Race,Generational Status,and the Dynamics of First-Marriage Transitions Among Black Immigrants in the United States

Abstract

Previous studies give limited attention to the marital outcomes of Black immigrants in the United States. In this study, therefore, the main objective of the analysis is to examine the relationship between race-ethnicity, generational status, and first marriage among Black immigrants. Using data from the American Community Survey, the study tests two hypotheses. The first is that Black immigrants face greater constraints to first-marriage transition compared with non-Black immigrants. The second is that increasing generational status results in a convergence in the outcomes of Black immigrants with those of U.S.-born Blacks. The results show that Black immigrants enter first marriages at older ages compared with non-Black immigrants. With increasing generational status, however, Black immigrants are more likely to enter first marriages at younger ages compared with U.S.-born Blacks, suggesting that as assimilation increases, Black immigrants are less likely to have outcomes that are consistent with a retreat from marriage.

Keywords

immigration/migration race/ethnicity family demography Blacks global/international

Introduction

Black family formation processes are a major focus of previous research on the retreat from marriage. As a result, there is now a growing body of work showing how the dynamics of Black marriages deviate from those of Other races. We now know, for example, that Blacks have the lowest prevalence of marriage in the United States (Chambers & Kravitz, 2011; Raley, 2000). New marriages also occur less frequently among Blacks than among non-Blacks, and research indicates that Blacks have the slowest rates of transitioning into marriage (Aughinbaugh, Robles, & Sun, 2013). These trends are peculiar and have engendered significant interest in the investigation of the social and demographic determinants of Black marriages. Explanations for the declines vary and range from the effects of unbalanced sex ratios and changes in labor force participation, to the interracial marriage patterns of Black males (Bennett, Bloom, & Craig, 1989; Crowder & Tolnay 2000). A major assumption undergirding this literature, however, is that the decline in Black marriages is ubiquitous. Given the limited analysis of Black intraracial marriage differences in the previous literature, the existing evidence provides a limited basis for understanding the nuances of marriage formation processes within the U.S. Black population.

Increases in Black immigration to the United States provide us with an opportunity to advance what we know about both intraracial marriage differences among Blacks and interracial marriage differences between Black immigrants and other immigrants. With few exceptions (e.g., Batson, Qian, & Lichter, 2006; Bryant, Taylor, Lincoln, Chatters, & Jackson, 2008), there is very limited research on nativity differences in marriage outcomes among Blacks. Similarly, we know very little about how the marriage outcomes of Black immigrants differ from those of other immigrants. Yet it is difficult to ignore what Black immigration trends imply for research on marriage. Some of these implications are tied to the unprecedented scale of the recent increase in these immigration flows. Whereas relatively few Black immigrants were admitted to the United States during the first half of the previous century (Kent, 2007), in the three decades between 1980 and 2010 the Black immigrant population increased by more than 400% (Anderson, 2015). These trends have contributed to the increasingly diverse patterns of union formation now observed within the Black population. Beyond their involvement in monogamous unions associated with spousal coresidence, Black immigrants participate in transnational marriages and various types of arranged marriages (Arthur, 2000; Reynolds, 2006). Black immigration trends further have implications for our understanding of the ways in which assimilation processes can shape our understanding of disparities in Black marriage outcomes. Finally, these trends raise new questions regarding whether foreign-born Blacks are exposed to the same structural constraints known to contribute to the slow transitions into marriage observed among Black natives. Studies on the retreat from marriage would suggest that Black immigrants face the real prospect of assimilating into a society that offers fewer opportunities for marriage compared with the opportunities offered to other immigrant groups.

As a first step toward investigating these issues, this study uses data on recent marriages from the American Community Survey (ACS) to investigate transitions into first marriage among Black immigrants. Its main goal is to investigate how patterns of entry into first marriage of Black immigrants compare with those of other immigrants, and the extent to which the outcomes of Black immigrants are influenced by assimilation processes. The study accomplishes this goal by addressing two important questions. The first is, is the timing of marriage transitions among Black immigrants different from that of immigrants from other race-ethnic groups? To answer this question, the study focuses on first marriages that occurred after immigration to the United States, and examines whether Blacks experience more delayed marriage transitions compared with other immigrants. The second question is, to what extent does the timing of entry into marriage among Black immigrants converge to that of U.S.-born Blacks? Thus, the analysis examines whether increasing generational status among Black immigrants is associated with greater levels of similarity between their marriage outcomes and those of Black natives.

Background

Some of the clearest evidence showing an accelerated retreat from marriage is found in previous research on the marriage outcomes of Blacks. Waite (1995), for example, argues that the prevalence of marriage has declined faster among Blacks than among Whites since the 1950s. Before then, Blacks transitioned in marriage at much younger ages than did Whites, at least among men (Koball, 1998), but now generally marry at older ages compared with Whites, Asians, or Hispanics (Aughinbaugh et al., 2013; Brien, 1997). Black marriage trends are also differentiated by gender. Between the 1950s and the end of the 20th century, the prevalence of marriage declined much faster among Black females than Black males, while the percentage of never-married Black females doubled during this period (Besharov & West, 2001). Several factors have been identified as core explanations for these differences, including poor labor force outcomes and the declining availability of marriageable Black males due to factors such as their high levels of mortality (Chambers & Kravitz, 2011; Crowder & Tolnay, 2000).

