Lifestyle Sports in East Asia

Abstract

“Lifestyle sports” are not the preserve of occidental cultures, even though late capitalist Western nations dominate them commercially and ideologically. Examples of these sports are snowboarding, BASE jumping, freestyle BMX, mountain biking, bouldering, skateboarding, kiteboarding, rock climbing, parkour/free running, windsurfing, and surfing. Non-occidental cultures—such as those in Asia, Latin America, and Africa—also influence lifestyle sport institutions, commodities, values, and practices. Arguably, this influence is expanding and is accelerating as the populations of non-occidental cultures champion their interests and perspectives. This article makes a modest proposal for the starting of a targeted discourse among those interested in the cultural politics of lifestyle sports in the region of East Asia, an area with its own unique international and intra-regional interactions and concomitant needs, desires, and perspectives. In specific regard to this region, we argue it is worth asking: What are the stories being narrated and what forms do they take? How are complex social, political, cultural, and economic relations of this region being negotiated through lifestyle sports?

Keywords

lifestyle sport extreme sport action sport Asia adventure sport

“Lifestyle sports” are not the preserve of occidental cultures, even though late capitalist Western nations dominate them commercially and ideologically. Examples of these sports are snowboarding, BASE jumping, freestyle BMX, mountain biking, bouldering, skateboarding, kiteboarding, rock climbing, parkour/free running, windsurfing, and surfing. Non-occidental cultures—such as those in Asia, Latin America, and Africa—also influence lifestyle sport institutions, commodities, values, and practices. Arguably, this influence is expanding and is accelerating as the populations of non-occidental cultures champion their interests and perspectives. Belinda Wheaton (2013) explains that “lifestyle sports” are entangled with a cultural politics of identity, space, commodification, environment, colonialism, labor, and more. While the cultural politics of lifestyle sports may seem trivial to some, personally we agree with Stuart Hall’s (1981) argument that

Popular culture is one of the sites where this struggle for and against a culture of the powerful is engaged: it is the stake to be won or lost in that struggle. It is the arena of consent and resistance. (p. 239)

Lifestyle sports are also called “alternative,” “action,” “adventure,” “lifestyle,” and “extreme” sport. The terms are often used interchangeably. Definitions vary depending on academic disciplines and the emphasis of the researcher(s), for example, on risk and danger, commercialism, commitment/belonging, media, sociocultural codes, psychology, aesthetics, regulation and institutionalization, motivation, and more.¹ Here, we use the term “lifestyle sport” because participants in this region discuss their involvement and enthusiasm through a “lifestyle” narrative. That said, Ding (2019) and Evers (2017) note how the mainstream and enthusiast media in China also use the term “Jixian yundong” (X-Sports).

Consistent features of these “sports”—whether they should be called “sports” is debated by enthusiasts, hence the inverted commas—include a tension between competition and a non-competitive ethos, institutionalization and anti-institutionalization, as well as commodification and anti-commodification. Lifestyle sports tend to be informally organized and be less rule-governed (although they have their own informal cultural rules), and most enthusiasts prioritize individual recreational participation. The sports have cultures that organize around the respective enthusiasms and associated skill-based challenges, with all the subcultural capital this entails (Fuller, 2009; Thornton, 1995).

This special issue makes a modest proposal for the starting of a targeted discourse among those interested in the cultural politics of lifestyle sports in the region of East Asia, an area with its own unique international and intra-regional interactions and concomitant interests, needs, desires, and perspectives. In specific regard to this region, we argue it is worth asking: What are the stories being narrated and what forms do they take? How are complex social, political, cultural, and economic relations of this region being negotiated through lifestyle sports? Following Chen (2010), we recognize how intra-regional exchange is often most influential. Commonly, including studies of lifestyle sports, scholarship focuses on the influence of the West and/or what most matters to those in the West. A number of Indigenous scholars are providing outstanding examples of how to proceed while privileging their own epistemologies and ontologies (Gilio-Whitaker, 2017; Ingersoll, 2016; McGloin, 2017).

