Abstract
The purpose of this study is to assess the African American viewpoint on baseball consumption. Utilizing a criterion purposive sample of African Americans, the authors used a qualitative analysis to obtain viewpoints that provide a rich understanding of the motivations to consume (or not consume) baseball. Likewise, the authors investigated the facets of baseball that seemingly create social and psychological consumption barriers for African Americans. The findings suggest three broad categories best represent the deterrence from baseball consumption: attitudes toward baseball consumption, social constraints related to consuming baseball, and the role of racial identification toward sport consumption. Within these three categories, seven general dimensions evolved that, if present, would thus influence perceptions toward baseball and eventually affect consumption habits.
The lack of African American participation in baseball has been documented in both mainstream (Butts, Hatfield, & Hatfield, 2007; Fisher, 2012; Nightengale, 2012) and academic literature (Cooper, Gawrysiak, & Hawkins, 2012; Ogden, 2004; Ogden & Hilt, 2003). According to The Institute for Diversity and Ethics in Sport (TIDES), there is a dearth of African American participation at all levels of Major League Baseball (MLB). Thus, not only is there an absence of Black players in MLB, but there is a paucity of managers and owners as well.
While the depravation of participation in baseball among African Americans has been explored, its effects on consumption of the sport may be much more problematic for the game. Logic seemingly indicates that waning participation among African Americans equates to a lack of baseball consumption among this important market. A lack of consumption of the sport would seemingly lead to the inability of the sport to maintain, build, or rebuild a consumer base among this important segment. Yet, it has been relatively unexplored by both mainstream and academic literature.
The behavior of sports consumers is influenced by a variety of sociological variables and different segments of a market are greatly affected by social norms, values, and the culture shared by particular races. The African American consumer is certainly a viable demographic worthy of exploration as a market segment. Extant literature reveals a difference in expenditure patterns between African American sport consumers and sport consumers of other racial backgrounds (Armstrong, 2002a; Harrison, Harrison, & Moore, 2002). Miller and Washington (2011) reported a 47% increase in African American households making at least $75,000 annually, a figure that increased 1.5 times quicker than the general population. Likewise, African American purchasing power has been reported to exceed $1 trillion (Nielsen, 2013). Oyewole (2007) suggests that the demographic has size and growth potential, two critically important factors for market segmentation selection and revenue generation.
Despite the potential of the African American market, the baseball business has seemingly not captured the segment as a consumer base for its products (Ogden & Hilt, 2003). In fact, less than 5% of fans at some Major League ballparks are African American, and less than 10% of viewers who watch baseball on television are African American (Armour, 2002; Livingstone, 2011). The dearth of participation and the seeming absence of consumption of the sport by African Americans warrant inspection from both social and business perspectives to investigate potential rationales for these behaviors.
Therefore, the purpose of this investigation was to assess African American attitudes toward the sport of baseball. Specifically, we sought to obtain viewpoints concerning baseball that provide a rich understanding of African Americans’ motivations to consume (or not consume) the sport. Likewise, we investigated aspects of the game that produce social and psychological consumption barriers for African Americans.
Relevant Literature
The African American Sport Consumer
Research suggests sport has a significant salience to the African American consumer as compared with other segments (Armstrong, 2002a; Rudman, 1986; Spreitzer & Snyder, 1990). Ascertaining the factors that influence African Americans to consume sport is thus an academic and practical challenge for sport managers. According to Armstrong (2002a),
Mass marketing strategies are becoming less effective in an increasingly ethnically diverse society, such that sport marketers must ascertain the manner in which different practices may influence the sport behaviors and motives of ethnic minority consumers differently than “mainstream” consumers. (p. 310)
Although many variables influence sport consumption, sport consumer motivation is particularly advantageous in addressing consumer behavior (James & Ross, 2004; Mullin, Hardy, & Sutton, 2007). Sport consumer motivation is an activated internal state arousing, directing, and leading to sport consumption behavior (James & Ross, 2004). It has been explored at length to provide reasoning for sport consumption decisions (see Armstrong, 2002b; Wann, Grieve, Zapalac, & Pease, 2008). Such examinations allow sport managers to identify particular aspects that motivate individuals to consume sports. Thus, with such information in hand, sport managers become acquainted with specific consumer preferences. These ideas therefore allow sport managers to gain a further understanding of sport consumption behaviors.
Scholars have identified a multitude of motivational constructs that directly influence sport consumption (see James & Ross, 2004; Ko, Park, & Claussen, 2008; Kwon & Trail, 2001). These factors have been examined under the confines of different sports settings. For example, James and Ross (2004) suggest that consumers who prefer to consume wrestling enjoy the sport because of its ability to include a sense of “physical skill.” In comparison, Funk, Filo, Beaton, and Pritchard (2009) suggest that individuals who consumed an Australian Rules Football (AFL) game were motivated to consume the sport because it offered a sense of “socialization.” While this illustration suggests sports are preferred for their ability to contain specific motivational constructs, other studies suggest that consumer segments tend to favor a distinctive set of motivational constructs.