Compared with what we know about gender marriage disparities among Blacks, our understanding of whether their marriage differences are moderated by immigration status is limited. Analyses of Black immigrant marriages in previous studies are mainly limited to the examination of differences in the prevalence of marriage, interracial marriage outcomes, and levels of marital satisfaction. Various studies thus report that the prevalence of marriage is higher among Black immigrants than among U.S.-born Blacks (Anderson, 2015; Kent, 2007). Black immigrants are also less likely to intermarry with Whites than U.S.-born Blacks (Batson et al., 2006), and less likely to marry Black natives or out-marry to other groups (Lichter, Qian, & Tumin, 2015). Furthermore, Bryant et al. (2008) report that female Black immigrants have higher levels of marital satisfaction compared with U.S.-born Black females.

Notwithstanding the significance of these studies, they leave unanswered the question of how where marriage occurs shapes our understanding of nativity differences in marriage outcomes among Blacks and its effects on race-ethnic differences in marriage among immigrants. Within race, nativity differences in the prevalence of marriage can be confounded by the fact that the foreign-born have different opportunities for marrying, depending on whether they choose to marry before or after their migration occurs. For example, Black immigrants from sub-Saharan Africa generally originate from contexts where marriage is close to universal (Dodoo, 1998). However, Black immigrants from the Caribbean originate from contexts with contrasting premigration realities. Many Caribbean countries have low ratios of males to females and high proportions of never-married females (Landale, Thomas, & Van Hook, 2011; McAdoo, Younge, & Getahun, 2007). Precise information on where marriage occurs is also essential for determining the extent to which racial and ethnic differences are associated with disparities in the opportunities for marriage available to immigrants. Indeed, it is difficult to assess whether Black immigrants are exposed to the same types of factors that drive the retreat from marriage among U.S. Blacks during the process of assimilation, without determining whether their marriages occurred before or after their immigration.

Much of the extant literature on the relationship between marriage and migration focus is on the outcomes of migrants in destination countries. This body of work is informed by at least two theoretical approaches. The first highlights the effects of migration as a disruptive influence on entry into marriage. It frames these effects as consequences of several processes, including the relocation of migrants between origin-country marriage markets and marriage markets in their destination countries. Postmigration delays in the transition into marriage among immigrants are further seen as consequences of temporal disruptions in their employment outcomes and their limited access to destination-country social networks (Jampaklay, 2006; Landale, 1994). These disruptive influences are generally differentiated by gender; accordingly, delays in age at entry into marriage among migrants are comparatively longer among females than among males (Jampaklay, 2006). While the disruption perspective is generally important, it is limited in its inability to capture how migrants’ opportunities for marriage change as their exposure to destination countries increases.

The second approach to the study of marriage among migrants in destination contexts highlights the significance of assimilation processes. Among Black immigrants in particular, research on these processes mainly focuses on intermarriage outcomes (Batson et al., 2006; Lichter et al., 2015). However, as several scholars observe, immigrant assimilation has implications for a broader range of marriage outcomes (e.g., Bean, Berg, & Van Hook, 1996; Glick, 2010; Rosenfeld, 2002). For example, the assimilation perspective suggests that the barrier of race, and its associated implications for the socioeconomic incorporation of Black immigrants can negatively affect the timing of their entry into marriage as exposure to society increases. Racial discrimination can increase the likelihood that Black immigrants are exposed to socioeconomic constraints, such as high levels of poverty, that are known to negatively affect the marriage transitions of U.S.-born Blacks (Bulanda & Brown, 2007).

Black immigrants who wish to marry spouses within the U.S. Black population also face the same structural constraints that have resulted in an accelerated retreat from marriage among Blacks. For Black immigrant females, entry into same-race unions is likely to involve significant competition with U.S.-born Black females for the limited number of marriageable Black males (Raley, 1996). Furthermore, regardless of sex, the constraint of racial discrimination is likely to significantly undermine the extent to which Black immigrants become economically prepared for transitions into marriage. Other structural constraints to marriage are associated with the residential contexts of immigrants. Black immigrants’ limited prospects of residential mobility (Freeman, 2002) imply that their spousal choices are generally made within the same demographically constricted marriage markets as those of U.S.-born Blacks. Black immigrants who desire to marry outside their race are also likely to face constraints to marriage formation. One of these is the fact that the assimilation of Black immigrants occurs in a U.S. context characterized by significant social biases against marrying a Black spouse. Studies on hypothetical spousal preferences (e.g., Passel, Wang, & Taylor, 2010) have thus consistently found that Black spouses are less desirable compared with spouses from other racial groups.

Overall, the assimilation perspective has two implications for the marriage transitions of Black immigrants. The first is that, as a result of the structural barrier of race, Black immigrants will be more disadvantaged in terms of their prospects of marriage compared with immigrants from other racial groups. The second is that any differences that exist between the marriage outcomes of Black immigrants and U.S. Blacks are likely to disappear as Black immigrants’ exposure to U.S. society increases.

