perceptions of fairness. In the present study, we separately examine the influence of perceived fairness of childcare and housework on relationship satisfaction for both mothers and fathers (Aim 1). Although we predict that perceived fairness will be related to better relationship satisfaction, this more nuanced distinction will allow us to determine whether childcare or housework has a stronger link with relationship satisfaction, and whether one aspect (e.g., childcare) is more salient for mothers versus fathers.

Emotional Spousal Support

Regardless of whether perceived fairness of childcare or housework is more predictive of relationship satisfaction for new mothers and fathers, the question remains about the process by which perceived fairness is associated with relationship satisfaction. We propose that emotional spousal support can partially explain this association. Emotional spousal support is consistently and strongly related to relationship satisfaction (Acitelli & Antonucci, 1994; Cutrona, 1996; Wright & Aquilino, 1998), but it is less clear as to whether perceived fairness influences emotional spousal support. Most studies examining the role of emotional spousal support in the household literature have focused on division of labor rather than perceived fairness (e.g., Piña & Bengtson, 1993, 1995).

In a rare exception, Van Willigen and Drentea (2001) examined the influence of perceived fairness, division of household labor, and decision-making power on perceived spousal support among women. In line with their predictions, they found perceived fairness of housework was positively associated with spousal support. However, in their examination of perceived fairness of household labor, their measure of spousal support combined instrumental and emotional support, limiting the findings to distinguish the separate role of emotional support. While Van Willigen and Drentea (2001) conducted a series of post hoc analyses to parse out the role of emotional support, they only tested it with actual division of labor, not perceived fairness. These post hoc analyses revealed that when wives performed a greater amount of household labor (i.e., unequal division of labor), they reported lower levels of emotional spousal support. Van Willigen and Drentea (2001) speculated, but never tested, that perceived unfairness could also be related to emotional spousal support as emotional intimacy is heavily involved in the ability to gauge a partner’s needs, including instrumental needs (i.e., household labor and childcare).

Negative Spousal Interactions

Another limitation of Van Willigen and Drentea’s (2001) study is that their measure of emotional support only reflected positive support. We argue that because relationship interactions encompass both positive and negative aspects, both the presence of positive emotional support as well as negative spousal interactions should be examined. Several researchers posit that situations perceived to be unfair (or unjust) lead to feelings of distress and discomfort in interpersonal relationships (Lively, Steelman, & Powell, 2010; Suitor, 1991; Tao, 2011). When the division of household labor is perceived as unfair, negative emotions such as hurt, anger, and frustration may be felt (Lively et al., 2010). These negative feelings can elicit verbal expressions of dissatisfaction to the partner, which in turn could lead to relationship conflict (Kluwer et al., 1996). As such, relationship conflict has been shown to mediate the association between perceived fairness and relationship satisfaction for cohabiting couples (Mikula et al., 2011). Despite evidence for the mediating role of relationship conflict, it is unknown as to whether these findings will replicate among new parents. The transition to parenthood is an especially salient and potentially stressful time during which relationship conflict may increase (e.g., Cutrona, 1984; Miller & Sollie, 1980; Rossi, 1968; Russell, 1974).

In our study, we focus on the mediating roles of emotional spousal support and negative spousal interactions in the association between perceived fairness and relationship satisfaction (Aim 2). Examining both these aspects of spousal support will allow us to determine whether one is a stronger mediator of the association between perceived fairness and relationship satisfaction—a heretofore unanswered question. We focus on the role of emotional spousal support as research has emphasized its importance with respect to relationship quality (Xu & Burleson, 2004). Apart from emotional support, research has also found that lower relationship satisfaction is associated with increased negative interactions (e.g., Donnellan, Assad, Robins, & Conger, 2007; Mikula et al., 2011). These findings further suggest the importance of examining both emotional spousal support and negative spousal interactions in the link between perceived fairness and relationship satisfaction.

Spousal Effects of Perceived Fairness

A final issue we examine is whether spousal effects may exist in the associations between perceived fairness, spousal support, and relationship satisfaction. Although some studies have found that perceived fairness of housework was related to relationship satisfaction for both men and women (Benin & Agostilleni, 1988; Frisco & Williams, 2003; Stevens et al., 2001; Suitor, 1991), others have found that this association holds for women, but not for men (Kluwer et al., 1996—this study is especially relevant as it used a sample experiencing the transition to parenthood). The association may not be found with new fathers because new mothers take on more household labor during the transition to parenthood (e.g., Baxter et al., 2008). Kluwer et al. (1996) speculated the transition to parenthood is a time when the disparity in division of household labor is even more unfavorable toward mothers, and there is likely an increased perception of unfairness for new mothers, but not for new fathers.