Several scholars have identified factors that are specifically relevant to the African American sport consumer. In particular, Armstrong’s (2002b) Black Consumer Sport Motivation Scale (BCSMS) was developed to assess sport consumption motivational factors expressed by African Americans. Armstrong (2002b) suggests that eustress, group recreation, aesthetics, cultural affiliation, group entertainment, escape, and personal investment will induce consumption by African Americans if these traits are embedded in a sport. Armstrong (2002b) argues that these constructs enable African Americans to either racially identify with a sport or form a positive perception of the sport.
Findings from the limited reported studies indicate baseball is viewed by the African American audience as a sport failing to embody the constructs that motivate them to consume the sport (Holt, 1995). Although MLB has made efforts to address the lack of consumption and interest among African Americans, it seems as if African Americans still perceive a disconnect. For example, MLB Commissioner Bud Selig launched a diversity task force to address the issue (Nightengale, 2013) and the league has attempted to market to the segment by increasing youth participation via its grassroots Reviving Baseball in Inner Cities (RBI) program. These efforts have yet to produce great increases in consumption by the demographic.
Holt (1995) examined the African American perspective on baseball and suggests the group believes that baseball fails to embody the traits that are favorable to the African American culture. Furthermore, Brown, Ballouli, and Bennett (2012) suggest that African Americans believe baseball does not embody skill, drama, aesthetic value, group entertainment, family value, escape, and cultural affiliation. However, Brown et al.’s (2012) results indicate that African Americans believe a favorite sport does contain the majority of these motivational factors. Because African Americans are seemingly influenced by a specific set of motivational and psychological factors, we seek to ascertain which of these factors (if any) are influential toward consumption through the following research question:
Social Constraints
While consumer motivational factors are important for determining what influences consumption by sports fans, other factors have also been known to influence African American sport consumption. Specifically, various social constraints imposed on the African American demographic may hinder consumption. According to Goldsmith (2003), there are a number of structural explanations that rationalize racial differences in American culture. These explanations can account for African American participation levels in particular sports. This is primarily relevant within the confines of socio-economic status (SES; Branscombe, Schmitt, & Harvey, 1999; Goldsmith, 2003). Historically, sport participation was based on one’s place in social class. That is, upper and lower level classes participated in distinctive and separate sports (Peterson & Kern, 1996). However, in present times, research indicates that both lower and upper level class citizens are participating in the same sports (Goldsmith, 2003). This means that African Americans from low SES backgrounds have less of an opportunity to play certain sports (i.e., baseball). In addition, research also suggests that low SES cultures will actively separate themselves from activities in which high SES cultures are taking part (Carrington, 1998). According to research, this is done on behalf of cultural individualism (Carrington, 1998); thus, aside from participation sake, African Americans may be separating themselves from participating in a particular activity (i.e., baseball participation and consumption) for culture’s sake alone.
Such cultural differences may also be seen in neighborhood structures. There is a notion that levels of concentrated poverty within neighborhoods can cause differences in cultural practices (Goldsmith, 2003). Studies have exhibited a rise in participation rates in certain sports among poor communities on the basis of the communities having distinctive social traits (i.e., low SES; Goldsmith, 2003). For example, according to Carlston (1983), the overcrowding of certain athletic venues within poor neighborhoods will lead to individuals within that neighborhood to take part in unconventional play. Such play not only allows individuals to improve their skill level but also leads to a greater interest in that particular sport.
In addition to the above-mentioned issues with SES, there may be other explanations accounting for social constraints that may be imposed on African Americans. For example, the marginality hypothesis proposes that due to limited economic resources, minorities such as African Americans are restricted in their ability to take part in various leisure activities (Floyd, Shinew, McGuire, & Noe, 1994; Washburne, 1978). According to this theory, the inability of African Americans to participate in leisure activities is a consequence of historical racial inequalities (Cooper et al., 2012). Examples of marginality often include income, employment status, and access to transportation (Shinew, Floyd, & Parry, 2004). African Americans have been economically marginalized in the past, and this separation has made it difficult for the demographic to participate in activities that are often seen as social norms.
Scholars have suggested the marginality hypothesis as a rationale for the lack of baseball participation among African Americans (Cooper et al., 2012; Lavoie, Leonard, & Wilbert, 1994). Baseball participation requires a heavy financial commitment for equipment (i.e., cleats, glove, helmet, bat), and it also requires a sense of time commitment (i.e., year-round play and specialized instruction). These requirements create a significant financial burden for those seeking to participate or excel in the sport. Because the sport also requires access to fields and transportation to get to those venues, participation becomes even more difficult for those who are marginalized. Recent reports, such as the report published by TIDES, seemingly support this claim. A logical assumption is that marginalization has caused a dearth of participation, which likewise affects African American consumption of the sport.