Apart from race and ethnicity, there are a number of other factors likely to have a bearing on the transition into first marriage. For example, age at arrival, a measure of immigrant exposure to society, is positively associated with entry into marriage (Trilla, Esteve, & Domingo, 2008). English proficiency also has a strong positive association with immigrants’ entry into marriage because it increases the spousal options available to them outside their ethnic group (Kulczycki & Lobo, 2002). In addition, educational attainment has been found to be negatively associated with entry into marriage (Liefbroer & Corijn, 1999). Three sets of marriage market indicators are also known to predict entry into marriage. The first is the ratio of single males to females, which has a particularly negative association with age at first marriage among females (Wingood & DiClemente, 1998). The second is percentage of individuals employed; previous research indicates that male employment is positively associated with entry into marriage among females but that females are more likely to enter marriage at older ages in contexts of high female employment (Lichter, LeClere, & McLaughlin, 1991; Lloyd & South, 1996). Finally, entry into marriage is associated with contextual levels of education. Accordingly, within contexts, high levels of education typically have a negative association with entry into marriage, especially among females (Lichter et al., 1991).

In summary, there are three main gaps in the previous literature on marriage formation among Black immigrants. First, there are relatively few studies examining the significance of immigration status for understanding disparities in Black marriage outcomes. Second, there is limited research examining the salience of race for comparisons of the dynamics of marriage transition between Black immigrants and other immigrant groups. Finally, previous studies provide limited analysis of the role of other individual and contextual factors in mediating marriage differences between Black immigrants and U.S.-born Blacks.

Hypotheses

Focusing on transitions into first marriage after immigrants arrive in the United States, this study fills these gaps in the literature by examining two hypotheses. The first is that Black immigrants face greater constraints to first-marriage transitions compared with White, Hispanic, and Asian immigrants. Accordingly, because Black immigrants are expected to face unique structural constraints to marriage compared with other immigrants, they are expected to enter first marriages at much older ages compared with immigrants from Other race-ethnic groups. The second hypothesis is that, with increasing generational status, Black immigrants will progressively enter first marriages at similar ages as U.S.-born Blacks. In other words, in line with assimilation theory, we expect age at first marriage among Black immigrants to be negatively associated with generational status, and to converge with that of U.S.-born Blacks as generational status increases.

Data and Method

Data on marriages in the 2008 to 2012 ACS (Ruggles, Genadek, Goeken, Grover, & Sobek, 2015), provide the best source of information for examining these hypotheses. The ACS allows us to identify Black immigrants from a range of origin countries, and contains individual-level data on socioeconomic outcomes such as educational attainment, marital status, place of residence, as well as various contextual indicators. In 2008, the ACS expanded the number of marriage-related questions asked of its respondents. These new questions collected information on respondents’ number of times married, year of marriage, and whether or not they were married, divorced, or widowed in the previous year. Using information on number of times married, the analytical sample used in the study is restricted to individuals between ages 20 and 49 in recent first marriages; these marriages are defined as first marriages that occurred less than 5 years ago. Additional analyses conducted on a sample of individuals who entered first marriages in the past 1 year or less (not shown) revealed very similar findings to those produced by the sample of first marriages in the past 0 to 4 years. The current analysis reports results from the former because its larger number of observations allows us to incorporate a more extensive sample of Black immigrants.

The main outcome of interest is age at first marriage, estimated as the difference between respondents’ year of birth and their year of first marriage. Data on year of marriage and year of immigration are further used to identify marriages that occurred after immigration to the United States. Among Black immigrants, these marriages accounted for 80% of all recent first marriages observed in the data.

The analysis focuses on two key independent variables. The first is a measure of race-ethnic differences among immigrants; data on race and ethnic characteristics are thus used to distinguish between the outcomes of five immigrant race ethnic groups—Hispanics, Blacks, Asians, Whites, and Other. The second key independent variable captures differences in immigrants’ generational status. Since the ACS only distinguishes between the outcomes of foreign-born and U.S.-born individuals, the study’s measure of generational status is constructed using the outcomes of the former. Age at arrival among the foreign-born is used to differentiate between the outcomes of immigrants in three generation groups that have various degrees of assimilation. As in previous studies (Rumbaut, 2004; Rumbaut, Massey, & Bean 2006), immigrants who arrived between ages 0 and 12, 13 and 17, and at age 18 years and older, are considered to be immigrants in the 1.5, 1.25, and 1.0 generations, respectively. The three groups also capture differential levels of exposure to U.S. society. For Black immigrants, the respective average number of years of U.S. residence of immigrants in these groups are 24, 14, and 7.