We argue that although fathers’ perceived fairness has not been found to be related to their own relationship satisfaction (Kluwer et al., 1996), the interdependent nature of couples suggests that a spouse’s perceived fairness could be associated with his or her partner’s relationship satisfaction. Intimate relationships become especially interdependent during the transition to parenthood as new familial relationships develop and interdependency strengthens (Perry-Jenkins & Claxton, 2011). As such, wives’ perceived fairness has been found to predict husbands’ relationship satisfaction via husbands’ reporting of conflict (Mikula et al., 2011). This recent study suggests potential explanatory mechanisms in the association between perceived fairness of household labor and relationship satisfaction, but how their findings may compare with new parents is unknown. As a result, we will examine both self and spousal effects of perceived fairness on relationship satisfaction, as well as whether these links are explained through positive and negative spousal interactions (Aim 3).

The Present Study

The present study has three primary aims. First, we examine the differential influence of perceived fairness related to childcare and household labor on new parents’ relationship satisfaction. Second, because relationship dynamics encompass both positive and negative aspects, we examine the mediating role of emotional spousal support and negative spousal interactions. Finally, we seek to replicate and expand on the Mikula et al. (2011) study by examining spousal effects of perceived fairness of family labor on spousal support and relationship satisfaction. To test the above study aims, we used data from a study of first-time parents. We examined data both cross-sectionally and longitudinally. It is important to note that the transition to parenthood is a period of time when relationship dynamics and family labor are vulnerable to fluctuations and instability. Thus, we argue it is necessary to examine family labor and relationship dynamics when they may be most salient, as well as how they may operate across the adjustment period of first-time parenting. For the cross-sectional analyses, data were examined at 9 months postpartum as we believed that the influence of perceived fairness of family labor would be most stable during this time period as parents are no longer receiving an abundant amount of outside support from family members (Belsky & Rovine, 1984; Razurel, Bruchon-Schweitzer, Dupanloup, Irion, & Epiney, 2011), and one or both parents have returned to work (Clark, Hyde, Essex, & Klein, 1997; Wiese & Ritter, 2012). As a result, at 9 months postpartum, new parents should be accustomed to balancing work, home, and family responsibilities. However, because it is also important to examine how perceived fairness of family labor affects spousal support and relationship satisfaction over the course of the transition to parenthood, we conducted longitudinal analyses with data at 1, 4, and 9 months postpartum.

Method

Participants

Data were used from a larger study, the Baby TIME (Transitions in Marital Exchanges) Study (for more details on this study, see Biehle & Mickelson, 2011). At baseline, the sample was composed of 104 heterosexual married or cohabiting couples (208 individuals) expecting their first child (i.e., primiparous). Data collection began when expectant mothers were in their third trimester of pregnancy. Other eligibility requirements included that both the expectant mother and father (hereafter referred to simply as mothers or fathers) be fluent in English and be employed at the time of the baseline interview. Participants were recruited from local birthing classes in Northeast Ohio (47.6%) and online message boards (52.4%). A majority of couples were married (91%) and had been married or cohabiting for about 3 years (M = 3.38; SD = 2.16). The average age at baseline was 29 years, with men being older on average than women (men: M = 29.99, SD = 4.77; women: M = 28.06, SD = 3.80, p < .05). The majority of the sample was White (88% of participants), college educated (75% of the participants), and middle to upper income (72.2% of households made $60,000 or more a year). At the second wave of data collection (1 month postpartum), 52 couples (57%) reported having a girl and 40 couples (43%) reported having a boy.

Procedure

The Baby TIME Study was a year-long longitudinal study. Couples participated in interviews during the third trimester of pregnancy (between 24 and 32 weeks), 1 month postpartum, 4 months postpartum, and 9 months postpartum. During the study, participants were first asked to complete an online survey (either from work or home). Within 24 hours of finishing the online survey, a trained interviewer contacted participants and completed the telephone portion of the survey. Combined, the online and phone surveys took approximately 1 hour to complete. Participants were compensated $25 after completion of the interview.