Our modest rallying cry proceeds while fully aware that it is not settled how to define “Asia” (Horton, 2011). One way to understand “Asia” is as a continental mass (although then it should be called Eurasia given the continent stretches all the way to Europe) (Horton, 2011). “Asia” has also been explained as a discursive construct that contributes to a strategic separation of an “us” (the West) from “them” (the Other) (Said, 2003).

But what of the term “East Asia”? This term has been argued to have emerged from a regionalism that began in the late 1800s, a product of intellectuals and governments arguing for the representing of the convivial and conflictual inter-relationships (economic, cultural, and social) between a number of nation-states as sufficient evidence of a definable region (Hitochi, 2008). This is an “imagined community” (Anderson, 1983). There is no settled identity of “East Asia” due to shifting interests and alliances (Hitochi, 2008). Cultural and socioeconomic diversity is immense (Yul, 2008). As per the idea of an “Asia,” debates as to who can or should be members of the region, what constitutes the area, and its institutionalization continue (Yul, 2008). For now, and the purposes of this article, we understand East Asia to signify a geographical and political region that includes member states Japan, China, Hong Kong, Macau, Taiwan, Mongolia, North Korea, and South Korea (Prescott, 2015).

The experience of seeking out and collating submissions for this special issue about lifestyle sports in East Asia has revealed to us that a coordinated and collaborative strategy needs to be developed through more inclusive research practices and better resourcing so that Indigenous scholars get to lead and advance this discourse. Three of the authors and editors of this special issue are White male English-as-first-language academics originally from the West. As such, they (and the editors) remain caught up in what Edward Said refers to as Orientalism, a discursive construction of Asia that proceeds in relation to the West. While that is the case at the moment, we are hoping the modest proposal here helps in some small way to co-create spaces for, galvanize support for, and help amplify Indigenous scholarship about lifestyle sport in East Asia. It is worth noting here that what we are not doing is advocating simply trying to achieve a wider range of perspectives that would have us include who Martin Nakata (2007) refers to Indigenous “knowers.” Rather, we register Nakata’s guidance that the goal should be to seek out better understanding and more informed standpoints formed through the “critical analysis of accepted positions and arguments” that Indigenous “knowing and experience can bring about” (p. 214). Our hope is that future discourse about lifestyle sport in East Asia gets to proceed by entering a referential space that undermines any reproduction of Western hegemony that some of the authors here and editors, whether we like it or not, can be vessels for (Chen, 2010).

Most studies of lifestyle sports to date focus on and proceed from late capitalist Western contexts, such as the United States, Aotearoa New Zealand, Europe, and Australia. However, a growing body of literature now critically analyzes that lifestyle sports in Africa, Latin America, Southeast Asia, and the Asia-Pacific is challenging that hegemony. When it comes to East Asia, many lifestyle sports communities are still relatively new, so critical scholarship (particularly Indigenous) is less common. Scholars in Japan have produced a small body of literature because some lifestyle sports have a longer history there, for example, since the 1960s. Even so, critical lifestyle sport scholarship is not exactly common there either. Perhaps the recent inclusion of surfing, skateboarding, and sport climbing in the Tokyo Olympics 2020 will lead to increased interest, participation, and investment in lifestyle sports (Wheaton & Thorpe, 2018, 2019).² Consequently, scholarship may be made more possible as governments, funding bodies, and sporting organizations recognize the value of scholarship about how the respective communities’ participation is connected to health, well-being, environmental politics, labor, identity, urban planning, and much more.³