In addition to these social constraints created by economics, the welcome theory has been utilized to theoretically explore African American involvement with baseball. The welcome theory suggests that groups of people (i.e., African Americans) may not feel welcomed within particular sport settings due to comfort and familiarity levels (Harrison, 2001; Ogden, 2004). The theory posits that African Americans actively seek to separate themselves from baseball because of a lack of familiarity with the sport. Familiarity in this case refers to similarity to one’s self (i.e., ideals, culture, and even racial background). Baseball, as played on an amateur level in the United States, is both decidedly a White and expensive sport, one that is therefore unfamiliar with the African American demographic. As such, African Americans may feel as if they are unwelcomed to participate in or consume the game of baseball at the grassroots level. Both the marginality hypothesis and welcome theory seemingly indicate plausible rationale for understanding the social constraints African Americans face when it comes to consuming baseball. Based on this understanding, we propose the following research question:
Racial Identification
Racial identification is defined as one’s psychological connection to a social group based on one’s race (Sanders Thompson, 1999). Although previous scholars have identified race as a genetic and/or biological construct, recent studies have identified race as being influenced by social structures (Coakley, 2007; Hunter & Joseph, 2010; Sellers, Smith, Shelton, Rowley, & Chavous, 1998; Shelton & Sellers, 2000). Arguably, an individual is able to develop her or his racial identification based on shared social experiences rather than a shared set of genetic characteristics (Harrison et al., 2002). According to Haslam, Oakes, Reynolds, and Turner (1999), an individual’s tendency to categorize others on the basis of race is not grounded on aspects such as skin color or other genetic traits; rather, this categorization is based on aspects such as views on culture, social surroundings, customs, and beliefs. An understanding of these aspects allows individuals to not only understand others but also understand one’s own identity.
Individuals who are strongly identified with their race are those whose sense of self is intensely formed by a culture (Donthu & Cherian, 1994; Sanders Thompson, 1995). As such, basic values held by a culture will be strongly supported by individuals who see themselves as part of that culture. Extant literature suggests minorities have a stronger sense of self-identification than other ethnic or racial groups (Deshpande, Hoyer, & Donthu, 1986). This is significant because a strong identity toward one’s self will encourage behaviors that affirm identity characteristics (Williams & Qualls, 1989). In the current study, this notion can be looked on from a consumer behavior standpoint.
Racial identification has been noted as a factor influencing consumer loyalty (Sloan, 1989; Wann & Branscombe, 1993), the likelihood of sport related purchases, and the likelihood of one attending a specific sporting event (Fink, Parker, Brett, & Higgins, 2009). Therefore, it appears rational to suggest that African Americans must perceive a sense of congruence between their racial identity and baseball before choosing to consume the sport. This is supported by literature, as research suggests individuals will likely consume a product given the product possesses features that are representative of one’s sense of self-identification (Xu, Shim, Lotz, & Almeida, 2004). Furthermore, research suggests the more an individual identifies with a racial group, the more likely that individual will take part in behaviors (i.e., consumption) that affirm identity characteristics (Cunningham & Regan, 2011; Harrison & Harrison, 2002; Williams & Qualls, 1989). Thus, if a product (or a sport in this case) contains features that are perceived as endorsing or promoting similar racial values, then a consumer who identifies with these values will be inclined to consider consumption (Armstrong, 2008; Wu, Tsai, & Hung, 2012).
Conversely, the opposite holds true, in that if consumers do not perceive a product to contain features promoting racial similarities (i.e., a sense of identification), the consumer will be less likely to consume the product (Wu et al., 2012). In such cases, research states that racial similarity is the counterpart of one’s intention to consume (Williams & Qualls, 1989). Moreover, research indicates consumers may entirely lose their desire to consume a product based on the consumer perceiving a complete lack of identification/similarity with one’s self (Floyd et al., 1994; Williams & Qualls, 1989). In essence, the consumer may fail to even consider the choice of consumption on the basis that there is a total lack of identification. Thus, if a product is completely without a sense of racial congruity, the consideration for consumption may fail to exist in the first place.
Social norms and values upheld by the African American community are often created and reinforced by the media (Cooper et al., 2012). Scholars suggest media plays a role in reinforcing dominant racial ideologies, particularly for African Americans (Ogden, 2004; Ogden & Hilt, 2003). The expectancy created by particular media images thus influences those who are seeking assimilation (Fujioka, 1999). Therefore, the media creates and reinforces a set of social norms or stereotypes, which the African American culture will likely choose to prefer. Furthermore, the media oftentimes provides role models available for African Americans, and thus can be preferential in which sports it promotes to African Americans (Cooper et al., 2012). Being that African American athletes account for more than 75% of athletes in the National Basketball Association (NBA) but less than 10% of athletes in MLB, it is likely that African Americans are not often exposed to baseball players as role models and are consequently not given a proper medium that would allow for assimilation.