Of the 104 couples who completed the baseline interview, there were a total of 93 couples at 1 month postpartum, 86 couples at 4 months postpartum, and 83 couples at 9 months postpartum. Reasons for attrition included dissolution of the relationship (approximately 1%), declining to further participate in the study (approximately 2%), and unable to reach after numerous attempts (approximately 7%). We tested for differential attrition on major demographic and study variables for participants who dropped out of the study after baseline (pregnancy) and did not return. Chi-square analyses and MANOVAs were conducted separately for women and men. There were no attritional differences in any of the major study variables for women or men. For men, employment status was marginally related to attrition, χ²(3) = 6.63, p < .10, such that men who worked full-time were slightly more likely to drop out of the study after the first wave and never return. No other demographic variables were related to attrition for either women or men.

Materials

Sociodemographics

A number of sociodemographic characteristics potentially related to the major study variables were assessed, including age, race/ethnicity, education, income, and marital status. The current sample ranged from age 18 to 52 years. Race was dichotomized as White or non-White because of our largely homogenous sample. Education consisted of five categories: some high school, high school, some college, college, or an advanced degree. Income was a measure of the total household income at the time of the first interview, with seven categories: below $20,000; $20,001 to $40,000; $40,001 to $60,000; $60,001 to $80,000; $80,001 to $100,000; $100,001 to $120,000; more than $120,000. Marital status was also a dichotomous variable, married versus cohabiting.

Perceived Fairness of Household Labor

Perceived fairness of the division of household labor was assessed using a single item, “How fair do you perceive the division of household tasks to be to yourself during the past month?” Participants were asked to consider all household labor tasks, including cooking, dishes, cleaning, laundry, household finances, phone calls, and shopping. Participants rated their perceived fairness on a scale of 1 = very unfair to me to 4 = very fair to me. A higher score indicated greater perceived fairness of household labor.

Perceived Fairness of Childcare

Perceived fairness of the division of childcare was also assessed using a single item, “How fair do you perceive the division of childcare tasks to be to yourself during the past month?” Participants were asked to consider all childcare tasks which included feeding, changing diapers and clothes, playing, soothing, watching/supervising, nighttime waking, baby’s laundry, baby’s doctor appointments, and transportation to daycare. Participants rated their perceived fairness on a scale of 1 = very unfair to me to 4 = very fair to me. A higher score indicated greater perceived fairness of childcare.

Perceived Emotional Spousal Support

Emotional support was measured using six items from a scale developed by Schuster, Kessler, and Aseltine (1990). Participants reported their perceived amount of support from their spouse during the past month (e.g., “How much did your spouse understand the way you felt about things?” “How much did your spouse show you that he/she really cares about you?”) on a scale of 0 = none to 4 = a lot. A mean score of the six items was created so that higher scores indicated a greater amount of perceived spousal support, and internal consistency was satisfactory (fathers at 1 month: α = .82, mothers at 1 month: α = .79; fathers at 4 months: α = .76, mothers at 4 months: α = .81; fathers at 9 months: α = .71; mothers at 9 months: α = .73).

Perceived Negative Spousal Interactions

Negative interactions were assessed using a subsection of the UCLA Social Support Inventory (Dunkel-Schetter, Feinstein, & Call, 1986).

Mothers and fathers rated the amount of negative interactions they perceived from their spouse in the past month on four items (e.g., “How much did you feel that your partner did not understand what you were going through?”). Responses ranged from 0 = none to 4 = a lot; a mean of the four items was created such that a higher score would indicate greater perceived negative interactions. Internal consistency was satisfactory (fathers at 1 month: α = .69, mothers at 1 month: α = .80; fathers at 4 months: α = .80, mothers at 4 months: α = .79; fathers at 9 months: α = .86; mothers at 9 months: α = .71).

Relationship Satisfaction

Relationship satisfaction was measured using the Relationship Assessment Scale (Hendrick, 1988). Participants were asked to rate their relationship on six¹ items (e.g., “How well does your partner meet your needs?” “How good is your relationship compared with most other couples?”) on a scale ranging from 1 = never to 7 = very often. A mean score for the measure was created such that a higher score indicates greater relationship satisfaction (fathers at 1 month: α = .82, mothers at 1 month: α = .78; fathers at 4 months: α = .82, mothers at 4 months: α = .81; fathers at 9 months: α = .84, mothers at 9 months: α = .82).