While lifestyle sports may not have particularly long histories in all of East Asia, regional Indigenous interpretations and place-specific trajectories have emerged and will continue to do so. For example, in China, interest in lifestyle sport participation has accelerated since being propelled by government investment to achieve Olympic success. Prior to this, “Olympic dream” growth had been slower and more organic as it lacked governmental legitimation and structural investment, for example, in facilities and training (Evers, 2017; Sedo, 2010; Xiaochen, 2017). China has a long history of sport being conspicuously connected to national identity, nationalist pride, “harmonization,” soft power, and international standing (Xu, 2006). That said, there is resistance to institutionalization in China as lifestyle sports participants worry about a “loss” of the smaller grassroots culture they have built to date (Evers, 2017; Six Stair, 2019). Like in other parts of the world, the strength of a “counter-culture” discourse has resulted in heated debate in respective lifestyle sport subcultures about the politics of institutionalization and popularization that occurs because of inclusion in the Olympics (Honea, 2013; Thorpe & Wheaton, 2011; Wheaton & Thorpe, 2018, 2019).

What studies do exist about lifestyle sports in East Asia? We are not aware of any studies of lifestyle sports in Mongolia and the Koreas, with the exception of Sander Hölsgens (2019) who is studying skateboarding in South Korea. There is some scholarship analyzing the implications of surf tourism in Taiwan (Cheng & Tsaur, 2012), as well as a psychological discourse about enthusiasts’—surfing, skateboarding, extreme blade, and BMX—experiences of “flow” during participation (Cheng & Lu, 2015).

A small body of literature exists about the cultural politics of lifestyle sports in regard to China. It is predominantly based on Western media reports. For example, Holly Thorpe (2008, 2014) provides several helpful such overviews of “action sports” in China. Clifton Evers (2017) contributed to the literature through ethnographic work in China that provides a mapping of contemporary surfing in relation to Chinese social conditions, identity politics, tourism, and economics. Following the 2008 Beijing Olympics, Mark Dyreson (2012) used BMX as a case study to interrogate how inclusion of this sport perpetuated attempts for global ideological superiority to be achieved through the Olympics. During a visit to China, Pavlidis and O’Brien (2017) connected with a very new roller derby league, primarily made up of Western expatriates. They argue that interaction between the ethos of roller derby, the expatriates, and local Chinese enthusiasts has the potential to function as a site of feminist politics in the country. A number of foreign skateboarding scholars that live or have lived in China and explored the politics of place, regulation, institutionalization, and identity manifested through skateboarding (O’Connor, 2016, 2018a; Sedo, 2010).⁴ Paul O’Connor (2018b) who resides in Hong Kong develops his previous considerations of the politics of place to take into account the role of “network capital” in how lifestyle sports function in East Asia. O’Connor provides a case study of how Indigenous skaters and their personal relationships are operationalized by the global industry to achieve (and at the least, signify) international relevance, reach, commercialization, and exoticism. An effect is that despite Hong Kong not being a “skate friendly” city, it is constructed as a key node in the international skating industry and community. What all these studies of lifestyle sports in China have in common is that they are done by non-Indigenous scholars, so there are limitations to what they can teach us, and the accuracy of interpretation and findings still requires Indigenous evaluation.