Social norms and role models reinforce the idea of stimulating familiar racial and cultural traits. Therefore, the lack of African American players in baseball may remove a sense of racial assimilation, and subsequently deter African Americans from consuming baseball. Based on extant literature, theoretical underpinnings, and current media practice, we propose the final research question:
Method
Participants and Procedures
A total of 14 African American individuals (8 males and 6 females, ranging from 18 to 35 in age) were interviewed (see Table 1). As potential lifelong consumers, individuals in this age segment are a highly sought after demographic and therefore an appropriate sample for this investigation. At the onset of the investigation, the authors’ purpose was to understand any varying perspectives on baseball from the standpoint of this African American demographic. Subsequently, a criterion purposive sample was utilized to acquire African American participants for the interviews.
Participant Information (pseudonym, age, gender, race).
Before interviews were executed, a short questionnaire was given to participants to identify age and race. Semi-structured interview guides were designed to ensure free-flowing conversation. Interviews were conducted until common themes emerged, leading to data saturation (Creswell, 1998). Conversations converged around the participants’ perceptions of motivational factors influencing sport consumption (particularly, their perceptions of baseball’s ability to either incorporate or not incorporate preferred motivational factors). Furthermore, conversations revolved around the various social constraints related to consuming baseball, along with the role of racial identification and its ability to influence sport consumption. It should be noted that in conversations about the sport of baseball in relation to African American players, the authors specified the purpose of discussing their thoughts on African American players, not to be confused with Black players from Latin America or the Caribbean. This specificity allowed the authors to ensure valid conversation in concern to the likes of racial identification, for example.
Data Analysis
The interviews were audio recorded and transcribed, and transcripts were coded using Nvivo9 software. The data were coded by the authors to identify any themes pertaining to the following categories: attitudes toward consumption of the sport, social constraints related to consuming baseball, and the role of racial identification toward sport consumption. We utilized open (raw data themes) and axial (first-order themes) coding to analyze the recorded transcripts (Strauss & Corbin, 1990). Selective coding (Strauss & Corbin, 1990) was used, where quotations from the transcripts were utilized to represent the themes that were found (Strauss & Corbin, 1990). The data were analyzed line by line to distinguish emerging themes. First, 72 raw data themes emerged from the open coding process that collapsed into 21 first-order themes (axial codes) that better represented the data. These themes were then grouped together to form seven general dimensions, which were identified by the three aforementioned categories: “consumption attitudes,” “social constraints,” and “racial identification.” As an example, themes such as “complaints of boredom” and “desire to see highlights” were grouped together to form the “perceived lack of excitement” dimension. This was a dimension within the “consumption attitudes” category. Quotations (selective codes) were then chosen to best represent these dimensions and themes (see Figure 1).
African American consumer attitudes towards baseball.
Results
Findings suggest that three broad categories best represent the respondents’ attitudes toward baseball. These categories encompass separate general dimensions. In total, seven general dimensions were found that best represented baseball consumption among this African American sample. The seven general dimensions are demonstrated using quotes drawn from the interviews.
Attitudes Toward Consumption
The following findings represent expressed attitudes that act as deterrents of baseball consumption among this African American sample. These particular aspects were found to be specifically representative of the participants’ attitudes toward baseball consumption. Participants indicated that their expressed negative attitudes toward baseball stemmed from a perceived lack of excitement and a perceived lack of skill in the sport. Furthermore, participants were deterred from consuming baseball due to the game’s pace and structure (i.e., game length, rules, etc.)
Perceived lack of excitement—“There’s no action.”
Scholars have noted that “excitement” influences sport consumption (see Funk et al., 2009). Findings indicate that these respondents reinforce this claim. Results suggest that many of the participants were turned off by baseball’s failure to provoke excitement. For example, Gary, a 27-year-old male, commented that baseball lacks excitement: “ . . . when I went to actual professional games, baseball was like the only game I went to where I did not have fun. Like, sitting there for 2 hr and just seeing minimal action.” Jamal also commented on how baseball’s lack of action and excitement led to a disinterest toward the sport:
There’s no action; people cheer when the guys can’t hit the ball, and or when you have an amazing catch. That’s all . . . like, who wants to watch that? There’s no action in baseball. And we’re watching a score of 2-1.