Overview of Analyses

In the present study, partner and actor effects of perceived fairness of household labor and childcare were the primary predictors of spousal support, negative interactions, and relationship satisfaction for mothers and fathers. A fully implemented mediational model using the actor–partner interdependence mediation model is referred to as the APIMeM (Ledermann, Macho, & Kenny, 2011), but few dyadic studies are able to implement it. When assessing mediation in a dyadic data set, the detection of potential indirect and direct actor and partner effects is likely to fail because of model complexity and common power issues. As a result, Ledermann and colleagues recommend testing only specific direct and indirect effects by assuming certain patterns and implementing bootstrapping methodology (MacKinnon, Lockwood, Hoffman, West, & Sheets, 2002). Moreover, simplifying our mediational model and reducing the number of potential indirect and direct effects becomes even more critical as Ledermann and colleagues note the complexity of an APIMeM with even a single mediator, and our study examines two mediators (emotional spousal support and negative interactions). Based on these recommendations, only the specific direct and indirect partner effects of perceived fairness of household labor and childcare were tested. All other tested effects were actor effects. For our bootstrapping methodology, we computed parameter estimates and 95% confidence intervals (CIs) for all models. Additionally, based on recommendations by Preacher and Hayes (2008), 5,000 resamples were conducted. A t-statistic was then computed by dividing the bootstrapped indirect effect coefficient by the bootstrapped indirect effect standard error. Bootstrapped CIs not including zero and a significant t-statistic were used as criteria to suggest mediation. Mplus (Version 6.0; Muthén & Muthén, 2010) software was used for the path analyses and to calculate the indirect effects of the proposed mediational models. Finally, prior to testing the study’s main research aims, we examined demographics (age, race, marital status, years married, education, employment status) as potential covariates among major study variables. No significant covariates emerged for either mothers or fathers.

Results

Descriptive statistics indicate that mothers and fathers significantly differed on most of the major study variables across the transition to parenthood. At 1, 4, and 9 months postpartum, fathers perceived the division of household labor and childcare to be fairer than mothers. However, mothers reported more negative interactions than fathers across all three waves. Means, standard deviations, and ranges of major study variables and differences between mothers and fathers at 1, 4, and 9 months postpartum can be viewed in Table 1.

Table 1.

Descriptives of Major Study Variables for Mothers and Fathers.

	One month postpartum, M (SD)		Four months postpartum, M (SD)		Nine months postpartum, M (SD)
	Mothers	Fathers	Mothers	Fathers	Mothers	Fathers
Hours of household labor	18.54_a (16.11)	21.99_a (22.73)	19.24_a (17.93)	17.07_a (12.50)	17.38_a (10.85)	19.28_a (14.74)
Hours of childcare	117.02_a (32.42)	47.39_b (31.55)	81.84_a (35.23)	32.39_b (20.84)	76.02_a (36.24)	36.00_b (23.97)
Perceived fairness of household labor	3.39_b (0.75)	3.66_a (0.47)	3.12_b (0.79)	3.48_a (0.69)	3.19_b (0.81)	3.47_a (0.79)
Perceived fairness of childcare	3.30_b (0.67)	3.57_a (0.59)	3.20_b (0.76)	3.54_a (0.63)	3.25_b (0.81)	3.49_a (0.69)
Emotional spousal support	3.08_a (0.58)	2.92_b (0.62)	3.05_a (0.56)	3.04_a (0.58)	2.94_a (0.58)	2.79_b (0.58)
Negative interactions	1.03_a (0.70)	0.67_b (0.60)	1.08_a (0.76)	0.83_b (0.67)	1.11_a (0.82)	0.97_a (0.65)
Relationship satisfaction	4.84_a (0.71)	4.83_a (0.73)	4.72_a (0.74)	4.72_a (0.70)	4.50_a (0.72)	4.41_a (0.77)

Note. Different subscripts indicate significant differences at p < .05 between mothers and fathers at each time point.

Additionally, bivariate correlations were conducted between actual hours of household labor and childcare and perceived fairness variables. With the exception of mothers’ perceived fairness of childcare at 1 month postpartum,² hours of household labor and hours of childcare were not related to perceived fairness. This finding supports the notion that perceived fairness is independent of actual division of labor and is consistent with prior research (Dew & Wilcox, 2011; Stevens et al., 2001; Suitor, 1991) and the distributive justice theory (Major, 1993; Thompson, 1991).

Aim 1: Are Perceived Fairness of Household Labor and Childcare Differentially Related to Relationship Satisfaction?

For the first aim, only direct associations of self and spousal perceived fairness on relationship satisfaction at 9 months postpartum were examined (i.e., emotional spousal support and negative interactions were not included in these models; see Figure 1). The initial model left the paths for perceived fairness of household labor and childcare unconstrained, with the assumption that they operate differently than one another. Next, based on the level of significance for the household labor and childcare pathways (i.e., both are significant), a second model constrained these two pathways to be equal. A comparison of model fit between the unconstrained and constrained models determined whether perceived fairness of household labor and childcare were significantly different.