Within the context of Japan, academic scholarship is nationally rather than internationally focused, written in Japanese language, and published within difficult to access in-house journals designed for domestic audiences (Yamashita, 2015). For these reasons, among others, there is lack of knowledge and contribution to lifestyle sports literature both within Japan and beyond its national borders. There are, however, a few sporadic publications offering empirically rich insights concerning a range of lifestyle sports in Japan. Through long-term ethnographic work with skateboarders in urban spaces, Tanaka (2004, 2007) examines how skateboarders collectivize to achieve a sense of agency in public spaces in the face of rigid social stratification. Helpful complimentary work is provided by Dwayne Dixon (2011, 2016) who through his studies in Tokyo argues that skaters not only document their skateboarding lives but also how it relates to their increasingly transnational identities, job insecurity, and educational concerns. Wolfram Manzenreiter (2013) brings gender into consideration in his work on lifestyle sports in Japan. He uses rock climbing to examine whether alternative sports offer an opportunity to establish alternative modes of masculinity. Manzenreiter finds that despite shifting discourses that celebrate a shift to gender relations through lifestyle sport, for men in Japan rock climbing continues to be an arena of “hyper-masculinity.” Studies on the role, importance, and function of surf culture and destinations in Japan have also started to garner attention. The English literature on surfing in Japan tends to discuss the historical trajectory, origins, and politics of surfing in Japan (Laderman, 2014; Moore, 2010), with others emphasizing the value of the Japan as a niche surf market within the global surf cultural industry (Warshaw, 2010; Westwick & Neushul, 2013). Recent studies have emerged concerning the current issues and possibilities of surf tourism as a tool for rural revitalization (Doering, 2018). Japanese language scholarship tends to focus on either the sport’s origins or current potential to created economic value through tourism (Kobayashi, 2013; Kobayashi, Nishida, & Matsumoto, 2011, 2012; Konagaya, 2005, 2009). An exception is the groundbreaking work of Eri Mizuno (2002, 2007, 2015, 2018). Mizuno’s research not only draws our attention to the significant barriers and limitations of female participation in lifestyle sports but also demonstrates the ways female surfers find agency within and against a highly patriarchal mode of local surf break governance.

This special issue contributes three more articles (plus this summary of the regional subfield) to a discourse about lifestyle sport in East Asia that proceeds from empirical ethnographic evidence. Sander Hölsgens breaks new ground by taking us into South Korea, specifically Ttueksom Hangang Park located in central-east Seoul. The article is a unique phenomenological analysis that explains how enthusiasts orientate to clearly defined circumstances, for example, specific architecture. Hölsgens finds that the enthusiasts do not develop some fluid bodily technique adaptable to any circumstance (as is often argued in regard to lifestyle sports) but rather cultivate distinct skillsets achieved through repetition in a culturally and materially bounded setting. Yiyin Ding provides a rare Indigenous account of the urban BMX scene in China and in so doing provides crucial context for understanding experiences of lifestyle sports more generally in China. Ding delivers a firsthand account of how subcultural politics (e.g., tensions between mainstream acceptance and subcultural respect) and filial piety prove to be two important matters of concern for Chinese enthusiasts trying to build a career through BMX. The third article by Adam Doering and Clifton Evers shifts attention to Japan via an analysis of the gendering of a particular surf scene that proceeds through instantiations of a domestic patriarchal gender order. However, it is an order that is being reinforced through transnational relationships with Indigenous surfing masculinities in Hawai’i. Their findings challenge scholarship that would have transnational cultural flows and mobilities displacing local and national ways of life (see Anderson, 2014).

We hope this modest special issue can begin to galvanize a cohesive discourse about lifestyle sports in East Asia. The goal is to not only support a politics of voice and pathbuilding but an ethics of listening, a conversation that hopefully can result in better understanding and more informed standpoints (Nakata, 2007; O’Donnell, Lloyd, & Dreher, 2009). Efforts—championed particularly by feminist scholars, Indigenous scholars, and those arguing for decolonization—have been made to move away from particular hegemonic foci (e.g., see Gilio-Whitaker, 2017; Ingersoll, 2016; Walker, 2011). The modest move here is inspired—both politically and personally—to be allies for such in this particular region.

Footnotes

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

ORCID iDs

Clifton Evers

Adam Doering

Notes

Author Biographies

Clifton Evers is a lecturer in media and cultural studies at Newcastle University, United Kingdom. Clifton researches intersections of gender, media, emotions, lifestyle sports, and pollution.

Adam Doering is an associate professor in the Faculty of Tourism at Wakayama University, Japan. His research focuses on sustainability, tourism, and lifestyle sports in Japan’s coastal ecologies. He is currently exploring the role of lifestyle sports, with a focus on surfing, in Fukushima Prefecture’s post-disaster resurgence.

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