Other controls included in the analysis are age, educational attainment, measured by four dummy variables (i.e., college graduate, some college education, high school graduate, high school and below), and English proficiency. English-proficient individuals are individuals who speak only English or speak English very well. A final set of controls used to investigate the determinants of recent first-marriage transitions relates to the characteristics of marriage markets. To date, there is no consensus on the most appropriate geographic level of aggregation useful for measuring these characteristics. Previous studies have measured the characteristics of marriage markets across various levels including metropolitan areas, states of residence, and labor market areas (LMAs; Lichter et al., 1991; Lloyd & South, 1996). In this analysis, the main marriage-market indicators are constructed using public use microdata areas (PUMAs). PUMAs are the smallest geographic units found in the ACS and are similar to LMAs in the sense that they both capture geographic areas with populations of 100,000 and above (Ruggles et al., 2015). The specific PUMA-level indicators used in the analysis are the ratio of single males to females, the percentage of singles employed, and the percentage of singles with postsecondary schooling. These percentages are estimated for each sex. Logged values of the percentages are used in the analysis to account for skewness in these distributions across PUMAs. In order to approximate whether individuals were exposed to these contextual characteristics around the time of their marriages, the analysis controls for duration of residence within PUMAs by accounting for whether respondents have resided within the same household for one or more years.

The empirical analysis of transitions into first marriage is conducted in two phases. The first phase focuses on the immigrant sample. Mixed-effects regression models are used to describe the relationship between the dependent variable, age at first marriage, and race-ethnic differences among immigrants, controlling for other social and demographic correlates such as age, English proficiency, and generational status. Separate regression models are estimated for male and female immigrants to examine whether race-ethnic differences in first marriage vary by gender. The second phase of the analysis gives exclusive attention to comparisons between Black immigrants and U.S.-born Blacks. Mixed-effects regression models are used to examine the relationship between age at first marriage and nativity/generational status differences among Blacks. Specifically, the analysis examines how the outcomes of 1.0-, 1.25-, and 1.5-generation Black immigrants compare with those of U.S.-born Blacks, and examines whether there are variations in this relationship among Black males and Black females. Within each sex, these comparisons are conducted in ways that highlight how Black immigrants from three major origin regions, that is, the Caribbean, sub-Saharan Africa, and other regions (i.e., countries in South America and Europe) fare relative to their U.S.-born peers.

Results

Table 1 presents summary estimates of the characteristics of recently married individuals from the major race-ethnic groups examined in the analysis. Differences in the age and sex distributions of the respective groups are relatively small. On average, recently married individuals are approximately 30 years old and slightly less likely to be female than male. The first major group difference shown in Table 1 is associated with levels of educational attainment. Black immigrants are more likely to have graduated from college (31.1%) compared with U.S.-born Blacks, but are less likely to be college graduates compared with their White, Asian, and other immigrant peers. In terms of English proficiency, the majority of Black immigrants (80.5%) are proficient speakers of English. This is also true of White immigrants and immigrants from other racial and ethnic groups. Given the fact that English proficiency is a marker of linguistic assimilation into society, this finding implies that Black immigrants are among the immigrant groups most likely to possess the linguistic abilities to effectively navigate the U.S. marriage market. At the same time, Black immigrants arrive in the United States at a much older age (19 years) compared with immigrants from other race-ethnic groups. In fact, Black immigrants arrive in the United States after receiving the majority of their teenage socialization experiences in other countries. This could more negatively influence on their ability to succeed in U.S. marriage markets compared with that of immigrants who arrived at younger ages and are more familiar with U.S. dating norms.

Table 1.

Demographic, Social, and Contextual Characteristics of Individuals in the Sample.

	U.S.-born Blacks	Immigrants
	U.S.-born Blacks	Black	White	Hispanic	Asian	Other
Age, years (mean)	32.0*	32.6	31.0*	30.4*	31.9*	30.5*
Females	48.5*	49.0	46.7*	45.0*	47.6*	48.7
Educational attainment
College graduate	20.9*	31.1	51.7*	10.8*	63.1*	42.4*
Some college	38.1*	35.8	26.9*	18.8*	20.*	30.1*
High school graduate	29.4*	23.6	16.3*	28.4*	10.7*	18.4*
Below high school	11.6*	9.8	4.7*	42.1*	6.2*	9.0*
English proficient	—	80.5	84.0*	69.0*	37.8*	80.4*
Age at arrival, years (mean)	—	19.3	15.7*	17.6*	16.8*	14.6*
Percent living at residence for at least 1 year	70.8*	76.1	72.8*	76.5*	73.1*	72.5*
Contextual PUMA-level variables
Ratio of males to females	1.21*	1.14	1.21*	1.23*	1.22*	1.22*
Percentage of males employed	63.3*	65.7	66.6*	65.6*	67.1*	66
Percentage of males with postsecondary schooling	52.7*	56	58.6*	52.9*	59.4.*	56.9*
Percentage of females employed	68.7*	69.9	70.9*	68.6*	70.6*	70.2*
Percentage of females with postsecondary schooling	66.0*	68	70.5*	65.2*	70.8*	69.2*
Age at marriage, years	29.8	30.4*	28.8*	28.2*	28.7*	28.3*
N	39,041	6,627	15,949	43,815	22,631	2,036

Note. PUMA = public use microdata area. Data source: American Community Survey, 2008 to 2012.

p < .05 compared with Black immigrants.