Figure 1.

Proposed model for direct relationships between perceived fairness and relationship satisfaction. Mothers’ and fathers’ relationship outcomes were analyzed in separate models.

At 9 months postpartum, for mothers, the overall unconstrained model fit the data well, χ²(4, N = 83) = 3.34, p = .50, comparative fit index (CFI) = 1.00, root mean square of approximation (RMSEA) = .00 (CI = .00, .15). Parameter estimates indicated that mothers’ perceived fairness of household labor (b = .27, SE = .09, p = .00) and childcare (b = .22, SE = .09, p = .01) both had positive associations with their own relationship satisfaction. Neither fathers’ perceived fairness of household labor nor childcare was significantly associated with mothers’ relationship satisfaction. Thus, equality constraints were placed on mothers’ perceived fairness pathways only. After equality constraints were placed, the model was also well specified, χ²(5, N = 83) = 3.42, p = .64, CFI = 1.00, RMSEA = .00 (CI = .00, .13), and the constrained model was not significantly different from the unconstrained model, Δχ²(1, N = 83) = .00, p = .78. In other words, mothers’ perceived fairness of household labor and childcare had similar influences on her own relationship satisfaction at 9 months postpartum.

At 9 months postpartum, for fathers, the overall unconstrained model also fit the data well, χ²(4, N = 82) = 2.99, p = .56, CFI = 1.00, RMSEA = .00 (CI = .00, .15). However, the path from fathers’ perceived fairness of household labor and childcare to his relationship satisfaction was nonsignificant. Additionally, mothers’ perceived fairness was not related to fathers’ relationship satisfaction. In other words, neither self nor spousal perceived fairness were directly related to fathers’ relationship satisfaction.

In our longitudinal model, the direct pathways were tested from perceived fairness of household labor and childcare at 1 month postpartum to relationship satisfaction at 9 months postpartum, while controlling for relationship satisfaction at 4 months postpartum.³ For the mothers’ model, the overall model fit the data well, χ²(8, N = 74) = 4.20, p = .84, CFI = 1.00, RMSEA = .00 (CI = .00, .08). Only the pathway from fathers’ perceived fairness of childcare to mothers’ relationship satisfaction was significant (b = −.28, SE = .09, p < .05). The fathers’ longitudinal model also fit the data well, χ²(8, N = 72) = 5.77, p = .67, CFI = 1.00, RMSEA = .00 (CI = .00, .11), but only mothers’ perceived fairness of household labor was marginally associated with fathers’ relationship satisfaction. These results suggest that longitudinally, there may be some differential influences of perceived household labor and childcare on relationship satisfaction.

Aim 2: Does Spousal Support Mediate the Association Between Perceived Fairness of Household Labor or Childcare and Relationship Satisfaction?

In our second aim, we tested whether there was an indirect relationship between perceived fairness and relationship satisfaction through emotional spousal support and negative spousal interactions both cross-sectionally and longitudinally. At 9 months postpartum, the overall mediational model for mothers fit the data well, χ²(4, N = 83) = 3.34, p = .50, CFI = 1.00, RMSEA = .00 (CI = .00, .15; see Figure 2). The full path model indicated that mothers’ perceived fairness of household labor was associated with emotional spousal support (b = .21, SE = .07, p < .01) and marginally associated with negative interactions (b = −.21, SE = .11, p = .06). Both mothers’ reports of emotional spousal support (b = .38, SE = .12, p < .01) and negative interactions (b = −.48, SE = .09, p < .001) were also significantly associated with relationship satisfaction. A test of the indirect effects indicated that emotional spousal support significantly mediated the direct effect, b = .08, SE = .03, p < .05, but negative spousal interactions only had a marginally significant indirect effect (b = .10, SE = .06, p = .08). Finally, the addition of the spousal support variables diminished the direct effect of mothers’ perceived fairness of household labor on their relationship satisfaction to nonsignificant, b = .09, SE = .08, p = .24, supporting our proposed mediational model.

Figure 2.

Meditational models for mothers and fathers at 9 months postpartum. Mothers’ parameter estimates are outside the parentheses, fathers’ estimates are inside the parentheses.

