Black on Both Sides: Toward an Understanding of the Athletic and Career Aspirations of Black Males who Play Sports

Exploring Critical Race Theory and Communities of Cultural Wealth

Bell (1992), who established Critical Race Theory (C.R.T.), highlighted the construction and maintenance of race and racism in the United States. C.R.T. claims that racism is permanent and deeply woven into the foundation of and within various structures in U. S. culture. In education, Ladson-Billings and Tate (1995) utilized this theory to understand the experiences of Black people within U.S. schools and the communities in which they reside to shed light on the use of race to maintain inequality in these spaces. In sports, the interest convergence theorem, a tenet of C.R.T., illuminates how Black males are praised for their athletic accomplishments when they run fast or jump high on basketball courts or football fields. However, once their physical athletic talent diminishes, they are quickly discarded (Bell, 1992; Hawkins et al., 2017). Also, the tenet of Whiteness as property is grounded in the belief that explains how specific spaces are for White people only (Dixson & Rousseau, 2006). Whiteness as property was explicitly evident historically when professional, college, and high school leagues and organizations excluded Black athletic participants from playing in White leagues (Luberto, 1994; Martin, 1996; Smith, 1988). The notion of Whiteness as property is also currently visible in professional sports. Despite the number of former Black players seeking ownership, professional football and basketball team owners have maintained a predominantly White majority (Lapchick et al., 2021, 2022). To counter how race and racism are constructed and used to maintain societal norms, C.R.T. utilizes counter-storytelling that explains how marginalized individuals and groups give voice to their lived experiences (Howard, 2008). Counter-storytelling is also used to counter-narratives that portray marginalized groups and individuals from deficit mainstream perspectives (Delgado, 1999).

Furthermore, inspired by C.R.T. and how it confronts deficit notions of Black communities and communities of color, Yosso (2005) developed communities of cultural wealth. Cooper, Porter et al. (2017) utilized this conceptual framework to understand how Black female students who play sports at Division I Historically Black Colleges/Universities (HBCUs) and historically White institutions (H.W.I.s) overcame barriers to excel at the collegiate level. This conceptual theory utilizes four forms of capital to analyze the experiences among family, mentors, peers, and Black males who play sports. Aspirational capital refers to maintaining hopes and dreams despite experiencing real or perceived barriers. This form of capital demonstrates what MacKinnon and Derickson (2013) define as resourcefulness. Familial capital illustrates the cultural knowledge passed down through and among family members, both immediate and extended. Social capital highlights how a community of people offers emotional and instrumental support. Lastly, navigational capital focuses on the capacity to reach levels of success and maneuver through institutions and social spaces that are racially hostile to Black people and people of color.

Understanding the Athletic/Academic Paradox

The athletic/academic paradox is grounded in the notion that race and racism are structural and shape the experiences of Black males (Morris & Adeyemo, 2012). Like the athletic seasoning process (Howard, 2014), the athletic/academic paradox illustrates the high value placed on athletic development and achievement over academic cultivation and excellence, despite the limited number of opportunities available to participate in professional sports. This paradox is present in sports such as football and basketball, where Black males represent most of the players at the highest levels in college and professionally. Black males are encouraged to cultivate their athletic skills to play professionally, at the risk of not developing the academic skills necessary to compete for opportunities beyond the athletic field. In this case, parents, community members, teachers, coaches, and other individuals in Black neighborhoods are sometimes complicit in reinforcing the athletic/academic paradox by overemphasizing the importance of athletic development and achievement (Adeyemo & Morris, 2020; Edwards, 2000; Howard, 2014). Much of how these individuals emphasize sports participation and success over academic development is internalized from messages in sports and media that primarily portray Black males as athletes.

Participants

The four Black males lived in underresourced, working-class, and middle-class neighborhoods (Appendix 1). Pseudonyms are used throughout to maintain the confidentiality of the research participants and locations. While neighborhood context influences educational and social opportunity, for Black males who play sports, where they lived did not wholly determine educational achievement outcomes. Before high school, some participated in academically rigorous programs, whereas others enrolled in magnet programs at a young age. As these students grew, some focused on developing their athletic skills, while others played sports to develop social bonds with other students.

Chase Baron was born in a suburb named Township, where he lived with his biological mother and father. Chase's mother gave birth to him when she was 21. Chase's mother separated from Chase's father and later moved to Pace, a middle-class neighborhood in a midwestern city with Chase's stepdad, Chase, and his two sisters. She was enrolled in school full-time at the time of the study. Chase's stepdad, working in law enforcement at the time of the study, attended a private Catholic high school and an HBCU. Chase, a high school junior at the time of the study, and his family lived by a major street with nearby grocery stores, restaurants, an art center, and a private elementary school. He attended Jacob High, a neighborhood school, where he participated in football and enrolled in the International Baccalaureate Program. Chase's mom noted the variety of activities and programs at Jacob High. She mentioned that while the school was public, it held ice cream socials and P.T.A. meetings, offered field trips to the students, and had a variety of course offerings. Chase's mother and stepfather, always involved in Chase's educational and athletic development, have instilled in him that he can do anything where he is focused. They expect Chase to receive excellent grades. His mother also expressed the desire for him to continue schooling past his bachelor's degree. She has attended most of his games since he started playing football in the 7th grade. She shows her support by yelling and screaming, working concessions, and managing the pom pom and flag teams.