Most participants were of the same mind-set. Many depicted a need for consistent events to occur during gameplay to keep their interest. Baseball’s games, according to participants, were not filled with enough excitement to maintain their attention. As Shaless (age 23) notes,
I’m always waiting for something to happen. I’m hopin’ to God something happens! Nothing ever does. So I’ll just watch the highlights . . . you know, so I can take a phone call, so I can talk to my grandmother.
Other participants had complaints about the lack of excitement in baseball based on actual gameplay itself. During the interviews, individuals discussed their disdain toward watching a baseball player in comparison with a player from a favorite sport. When asked whether she liked baseball in comparison with a favorite sport, Angie, a 33-year-old female, stated,
NO! . . . I think baseball is boring, and basketball for the most part, there’s excitement . . . you could shake somebody, you could slam-dunk, you could do an alley-oop. There’s so many ways to bring excitement. But when I watch baseball, it’s just hitting the ball . . . how many ways can you just hit the ball?
Perceived lack of skill—“You don’t have to be athletic to play it.”
Participants were not only appreciative of a favorite sport’s ability to highlight skill level but were also deterred by baseball’s inability to highlight the skill aspect of sport. Many of the participants expressed that they were interested in other sports because of those games’ ability to showcase athletes who possessed advanced levels of skill. By most accounts however, participants did not perceive baseball to be a sport requiring athletic ability and/or skill. Andre, a 23-year-old male, claimed, “As far as like baseball, you don’t have to be an athlete to play baseball. I think that’s true.” Pam (age 26) agreed by stating, “ . . . some people I’m friends with don’t even think baseball is a sport. They don’t even think that you need to be athletic to play it.”
Participants expressed a lack of respect toward baseball players because of the perception that professional baseball players were “not athletic.” In fact, there was almost a sense of hostility toward current professional baseball players. These athletes did not, according to the participants’ perceptions, possess much athleticism. A likely outcome of the lack of respect for professional baseball players is that these respondents do not want to consume the sport. For example, Jamal, a 32-year-old male, stated, “If David Ortiz—360 pounds—excels in a sport, that is not telling me he’s an athlete . . . baseball is whack!” Shaless was also deterred from baseball consumption because of the skill aspect. Her contempt toward the sport stemmed from a perception that baseball players do not possess exceptional athletic ability:
Yeah, I kind of feel like if I’m going to watch and consume this, and if I’m going to be able to say “ok these people are getting paid millions of dollars,” I want to see them do something I feel like I can’t. You know? And often, right!? With baseball, they get paid so much, I’m like, “half ya’ll sit most of the time!” I’m great at sitting! You know, like, I can sit!
Although not often, some of the respondents did express a positive appreciation toward baseball. When this occurred, it was almost always associated with a recollection of an athletic play, one that highlighted a player’s athletic ability and skill level. Jamal remembered several of Derek Jeter’s plays and claimed that his recollections were spurred from his respect of the athletic skill these plays required:
Derek Jeter . . . when he ran into the stands and he got a bloody face, and also when he ran out to first base . . . it was against Oakland, and he ran from his position to get the cut off . . . and he threw it to the catcher. Those two plays I remember . . . like very well. Like, those are like—because of the athleticism that was involved not just because Barry Bonds hit a ball out of the park, nah—it was the athleticism that those guys had to do those things.
Baseball’s pace and structure—“Baseball is a game stuck in the past.”
The respondents also expressed a negative attitude toward consuming baseball due to the nature of the game itself. In particular, the pace and structure (i.e., the rules and traditional aspects) of the game were a consumption barrier for these respondents. Participants were turned off by both the length of the game itself and the length of the season. For example, Troy (age 29) stated, “If they had a time limit, it would get more of my attention,” and Jamal had the same issues: “Why is baseball so stinking long (raised voice)!? Why do they have to play 162 games (still raised voice) to determine who’s gonna’ be the best team? And then the team after that isn’t even the best team!” These quotes suggest that the participants were dissatisfied with the game’s rules in terms of its length along with the process for determining a winner for the season.
Participants mentioned, “Time commitment” as a factor contributing to consumption. Therefore, the dissatisfaction toward baseball’s length ultimately provides a rationale for these individuals to avoid watching baseball. Troy specifically noted how both the length of games, and the length of the season were percieved as negatives, by stating the following:
The way I live my life, and my scheduling and the things I do, basketball just fits a lot better. I can see a full basketball game with commercials and half time and everything in a two and half hour block. You might make it to the 7th inning in two and half hours with baseball—maybe—and not even before it really starts to get interesting in the 8th or 9th inning. The baseball games I’ve watched fully have all been playoff games . . . If it’s a regular season game—I can’t budget the time to watch a regular season game—there’s so many of them. Not that there’s not a lot of NBA games, but it just seems like it’s one of, what is it, 162?
Again, the sense of dissatisfaction stems not only from an aversion toward the rules of the game itself (the length of a single game) but also from distaste for the structure of the season (the length of an entire season).