With respect to perceived fairness of childcare, mothers’ perceived fairness of childcare was also related to both emotional spousal support (b = .26, SE = .08, p < .001) and negative spousal interactions (b = −.30, SE = .11, p < .01). Both aspects of spousal support also significantly mediated the direct link (b = .13, SE = .06, p < .05; b = .10, SE = .05, p < .05, respectively). The addition of these spousal support variables as mediators, diminished the direct pathway between mothers’ perceived fairness of childcare and relationship satisfaction to nonsignificant, b = −.20, SE = .08, p = .79, again supporting our proposed mediational model. Figure 2 depicts the final mediational model for mothers. As a post hoc analysis, we examined whether mothers’ perceived fairness of household labor or childcare had a stronger association with emotional support and negative interactions. Again, we placed equality constraints from perceived fairness of household labor and childcare to the spousal support variables to test if one type of perceived fairness had a stronger influence. Results indicated that mothers’ perceived fairness of household labor and childcare equally influenced their spousal support perceptions.

Although there was no direct link between fathers’ perceived fairness and relationship satisfaction, an indirect link can still be tested (MacKinnon, Fairchild, & Fritz, 2007). The specified indirect model for fathers fit the data well, χ²(4, N = 82) = 2.99, p = .56, CFI = 1.00, RMSEA = .00 (CI = .00, .15). Fathers’ perceived fairness of household labor was significantly related to their emotional spousal support (b = .17, SE = .08, p < .05) and emotional spousal support was significantly associated with relationship satisfaction (b = .57, SE = .15, p < .001). However, the indirect effect of emotional spousal support was only marginal, b = .12, SE = .07, p = .07. The indirect pathway through fathers’ negative spousal interactions was nonsignificant. Furthermore, neither emotional support nor negative interactions was a significant mediator in the pathway between fathers’ perceived fairness of childcare and relationship satisfaction (see Figure 2).

To test the role of spousal support in the link between perceived fairness and relationship satisfaction longitudinally, perceived fairness was examined at 1 month postpartum, spousal support at 4 months postpartum, and relationship satisfaction at 9 months postpartum, while controlling for prior levels of relationship satisfaction at 4 months postpartum (see Figure 3). The proposed model was a good fit, χ²(8, N = 74) = 3.85, p = .87, CFI = 1.00, RMSEA = .00 (CI = .00, .07). However, as Figure 3 indicates, only mothers’ perceived fairness of childcare at 1 month postpartum was related to negative spousal interactions at 4 months postpartum (b = −.31, SE = .09, p < .05), and negative spousal interactions at 4 months postpartum was related to relationship satisfaction at 9 months postpartum (b = −.43, SE = .10, p < .01). Negative spousal interactions marginally mediated the direct link between perceived fairness of childcare and relationship satisfaction (b = .13, SE = .07, p = .06). No other indirect effects were found for mothers.

Figure 3.

Longitudinal mediational model for mothers and fathers. Only significant pathways and coefficients are displayed. Mothers’ estimates are outside the parentheses, fathers’ estimates are inside the parentheses.

The longitudinal mediational model was also tested for fathers and the specified model fit the data well, χ²(8, N = 72) = 5.16, p = .74, CFI = 1.00, RMSEA = .00 (CI = .00, .10). Only the pathway from fathers’ perceived fairness of childcare at 1 month postpartum was significantly related to more emotional spousal support at 4 months postpartum (b = .40, SE = .11, p < .01); no indirect effects were found.

Aim 3: Spousal Effects of Perceived Fairness on Relationship Satisfaction

Finally, we examined whether there were any spousal effects of perceived fairness on relationship satisfaction both cross-sectionally at 9 months postpartum (see Figure 2) and longitudinally (see Figure 3). At 9 months postpartum, no direct spousal effects were found with the exception of the influence of mothers’ perceived fairness of household labor on fathers’ emotional spousal support (b = .17, SE = .08, p < .05). However, our longitudinal analyses indicated that fathers’ perceived fairness of childcare at 1 month postpartum was related to mothers’ relationship satisfaction at 9 months postpartum (b = −.30, SE = .09, p < .01), such that the more fair fathers perceived the division of childcare to be to him at 1 month, the less satisfied mothers were about their relationship at 9 months postpartum. Additionally, fathers’ relationship satisfaction at 9 months postpartum was marginally dependent on mothers’ perceived fairness of household labor at 1 month postpartum (b = .20, SE = .12, p =. 10), such that the more fair mothers perceived their household division of labor at 1 month postpartum the more satisfied fathers were in their relationship at 9 months postpartum. Overall, these longitudinal results from the study suggest that direct spousal effects of perceived fairness on relationship satisfaction may be long-lasting.