Like Chase, Delvin Wright attended Jacob High School. He lived near the Pace neighborhood, by the new state-of-the-art recreational facility, which included a basketball court, outdoor and indoor track, weight room, and swimming pool. Delvin had been living in this neighborhood since the fourth grade. He did not know his biological father, so Delvin grew up without a stable male presence for twelve years. He was the only child of his mother, who married Delvin's stepfather. His mother and stepfather both grew up in the city. His mother attended a school where she studied court reporting. However, after she finished, she began working for the Attorney General's office, where she processed appeals. Delvin's stepfather worked for the city's Department of Transportation.

Delvin's mother expected him to do well academically. She always stressed the importance of education by telling Delvin to focus on his educational development. She pulled him from participating in sports whenever he began to receive poor grades. However, she felt that Delvin's athletic coaches did not stress the importance of receiving good grades and that Delvin emulated a similar attitude toward academics. Delvin began playing basketball at the age of four. At Jacob High, he participated in the school band and choir and played basketball. While his mother believed that he focused much of his efforts on pursuing his dream of playing in the N.B.A., she mentioned that Delvin discussed becoming a coach, sports broadcaster, or sports attorney.

The third participant, Nick Bradley, did not know nor had he ever met his biological father. At the time of the study, Nick, a high school sophomore at Matt High School, lived with his stepfather, his wife, and his half-brother in a newly developed housing unit in the West neighborhood. Although West was considered a working-class neighborhood, many middle-class Black families resided there. Nick and his half-brother had the same mother but different fathers. Although Nick's stepfather did not originally father Nick, he considered him his son. Nick's stepfather grew up in the Western community in the city. He received his bachelor's degree and his master's degree. At the time of the study, he enrolled at a four-year institution in a Master of Business Administration (M.B.A.) program. He focused on entrepreneurship and innovation. Nick's father aimed to start a business for himself after he finished his M.B.A. He desired to expand beyond corporate America and explore the possibilities as a business owner. Nick's father believed in hard work and had expressed to Nick the importance of outworking other students. He also believed it was his job to provide support in areas where Nick may be deficient. While Nick's father wanted him to be more aggressive on the football field, he also encouraged Nick to participate in other activities outside of sports, such as theater. Nick had an affinity for chess and became an avid chess player at school. An employee of a non-profit organization that worked with students at Nick's school organized the matches. Nick's father chose Matt High School for Nick because of its proximity to home and its resurgence as a quality public school, which offered an array of programs and activities for students to participate in and learn.

Michael Wilson, a high school junior, was born and grew up on the south and west sides of the city. Michael's mother supported him financially, but he lived with his brother in the Lemont neighborhood. They lived across the street from his high school, near a busy intersection where fast food restaurants and vacant lots were visible. Michael had one sister and three brothers. His brother has been the person who authorized his interviews and observations. He attended Calumet High School and participated on the basketball team while his brother was the Assistant Coach. Although Michael's brother stressed the need for Michael to achieve academically, he blamed some of the academic difficulties Michael experienced in school on the teacher's teaching style. He felt that city public schools needed to adequately prepare students for college-level coursework. Michael's brother explained that Michael thrived academically at a Catholic private high school. However, the choice for Michael to transfer schools to play basketball, where he was the Assistant Coach, proved costly for Michael's academic development.

I utilized purposeful sampling in selecting Black males who play football and basketball across two different academic achievement levels (Schatzman & Strauss, 1973). Although Black males within the United States may come from diverse backgrounds (e.g., Nigerian American, Jamaican American), purposeful sampling produced ethnically African American male students who played sports. The primary African American sample results from large African American populations in these communities and schools. The extensive study uncovered additional information about their post-high school athletic and academic interests. Participants who aspired to play sports professionally had played sports before entering high school, and they did not reveal they had any tangible goals beyond becoming a professional athlete. Their G.P.A.s were below 3.0. The participants with ambitions to achieve in other professional occupations were enrolled in an advanced curriculum, had G.P.A.s of 3.0 and above, expressed their career goals, and participated in sports to build friendships with other students.