More than 70% of individuals in all groups have lived in the same residence for more than a year. However, Table 1 shows important dissimilarities in residential characteristics that are conditional on immigrant status and race-ethnicity. Among Blacks, immigrants are more likely to reside in contexts with higher percentages of single males and single females who are employed compared with U.S. natives. Within the immigrant population, however, Black immigrants are more likely to live in socioeconomically disadvantaged contexts compared with all non-Black immigrant groups, with the exception of Hispanics.

Our first impression of the relationship between immigrant status, race-ethnicity, and the timing of first marriage is developed from the distribution of the mean ages at first marriage shown in Table 1. This preliminary evidence highlights a considerable degree of similarity in the timing of first-marriage transitions among Black immigrants and U.S.-born Blacks. On average, Black immigrants enter first marriages less than a year later compared with U.S.-born Blacks. However, the disparity between Black immigrants and the various non-Black immigrant groups is much larger. In particular, the average Black immigrant enters first marriage at least 2 years later compared with Hispanic immigrants and immigrants from Other race-ethnic groups, and approximately 1.5 years later compared with White and Asian immigrants.

Results from regression analysis of first-marriage transitions among immigrants shown in Table 2 provide additional insight into our first hypothesis, which concerns the negative implications of race for the outcomes of Black immigrants relative to those of other immigrants. In general, the results allow us to assess whether the observed race-ethnic differences in age at first marriage shown among immigrants in Table 1 are mediated by variations in demographic and contextual factors.

Table 2.

Results From Mixed Effects Regression Models Showing the Predictors of Age at First Marriage Among Immigrants.

	Males		Females
	Model 1	Model 2	Model 3	Model 4
Immigrant race-ethnicity
Black	1.215***	0.116***	2.15***	0.159***
Asian	0.418***	0.038*	1.419***	0.058**
Hispanic	−1.208***	0.018	0.116	0.012
Other	−0.655**	0.054	−0.166	0.058
Non-Hispanic White (reference)	(0.00)	(0.00)	(0.00)	(0.00)
Age		0.971***		0.975*
Generation status
1.5 generation		−0.110***		−0.121***
1.25 generation		−0.083***		−0.122***
1.0 generation		(1.00)		(1.00)
English proficient		−0.036*		−0.055**
Educational attainment
College graduate		0.011		0.021
Some college		−0.010		−0.033
High school graduate		−0.006		−0.010
Below high school		(1.00)		(1.00)
Ratio of males to females		−0.011		−0.058
Percentage of females employed (ln)		−0.081		−0.005
Percentage of females with postsecondary schooling (ln)		−0.021		0.035
Percentage of males employed (ln)		−0.021		−0.004
Percentage of males with postsecondary schooling (ln)		0.088		0.072
Constant	29.85***	−1.28***	27.67***	−1.541***
PUMA-level random effects	0.651	0.003	0.734	0.001
Log likelihood	−158909	−81378.8	−138180.1	−70154.9
N	48,896	48,896	42,162	42,162

Note. PUMA = public use microdata area.

p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001.

The baseline mixed-effects models (Models 1 and 3) confirm the existence of statistically significant racial disparities in first-marriage transitions among immigrants. Yet although Black immigrants are more likely to enter first marriages at older ages compared with other immigrants, the relative gap between Black and non-Black immigrants is lower among males (Model 1) than among females (Model 3). For example, Model 1 indicates that the age at first marriage of Black male immigrants is 1.2 years higher compared with that of their White counterparts. Correspondingly, Model 3 indicates that among female immigrants, age at first marriage is 2.2 years higher among Blacks compared with Whites.

Black immigrants are not the only immigrants that enter first marriages at older ages compared with White immigrants. Among both males and females, Asian immigrants enter first marriages at significantly older ages compared with White immigrants, and this disparity is also smaller among males (0.4 years) than among females (1.4 years). The results show mixed evidence on differences in first-marriage transitions between Hispanic and other immigrants, compared with White immigrants. Among males, Hispanics, and other immigrants enter first marriages at younger ages compared with Whites (Model 1), whereas among females their respective first-marriage differences, relative to Whites are not statistically significant.

The next set of models examine what happens to race-ethnic differences in first-marriage transitions after other factors are controlled. Model 2 shows that a substantial part of the gap between Black immigrant and White immigrant males is explained by differences in individual and contextual characteristics. However, the disparity between the two continues to remain statistically different even after other factors are controlled. In contrast, the comparatively younger ages at first marriage of Hispanic and other male immigrants completely disappears after accounting for these factors.

In many ways, the results for males are similar to those of females. Accordingly, the Black–White age difference among female immigrants is reduced, but does not disappear, after accounting for differences in individual- and contextual-level differences (Model 4). Likewise, the disparity between Asian and Whites immigrants found among females persists after controlling for these factors. Altogether these findings are consistent with the view that race has a significant influence on first-marriage transitions among immigrants and that, in comparative terms, Black immigrants experienced more delays in these transitions compared with other immigrants.