Discussion

Although it is well established in the literature that perceived fairness of family labor is related to relationship satisfaction (e.g., Dew & Wilcox, 2011), prior studies that have examined this association are limited in a number of ways. First, although family labor typically encompasses both household and childcare tasks, many studies often combine them into a single construct. Based on prior research suggesting that childcare may be more important for new mothers, we separately examined perceived fairness of household labor and childcare to determine whether they have differential influences on relationship satisfaction for mothers and fathers. Second, although it is evident that perceived fairness is related to relationship satisfaction, less is known about the mechanisms behind this association. We examined whether emotional spousal support and negative spousal interactions mediated the association between perceived fairness and relationship satisfaction. Finally, based on Mikula et al.’s (2011) findings regarding partner effects for perceived fairness, we sought to replicate and expand their results in the context of childcare and emotional spousal support.

The Influence of Household Labor Versus Childcare

In our examination of perceived fairness of household labor and childcare as separate constructs, we were able to discern that both aspects of family labor were equally important for relationship satisfaction for new mothers at 9 months postpartum. Drawing from distributive justice theory (Major, 1993; Thompson, 1991), which emphasizes the importance of gender attitudes on family labor, perceived fairness of childcare may be equally important as perceived fairness of household labor for mothers’ relationship satisfaction because of gender role expectancies. When gender role and household labor research began to emerge, it was often perceived as socially acceptable by both mothers and fathers that childcare tasks were primarily the mother’s responsibility (Barnett & Baruch, 1987; Leslie, Anderson, & Branson, 1991; Thompson & Walker, 1989). However, there has been an increasing trend toward egalitarian attitudes and equal division of household tasks, such as cooking and cleaning (Bianchi, Milkie, Sayer, & Robinson, 2000). There may also be a shift toward egalitarian attitudes about childcare, as men are beginning to contribute more to childcare labor (Craig & Mullan, 2011). Considering our results found both perceived fairness of household labor and childcare were equally influential on relationship satisfaction suggests that perhaps current gender attitudes toward these tasks may be similar. Yet our cross-sectional results are contrary to the findings of Goldberg and Perry-Jenkins (2004), who indicated that perceived fairness of childcare was a more salient predictor of relationship satisfaction for mothers. One thing to note is that Goldberg and Perry-Jenkins examined violated expectations of childcare and household labor rather than perceived fairness. Although violated expectations are likely related to perceive unfairness, they are distinctively different constructs, and future research would benefit from examining both simultaneously in the context of the transition to parenthood. Moreover, it is important to mention that our sample was primarily educated and middle-class. Thus, it is possible our sample holds largely egalitarian attitudes. Future studies should include gender role attitudes to determine their relation to perceived fairness. In order to examine the role of gender attitudes and expectations with respect to perceived fairness, a more diverse sample is needed.

The Role of Emotional Spousal Support and Negative Spousal Interactions

To understand how perceived fairness is linked to relationship satisfaction, we tested the mediating role of spousal support (both positive and negative aspects). The results from our study revealed an indirect link for mothers only. Specifically, both emotional spousal support and (marginally) negative spousal interactions explained the link between mothers’ perceived fairness of household labor and childcare on relationship satisfaction at 9 months postpartum. Our results confirmed Van Willigen and Drentea’s (2001) speculation that perceived fairness taps into emotional affirmation for mothers. In other words, perceived fairness may be a reflection that their partners care about their well-being and desire to help lessen their burdens.

In addition to emotional support, we found that when mothers perceive their division of household labor and childcare to be fair, they report fewer negative interactions with their partners (though this relationship was only marginal for household labor). Prior research has supported the idea that perceived unfairness leads to increased conflict and distress with partners (e.g., Lively et al., 2010), and our findings tentatively confirm this notion. In line with prior work (Mikula et al., 2011), our results also confirmed that perceptions about the division of family labor can influence negative experiences with partners, which, in turn, will affect relationship satisfaction. Notably, a consistent finding in both our cross-sectional and longitudinal analyses was that mothers’ perceived fairness of childcare was predictive of their relationship satisfaction, and negative interactions with the spouse helped explain this link. These findings suggest that this dynamic is unlikely to change across the transition to parenthood. Although mothers may desire more change in childcare responsibilities (i.e., more help from fathers) during the entirety of the transition to parenthood, as well as later in the postpartum period, they typically fail to express their concerns to their spouses (Walters & Whitehouse, 2012), which may lead to conflict and relationship dissatisfaction.