Participants also noted that baseball was a game “stuck in the past” due to its inability to change the rules of the game (both in general and in efforts to change the rules to satisfy a younger generation). Brittany (age 26) said, “I mean it’s definitely stuck in the past. They still don’t have instant replay; like, I was completely frustrated with that. Baseball is definitely a game stuck in the past.” In another session, Matthew, aged 18, voiced the same concern, and compared baseball with a favorite sport, basketball: “Yeah it is kind of stuck in the past. Even like my favorite sport basketball—they changed some rules and stuff . . . towards the newer generation. So they should probably do that for baseball.”
Social Constraints
There are a number of extant social constraints for African Americans and their ability to consume sport. As research suggests, a disparity exists among African Americans and other racial groups, particularly within the confines of socio-economics (Branscombe et al., 1999; Floyd et al., 1994). The interviews imply that participants perceive baseball as a sport that neglects these social concerns; as such, the participants were dissuaded and hindered from consuming baseball. Specifically, respondents reported that baseball inhibits access (i.e., ability to play) for African Americans. The perception of limited access allows participants to believe that baseball is dormant in pursing the demographic, and in turn, leads African Americans to believe that baseball is an unwelcoming sport.
Access for African Americans—“You need so much equipment and money.”
Many of the participants noted that baseball was either too expensive to play, or that the style of the game was inconvenient for play (i.e., requiring nine players on each team, or requiring a baseball bat and glove, instead of requiring a single ball and hoop). Gary commented on baseball’s financial requirements, and voiced his concern toward its financial burden on the African American demographic:
. . . If you talk about access, now in order for children to excel at baseball these days—if you weren’t hitting that youth circuit, so to speak, you know where your parents are paying for a hitting coach or a pitching coach, or you go to play in this league across town, play this league that travels around the country - you know, you’re now devoting the money towards it at an early age . . . You know, a lot of people don’t have access to that kind of stuff; parents don’t have enough money to pay, you know, $200 dollars per session for you to go to talk to this man to teach you how to hit a baseball. You know what I’m saying? It’s like you can’t do that. If we do it it’s a one-time thing. You better get as much as you can outta this! (Laughing) And in 2 hours, you know? Your momma talkin’ bout’, “get it right boy, you gotta go ahead and do this!”
Gary’s points were echoed by all the respondents. That is, for African Americans to excel at baseball, a financial commitment is needed.
Several participants noted that this financial inconvenience served as a reason for baseball’s (un)popularity. That is, because baseball is not convenient to access, its popularity has dwindled. Pam provides a representative response:
. . . because (the) most popular sports are the ones people can go out and play easily. So, there has to be some sort of correlation because golf is more expensive, and swimming you need a pool. The more popular sports . . . worldwide are soccer, because I mean kids like in undeveloped nations, they roll up trash bags and play soccer. Or like football, you just get a bunch of people together and you can play tag football. And basketball originally came about because people hung milk crates. So I think it’s because people can participate in the sport at the drop of a dime is why those sports are most popular.
Notions such as these indicate that the participants had formed the perspective that baseball is not able to promote the sport to Black America.
Feeling (un)welcomed—“I don’t see many of us in it.”
Feeling unwelcomed was a persistent theme among participants. As the following section will attest, many participants felt unwelcomed by baseball because it failed to offer a sense of familiarity. In fact, a lack of representation from African Americans in professional baseball was a “turn off” for most participants and was directly associated with a disinterest in the sport. Jay (age 29) specifically stated,
. . . baseball, I don’t really like it . . . one contributing factor, I guess like, I don’t see many of us in it as versus other sports. That doesn’t really encourage me to even keep up with it at all, or even support it.
This was commonly expressed by the respondents. Many of them expressed a sense of dissatisfaction with not being able to relate with players in MLB. When Jay was asked what baseball must do for him to consume the sport, he replied,
. . . you need some people to show up that look like us in order to get (our) attention—in order for people to really care. Umm like, there’s not really none of us in hockey, so we don’t really care about hockey.
When asked the same question, Kim (age 29) replied, “I definitely think having Black people . . . it might interest me more if more Black people were doing well in the sport.” The accumulation of these quotations surmises that these participants felt unwelcomed due to the sport not offering a sense of familiarity via overall player representation. The lack of African American representation in baseball led participants to believe that baseball is a “white sport,” as said by a number of participants. The idea of baseball being called a “white sport” by participants allowed for further inquiry on the label. When asked about baseball being labeled as such, Gary responded, “ . . . it wouldn’t surprise me at all to hear someone call it a white sport,” continuing with his description of baseball being a “white sport” not only on the basis of lacking African American players but also on the basis of “the way baseball is organized with youth sport on up . . . so that wouldn’t surprise me at all to hear it be labeled as a white sport.”