Apart from race and ethnicity, however, immigrants’ first-marriage transitions are associated with differences in other factors. Overall, age at first marriage is negatively associated with generational status, suggesting that first-marriage transitions are more likely to occur at younger ages among immigrants as assimilation increases. This presumed assimilation effect is more distinct among males (Model 2) than among females (Model 4). Indeed, the results show a progressive decline in age as first marriage, with increasing generational status, among male immigrants. For both male and female immigrants, English proficiency is associated with a younger age at first marriage compared with the lack of English proficiency, confirming that language incorporation among immigrants can result in first-marriage transitions that occur earlier in the life course. Living in the same residence for 1 or more years is associated with an earlier age at first marriage among both male and female immigrants. Surprisingly, no significant association is found between age at first marriage among immigrants and the various contextual indicators included in the analysis. This implies that assimilation processes, measured by increasing generation status, are more important predictors of when first marriages occur among immigrants compared to contextual influences associated with the characteristics of marriage markets.

Table 3 uses estimates of predicted age at first marriage among immigrants to assess whether the relationship between generational status and first-marriage transitions varies across race-ethnic group. These estimates are derived from the full models—Models 2 and 4—presented in Table 2. The results show at least two findings that underscore the significance of assimilation for first-marriage transitions among immigrants. First, in all race-ethnic groups, increasing generational status is consistently associated with declines in age at first marriage. In other words, the relationship between assimilation and first-marriage transitions is insensitive to race-ethnic differences. Second, with increasing generational status, differences in age at first marriage between Black immigrants and non-Black immigrants decrease. Seemingly, the apparent disadvantage associated with racial minority status among Black immigrants, declines as generational status increases. By the 1.5 generation, for example, first-marriage transitions among males occurs at similar ages for Black and White immigrants. In addition, although Blacks enter first marriages at later ages compared with Asians among the 1.0-generation immigrants, the difference between the two groups is reversed as generational status increases.

Table 3.

Predicted Age at First Marriage Among Immigrant Race-Ethnic Groups.

	Black	Asian	Hispanic	Whites	Other
Male
1.0 generation	32.6	30.8	30.8	31.2	30.4
1.25 generation	28.1	29.3	26.5	27.5	27.5
1.5 generation	28.5	29.7	26.1	28.4	28.0
Female
1.0 generation	31.9	30.3	30.8	29.5	29.4
1.25 generation	26.9	27.2	25.3	25.4	25.6
1.5 generation	27.6	27.9	24.8	26.2	26.2

Table 4 turns specific attention to the second hypothesis, which deals with the significance of assimilation for differences in first-marriage transitions between Black immigrants and U.S.-born Blacks. The baseline models provide a nuanced perspective on the influence of Black immigrants’ generational status on their marriage outcomes. Specifically, 1.0-generation Black male and female immigrants enter first marriages about 2.5 years later compared with U.S.-born Blacks. However, higher generation Black immigrants are distinctively more likely to enter first marriages at younger ages compared with U.S.-born Blacks (Models 1 and 2). These findings have clear implications for what we know about intraracial marriage differences among Blacks. For example, they confirm that 1.0-generation Black immigrants, who are most likely to experience the disruptive influence of migration, face the most constraints to first-marriage entry among Blacks. In addition, the findings suggest that, with increasing assimilation, the marriage prospects of 1.25- and 1.5-generation Black immigrants more than just converge with those of U.S.-born Blacks. In fact, the comparatively younger ages of marriage of these two Black immigrant groups suggest that they are less affected by the retreat from marriage that has defined the marriage patterns of U.S. Black natives in recent decades.

Table 4.

Results From Mixed Effects Regression Models Showing the Predictors of Differences in Age at First Marriage Between Black Immigrant Generational Groups and U.S.-Born Blacks.

	Males		Females
	Model 1	Model 2	Model 3	Model 4
Black immigrants
1.0 generation	2.40***	0.063	2.399***	0.122**
1.25 generation	−2.178***	−0.038	−2.649***	0.043
1.5 generation	−1.690***	−0.006	−1.94***	0.029
U.S.-born Blacks (Reference)	(0.000)	(0.000)	(0.000)	(1.000)
Age		0.976***		0.980***
Educational attainment
College graduate		−0.029		−0.007
Some college		−0.001		0.008
High school graduate		0.014		0.063
Below high school (reference)		(1.00)		(1.00)
English proficient		−0.101		−0.043
Same residence for at least 1 year		−0.243***		−0.254***
Ratio of males to females		−0.099		−0.122*
Percentage of females employed (ln)		0.101		0.283
Percentage of females with post-secondary schooling (ln)		−0.333		−0.053*
Percentage of males employed (ln)		−0.054		−0.316*
Percentage of males with postsecondary schooling (ln)		0.280*		0.419*
Constant	30.16***	−0.994	29.48***	−0.606
PUMA-level random effects	0.993	0.002	0.613	0.005
Log likelihood	−78,788	−39,134	−74,586	−37,029
N	23,501	23,501	22,167	22,167

Note. PUMA = public use microdata area.

p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001.