Spousal Effects

Previous research on perceived fairness and relationship satisfaction has suggested that spousal effects may exist (Perry-Jenkins & Folks, 1994; Wilkie et al., 1998), particularly the influence of wives’ perceived fairness on husbands’ relationship satisfaction (Mikula et al., 2011). Our finding that mothers’ perceived fairness of household labor at 1 month postpartum was marginally and positively related to fathers’ relationship satisfaction at 9 months postpartum is congruent with this prior research. According to distributive justice theory (Major, 1993; Thompson, 1991), at 1 month postpartum, mothers may justify fathers’ minimal time spent on childcare because of their limited ability (i.e., breastfeeding, nightly feedings, less paternity time) and to compensate for this by contributing more to household duties. When mothers perceive household labor to be fair during a time when they need it the most, it may result in a positive relationship dynamic.

Our longitudinal analyses also revealed that fathers’ perceived fairness of childcare at 1 month postpartum was negatively related to mothers’ relationship satisfaction at 9 months postpartum. We attribute this link between fathers’ perceived fairness of childcare and mothers’ relationship satisfaction to social exchange theory, which states the disadvantaged partner is least likely to benefit (Shelton & John, 1996; Suitor, 1991). As such, our descriptive results suggest that mothers are in fact the disadvantaged partner with respect to childcare at 1 and 9 months postpartum, with only fathers finding this division to be fair. At 1 month postpartum, fathers may reason that mothers must perform most of the childcare duties because the infant is still dependent on the mother, particularly for breastfeeding. If mothers perform a majority of the childcare at 1 month postpartum and fathers perceive it to be fair, this division early on may set the course for childcare responsibilities and expectations throughout the transition. However, by 9 months postpartum infants are less likely to continue breastfeed (see de Jager, Skouteris, Broadbent, Amir, & Mellor, 2013, for a review) and both mothers and fathers have returned to work (Clark et al., 1997; Wiese & Ritter, 2012). Thus, drawing from the distributive justice theory, gender roles, and attitudes, mothers may feel dissatisfied with their marital relationship because they may have more egalitarian attitudes and behaviors, but the division is still traditional (i.e., mothers still performing most of the work), resulting in mothers’ relationship dissatisfaction at 9 months postpartum.

Limitations

Results from the present study should be considered within its limitations. First, the study sample was homogenous. A majority of the sample was Caucasian, educated, and middle to upper class; thus, it is unclear whether these findings are generalizable across other demographic samples. A replication of our findings with a more diverse sample would support the generalizability of the study. Second, our primary interest was in how perceived fairness and relationship satisfactions were related during the early transition to parenthood (i.e., the first 9 months postpartum). However, it is likely that the process of perceived fairness and spousal interactions is dynamic and will continue to evolve as the child grows older and family labor responsibilities change. Future research is needed to study the longitudinal relationships across the full transition to parenthood.

Finally, the current study examined spousal effects (i.e., partner effects) of perceived fairness, but we were unable to apply a full APIMeM (Ledermann et al., 2011) because of the complexity of the model and inadequate power. Instead, we modified our model based on Ledermann et al.’s (2011) and Kenny, Kashy, and Cook’s (2006) recommendations. Future research is needed to examine the full APIMeM measuring all partner effects of multiple predictors, mediators, and outcomes.

Conclusions and Implications

The transition to parenthood is a period of time when parents must adjust to new family, home, and relationship dynamics. Prior studies have concluded that when new parents perceive their division of labor and childcare to be fair, they are more satisfied with their relationship. Yet few studies have examined the mechanisms behind why such a link exists. The present study expanded on the perceived fairness and relationship literature by providing evidence that perceived fairness is indirectly related to relationship satisfaction through emotional spousal support and negative spousal interactions for new mothers, but not new fathers at 9 months postpartum. Additionally, our longitudinal analyses added to the strengths of the study by revealing that spouses’ perceived fairness early in the transition period has long-lasting effects on new parents’ relationship satisfaction. These findings have provided a nuanced understanding of how perceptions about instrumental dynamics (i.e., cooking, cleaning, baby care) reflect mothers’ emotional and relationship outcomes. Thus, husbands could help their relationship during the transition to parenthood by being conscientious about making fair contributions to simple, everyday household and childcare tasks.

Footnotes

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: This study was funded by a grant awarded to the second author from the Ohio Board of Regents.

Notes

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