Racial Identification
A lack of African American players in baseball has led to the general perspective of participants feeling unwelcomed by the sport. Nevertheless, a difference exists between having a lack of African American players in general and baseball lacking a specific African American standout player. In lacking specific African American standout athletes, baseball fails to offer an identification cue for participants. Consistent with literature (i.e., Whittler, 1991), participants felt that to racially relate or identify with baseball, they would need a racially relatable heuristic cue. In this case, participants indicated that star African American baseball players would thus serve as the heuristic cue needed to develop racial identification levels with the sport.
The following section details the participants’ views on baseball’s inability to adhere to a number of racially identifiable dynamics. Particularly, participants were deterred from consuming baseball due to a lack of star African Americans playing professional baseball, and due to a lack of African American professional baseball players being represented in pop-culture.
African American player representation—“There’s no LeBron in the MLB.”
The majority of participants had concerns of baseball lacking a key African American individual who would represent the sport, and therefore offer African American fans a recognizable and identifiable athlete. Such notions are represented by E.J., a 33-year-old male, who stated the following:
. . . back in my time when we were comin’ up, you had Black faces; and now that has changed. There’s no Lebron in the MLB. A lot of the times you think of the NBA, you think of, you know, basically the Olympic team—all those faces pop up. But in the MLB . . . who do you think of?
The idea of having a player similar to Lebron James was expressed often by these respondents. Numerous respondents brought up James as a reference point for the kind of African American athlete baseball would need to attract African American fans. For example, Andre stated, “If we had a Lebron in baseball I feel like it would be looked at!” Furthermore, Derrius (age 31) puts forth a notion that baseball’s popularity would immediately rise if an athlete such as LeBron James were to play professional baseball:
Look, let Lebron go! Let him go play for the Florida Marlins! Man, you know how many people would be watching? Or Kobe, “I’m gonna” go play for the Los Angeles Dodgers’ or something, you know? I mean it depends on who the person is, you know? . . . That’s important because household names will take you a long way . . . Like “man Lebron signed with the Marlins! After basketball is over, he’s gonna go play baseball.” How many people are gonna be tunnin’ in? (Imitating someone) “When do the marlins play!?” They’d be trying to now see when they play, you know? So, that name, because that’s Lebron James. That’s like, even Jordon when he went and played for the White Sox. I mean who thought about the White Sox!? (Makes a funny looking face) But Jordon’s playing; now I’m a White Sox fan, cause Jordon’s playing.
African American players in pop-culture—“No one in the music videos.”
Respondents expressed a desire to consume a sport that contained professional athletes who were commonly present in popular culture. This was very important to participants, as many of them seemed to identify with African American players who were directly involved with pop-culture. The majority of participants stated that their identification with a favorite sport stemmed from the sport containing an African American professional athlete who was commonly seen in commercials, tabloids, and identifiable songs. For example, Pam states,
. . . like you see like Lebron selling the Samsung Galaxy and then you see um like Dwayne Wade and like his boys selling . . . You see them and they are tied to major products because they are part of the popular culture right now. There’s no baseball player—African American—that is tied to popular culture at that level. There’s no one in the music videos with the most popular products in several categories, winning an “ESPY.” There’s no one doing that all at the same time, like you can find in football and basketball.
Respondents stated that it was important for the sport to have professional baseball players present in American pop-culture and media. Some tied baseball’s inability to connect with pop-culture to the sport’s traditionalism. That is, many participants claimed that baseball’s traditional nature would prevent the sport from becoming connected to pop-culture. Andre states,
I feel like baseball hasn’t tried to get in with pop-culture . . . (there’s) history, past times, traditions, so I feel like baseball is getting lost in the past and it’ll stay there . . . and music and pop-culture is current.
Pam discussed the idea of African American baseball players not simply being involved with the game itself, but being “part of the mix.” She stated the following:
He would have to be part of the mix . . . because when Jay-Z and Lebron high five each other at a basketball game—that’s news! So he has to be in that mix because that’s what’s going to propel him to the forefront . . . He’s in a circle that when we say hello to each other—that’s front page news.
Not only is this quote representative of the importance of having an African American baseball player in pop-culture, but Pam’s use of the term “we” indicates that an African American baseball player who is embedded in pop-culture will automatically create a sense of identification with the African American community.