Subsequent models suggest that the earlier first-marriage transitions of 1.25- and 1.5-generation Black immigrants are driven by their comparatively more favorable socioeconomic and contextual characteristics. As such, when these factors are controlled (Models 2 and 4), no significant differences are observed between U.S.-born Blacks and Black immigrants from these two immigrant groups. Controlling for these factors further has a contrasting effect on the outcomes of male and female immigrants. Among males (Model 2), the disparity between 1.0-generation Black immigrants and U.S.-born Blacks becomes no longer statistically significant, while among females, the difference between both groups continues to persist (Model 4). In sum, the only evidence showing that Black immigrants have a robust older age at first-marriage transition compared with U.S.-born Blacks is found among females.

Other clear patterns of association between age at first marriage and the contextual factors of Blacks are shown in Table 4. Living in the same residence for a year or more is associated with an earlier age at marriage compared with living in the same residence for less than a year. Consistent with previous studies (e.g., Lichter et al., 1991; Wingood & DiClemente, 1998), Black females are more likely to marry at younger ages in contexts with a high ratio of single males to females. In contrast, living in contexts with higher percentages of males or females with postsecondary education is largely associated with a higher age at first marriage for both sexes. Finally, Table 4 shows that among Black females, residence in areas with a higher percentage of single males employed is negatively associated with age at first marriage. This implies that Black females generally enter first marriages at younger ages in contexts with a disproportionately high prevalence of economically viable spouses.

Differences in first-marriage transitions among Blacks can further be understood by examining how the outcomes of Blacks immigrants from three major origin groups—the Caribbean, Africa, and other regions—compare with those of U.S.-born Blacks. In Table 5, the baseline model for males (Model 1), which only controls for origin region and generational status, shows consistently older ages at first-marriage transitions among 1.0-generation immigrants in each of the three immigrant origin groups. The oldest ages at these transitions are observed among 1.0-generation male immigrants from the Caribbean and other world regions. At the same time Model 1 indicates that the assimilation effect on first-marriage transitions is most defined among African immigrants. In other words, beyond the 1.0 generation, African immigrant males generally enter first marriages at least 3 years earlier compared with U.S.-born Black males.

Table 5.

Results From Mixed Effects Regression Models Showing the Predictors of Differences in Age at First Marriage Between Black Immigrant Origin Groups and U.S.-Born Blacks.

	Male		Female
	Model 1	Model 2	Model 3	Model 4
African immigrants
1.0 generation	2.06***	0.124**	1.534***	0.170***
1.25 generation	−3.14***	0.110	−3.934***	0.027
1.5 generation	−3.01***	0.045	−4.656***	−0.057
Caribbean immigrants
1.0 generation	2.89***	−0.002	3.35***	0.065
1.25 generation	−1.79***	−0.010	−1.943***	0.023
1.5 generation	−1.09**	−0.049	−1.55***	−0.003
Other Black immigrants
1.0 generation	2.88***	−0.068	2.723***	0.138
1.25 generation	−0.58	−0.238	−1.345	0.245
1.5 generation	−2.11***	0.053	−1.273**	0.133
U.S.-born Blacks (reference)	(0.00)	(0.00)	(0.00)	(0.00)
Constant	30.16***	−0.947	29.481***	−0.576
PUMA-level random effects	0.977	0.002	0.588	0.005
Log likelihood	−78776.5	−39128.2	−74556.2	−37025
N	23,501	23,501	22,167	22,167

Note. PUMA = public use microdata area. Models 2 and 4 include all the other controls from the full models in Table 4.

p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001.

Model 3 indicates that the baseline patterns for females are quite similar to those of males. Black immigrant females in the 1.0-generation experience definitive delays in first-marriage transitions compared with U.S.-born Black females; these delays are most pronounced among female immigrants from the Caribbean females. Model 3 also points to a stronger assimilation influence on first-marriage transitions among Africans compared with other Black immigrant females. In fact, by the 1.5 generation, African females enter first marriages at ages that are, on average, almost 5 years younger compared with those of their U.S.-born Black peers.

Most of the relative differences between the various Black immigrant origin groups and U.S.-born Blacks are eliminated after accounting for other individual- and contextual-level factors. This finding is important and has two major implications. The first is that the negative association between generational status and age at first marriage found among Africans in the baseline models, were likely driven by factors such as higher levels of English proficiency and residence in contexts with characteristics that facilitate first-marriage transitions. The second is that, among 1.0-generation immigrants from the Caribbean and other regions, delays in first-marriage transitions are also likely to be explained by differences in these factors. While much of the relative differences disappear in both Models 2 and 4, the higher age at first marriage of 1.0-generation African immigrants persists. Thus, it is generally the least assimilated immigrants from the most recent Black immigrant origin group who account for the older average age at first marriage observed among 1.0-generation Black immigrants in comparisons with U.S.-born Blacks and immigrants from Other race-ethnic groups.