Discussion and Implications
Results of the current study suggest African American participants do not consume baseball because the sport lacks identifiable values and characteristics. Findings from this study support Armstrong’s (2002b) claims, suggesting African Americans base sport consumption habits on their perception of a sport’s ability to contain a particular set of racially relatable motivational factors. As many participants stated, sports such as basketball offer these motivational factors (a perceived sense of excitement and skill), whereas baseball does not. The implications of this finding are multidimensional, as such a perception—that of African Americans perceiving baseball to lack certain motivational factors—can be considered to be opinion-based. Moreover, this perception could simply stem from a lack of cognizance toward the sport (i.e., a lack of knowledge toward the sport itself could lead to a lack of understanding that baseball may indeed feature such motivational factors). Therefore, sport marketers should not simply create campaigns to ensure African Americans have an awareness of baseball; rather, sport managers and marketers may need to create campaigns involving a heightened sense of perception that baseball contains the very motivational constructs a favorite sport features.
Our study also focused on social restraints as barriers for baseball consumption. The findings from our study were closely aligned with several theories showcasing the socially constraining factors African Americans have to overcome to consume baseball. The welcome theory, for example, indicates African Americans will not participate in or consume a sport if they feel unwelcomed (i.e., perceive a sense of unfamiliarity). MLB seemingly has added to this sentiment based on marketing campaigns that fail to communicate with African Americans. Of the nine players who have been chosen as MLB National League Most Valuable Player (MVP) award winners since Barry Bonds, only two have been African American. In the American League, a MVP has not been of African American decent since 1997, when Ken Griffey Jr. won the award. Furthermore, the league’s somewhat uneven responses to slugger Barry Bonds’ steroid usage as compared with Ryan Braun may foster feelings of disdain, eventually causing African Americans to feel unaccepted by the sport. The welcome theory could help explain the findings of this investigation as it asserts a group of individuals (i.e., African Americans) may feel unwelcomed within a particular (sport) setting due to low levels of comfort and familiarity (Harrison, 2001; Ogden, 2004). In seeing this, it is suggested that a concentrated effort be made toward showing a greater sense of care and/or interest for the African American demographic. In doing so, the league can hope to foster authentic relationships with the African American community, and thus allow for a sense of welcome. This can be done through further grassroots campaigns such as the RBI Baseball league, or through mediums that are predominately consumed by African Americans (e.g., Black Entertainment Television). Such facets would display a sense that baseball is, in the very least, showing an effort to cater to the African American audience—something participants felt was not being done.
According to participants, the sport lacked racially familiar players. Participants frequently referred to baseball as a “white sport” and one that was “not for us.” Such connotations seemingly limit participants from gaining a sense of familiarity with the sport. It likewise adds to the prior expressed sentiment that the sport is unwelcoming to African Americans. This finding supports Xu et al.’s (2004) sentiments, which suggest racial minorities, more so than other consumers, must perceive a sense of congruence with a service or product if they are to consider consumption. Particularly, participants aspired to see representation through a star or standout African American player. As such, there is a need for baseball to specifically utilize current African American professional baseball players to market the sport. This is also applicable to our findings indicating star African American baseball players should be present not simply within the sport but also outside the sport, within pop-culture. According to King Watts and Orbe (2002), African Americans have a strong connection to Black pop-culture. Therefore, baseball managers and marketers have available to them a separate medium they can utilize to promote identification toward African American consumers (i.e., African American baseball players being present in pop-culture).
Limitations
While the study provides insightful findings, limitations must be acknowledged. The current study is helpful for marketers trying to obtain the African American demographic as a sustainable consumer base; nevertheless, this consumer base must be compared with other consumers to isolate the differences among each group’s preferences. This study is limited in that it does not compare African American attitudes toward baseball with those of other racial demographics. The findings (e.g., a disdain for baseball due to its length, or the idea of baseball being boring) may be valid for other demographic groups, yet this was not the focus of the investigation. In assessing other groups and their attitudes toward baseball under the same premise of the current study, we may find that baseball contains overarching issues that are not specific to African American consumers alone. This notion provides the foundation for future research and seems warranted given the findings of this study.
Conclusion
The decline in baseball consumption among the African American demographic (Livingstone, 2011) has charged sport managers with the task of identifying any social factors that may be responsible for this phenomenon. The current study provides a context for which sport managers can further understand African American consumers and their distaste toward baseball consumption. Particularly, the current study can be useful for baseball marketers and managers who seek to understand the dynamics influencing African American sport consumption. Findings from the interviews suggest that this deterrence from baseball consumption stems from several features, represented by three broad categories: the motivational factors influencing African Americans to consume sport, the social constraints hindering baseball consumption, and the role of racial identification and its influence on baseball consumption.
This study stands to serve as a springboard for further studies on African American sport consumption. Moreover, the current investigation brings forth a new understanding of the African American viewpoint on baseball consumption. The unique aspect of African American sport consumption habits, coupled with the current baseball marketing dynamics, allows both researchers and practitioners alike to form new ideas toward how this phenomenon can be addressed.
Footnotes
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author(s) declared the following potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: This study was conducted as a research project for the Center for Sport Management Research and Education at Texas A&M University.
Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.