Discussion and Conclusion

As scholarly interest in the retreat from marriage among U.S. Black increases, it has become apparent that more research is needed to incorporate the diverse origins of this population into efforts to advance what we know about Black marriages. Most studies on marriage differences between Black immigrants and natives have, however, been unable to parse out the influence of immigration processes as a result of data limitations (Bryant et al., 2008; McAdoo et al., 2007). Moreover, few studies have been able to assess how Black immigrant marriages that occur after their immigration to the United States differ from those of other immigrants. By using new data on marriages in the ACS, this study has attempted to better integrate these differences into the analysis of Black immigrant transitions into marriage. In the process, it has produced a more complex picture of immigrant marriage transitions than that provided in previous studies. First, the study underscores the significance of race and ethnicity for first-marriage transitions among immigrants and implies that racial and ethnic disparities in these transitions decline as generational status increases. Second, the study demonstrates the need to more carefully consider the role of generational status in shaping disparities in first-marriage transitions between Black immigrants and U.S.-born Blacks.

Consistent with the first hypothesis, the timing of first marriages that occur after immigrants arrive in the United States is highly stratified by race-ethnicity, with Black immigrants being more likely to marry at older ages compared with immigrants from other race-ethnic groups. The comparatively older age at first-marriage transition among Black immigrants is not explained by their demographic and contextual attributes, and is found among both males and females. After their arrival in the United States, therefore, Black immigrants may encounter more barriers to entry into first marital unions compared with other immigrant race-ethnic groups. In part, this finding is consistent with research on the significance of race and ethnicity for the family formation processes of immigrants, and likely explains the low prevalence of married-couple households among Black immigrants and their children (Brandon 2002; Landale et al., 2011). At the same time, the results indicate that, with increasing generational status, the significance of race-ethnicity for disparities in the timing of first marriage declines. However, these declines are highly gendered. For example, among 1.5-generation immigrants, the Black–White difference in first-marriage transition effectively disappears among males but continues to persist among females (Table 3).

Another contribution of the study is its clarification of the role of assimilation processes in marriage differences between Black immigrants and U.S.-born Blacks. The analysis provides partial support for the hypothesis of a convergence in the outcomes of Black immigrants and Black natives. Specifically, the results show that as Black immigrant generations increase, a crossover in their first-marriage transitions relative to that of U.S.-born Blacks occurs. Immigrants with the least exposure to society, 1.0-generation immigrants, enter first marriages at older ages compared with U.S.-born Blacks, while more assimilated 1.25- and 1.5-generation immigrants enter these marriages earlier. The more favorable prospects of marriage formation of these two Black immigrant groups appear to be driven by the fact that they have characteristics known to facilitate marital unions, such as higher levels of education and residence in contexts with higher proportions of singles who are employed. Not surprisingly, their younger age at first marriage compared with those of U.S.-born Blacks disappears after accounting for differences in these factors. This suggests that the disparity was largely because of differences in educational attainment and other contextual characteristics. At the same time, the relatively older age at first marriage of 1.0-generation Black immigrants, especially those from Africa, continues to persist even after accounting for these factors. However, the reasons for this generally remain unclear.

Overall, the study’s main findings have several implications for research. First, they point to the significance of assimilation processes for offering differential opportunities for marriage to immigrant race-ethnic groups. Consistent with previous research showing that racial minority status is a barrier to the marital assimilation of Black immigrants (Batson et al., 2006; Lichter et al., 2015), Black immigrants appear to have considerably fewer first-marriage opportunities available to them compared with non-Black immigrants. Second, the results highlight the gendered nature of Black immigrants’ first-marriage transitions. Indeed, slower transitions among Black female than male immigrants are consistent with the notion that immigrant assimilation occurs in a context in which non-Black skin tones are highly desired in spousal selection processes especially in the selection of potential wives (Kulczycki & Lobo, 2002). Finally, the later age at first marriage of Black immigrants implies that their ability to enjoy the economic, emotional, and social benefits of marriage (Waite, 1995) occurs much later in their life course than it does among other immigrants. Future research could investigate these implications further by examining, for example, how Black immigrants cope with delays in the transition to first marriage, and the extent to which they use alternative union formation patterns (e.g., cohabitation) as precursors to marriage.

While the study’s findings provide important insights into the dynamics of marriage among Black immigrants, they are not without their limitations. One of these is the fact that the data used in the analysis are cross-sectional. As such, the analysis mainly presents significant associations between marriage and migration that need to be more systematically examined using longitudinal data. Unfortunately, such data are unavailable for Black immigrants. However, the associations in the analysis are intriguing enough to provide a new lens through which we can interpret previous studies. Another limitation of the analysis is the lack of information on spousal characteristics at the time of marriage. These characteristics are important for providing a more comprehensive view on the determinants of first-marriage transitions among Black immigrants. The key findings of the analysis could, therefore, be considered to be first approximations of how first-marriage transitions among Black immigrants differ from those of other immigrants and U.S.-born Blacks. These approximations are important, and help advance what we know about the ways in which Black immigrants are incorporated into U.S. marriage markets.

Footnotes

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship and/or publication of this article: I would like to acknowledge assistance provided by the Population Research Institute at Penn State University, which is supported by an infrastructure grant by the Eunice Kennedy Shriver National Institute of Child Health and Human Development (P2CHD041025).

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