Positionality

My motivation for researching Black males who play high school sports came from my own experiences as a student and as a Black male who participated in sports in high school and at the collegiate level. I seek to gain a deeper understanding of the lived experiences of other Black males who play sports. I come from a Nigerian household where education was heavily encouraged. My parents emigrated to the United States during the late 1970s. As a Black male born in the United States, however, I realize that a critical aspect of my identity also includes that of a racialized Black male. Like many collegiate teammates, I grew up in a predominately Black urban neighborhood. Beyond my family, I was often praised for my athletic accomplishments but rarely encouraged to strive toward academic success. These conflicting messages led me to believe that U.S. society highly valued athletic success. My athletic background helped me to relate better to the Black males’ who participated in this research study. Furthermore, my knowledge and experience of the terminology, procedures, and protocols in sports allowed me to build rapport and conduct data analysis with an understanding of the nuanced differences that Black males who play sports experience. Also, my role as an insider-outsider (Dwyer & Buckle, 2009) allows me to understand the participants better and become a more perceptive researcher in the data collection and analysis process.

Procedures

I synthesized ethnographic data (e.g., interviews and observations) from the neighborhoods the participants lived in and the schools they attended to elicit accounts of their experiences at home, in school, and when they participated in after-school athletic and non-athletic activities and programs (Noblit & Hare, 1988). To develop a comprehensive understanding of the participants’ experiences, I collected (a) demographic census and school data; (b) conducted in-depth semi-structured interviews with Black males who play sports and their parent(s) or guardian(s), and (c) observed the lived experiences of each student during their school day and after school, while they participated in after-school activities. I applied the constant comparative method to analyze interviews and observations with Chase, Delvin, Nick, and Michael after school, in school, and their neighborhoods (Glaser & Strauss, 1967). I compared the interviews and observations for similar and different experiences, beliefs, and aspirations of these adolescents. Using demographic census data and field notes from my observation of the neighborhoods, I developed an understanding of the neighborhood context and the shaping of their beliefs and aspirations in these spaces. I analyzed the transcribed interviews and observations by creating codes and categorized the codes into related groups (Glaser & Strauss, 1967).

Lastly, I created themes from the codes and categories from the transcribed interviews. At the same time, I took notes on the interviews and observations and wrote a separate memo that captured the reflections, themes, and ideas generated during the process. The purpose of capturing the data using this method is to understand why these adolescents feel the way they do (Basit, 2003). Manual coding” allows the researcher to communicate and connect with the data to facilitate the comprehension of the emerging phenomena and to generate theory grounded in the data.” (pg. 152). While coding electronically may prove to be more efficient for more extensive qualitative data interviews and observations, hand coding can be beneficial when the study's goal is to develop thick, rich description from a minimal number of participants.

Furthermore, C.R.T., the communities of cultural wealth theory, and the athletic/academic paradox offered a lens to analyze these Black male students’ athletic and academic experiences, beliefs, and aspirations within their neighborhood and schooling context (Morris & Adeyemo, 2012; Bell, 1992; Hawkins et al., 2017; Yosso, 2005). Moreover, these frameworks offered a viewpoint to understand how family members, communities, peers, and educators’ perceptions of sport participation may shape the athletic and educational beliefs and aspirations of Black males who play sports.

Chase Baron

Instead of a strong emphasis on sports participation at an early age from family and community members (Beamon, 2010/2014; Harris, 1994), family members, teachers, and administrators at his school believed that nurturing Chase's intellectual potential should be the focus (Donnor, 2006; Martin & Harris, 2007). His family searched for schools in their neighborhood but could not locate a school they believed challenged Chase's intellectual abilities. Consequently, they used their navigational capital to move to Pace to place him in a school providing better educational resources and opportunities (Yosso, 2005). Chase performed well academically in his new neighborhood throughout elementary, middle, and high school. In class, he engaged with teachers. He asked questions and participated in class. The following fieldnotes depict Chase's classroom experience:

The teacher called Chase to the board. He finished the problem and sat back down. She [the teacher] called people to the board to do work; they are going over the assignment they just completed…When asked who got one or two wrong, Chase raised his hand. The teacher hands out a review sheet for the test they have tomorrow. The test is an I.B. math exam… Chase is looking at the sheet that the teacher gave out. Chase asks a question about the exam, and the teacher responds. Everyone is preparing to leave for the next class, and Chase is talking to the teacher at the board, going over a math problem.

Chase performed well academically, asked questions in class, and seemed engaged in the classroom. Despite displaying confidence in his classes, he acknowledged and discussed the pressures of achieving academic success. Chase (C.B.) highlighted this notion during an interview with the researcher (A.A.).

A.A.: Can you talk with me about how you understand what it means to be a Black male in America?

Chase's response to the pressures Black males face to achieve success revealed his understanding of how his racial identity influences how he is perceived. Chase countered the narratives that portray Black males and Black males who play sports as academic underachievers. He used his will to prove others wrong and his navigational capital to challenge such beliefs (Cooper et al., 2017; Martin et al., 2010; Yosso, 2005). He accomplished this within an environment that has exploited Black people as labor and relegated Black people and Black males who play sports to the bottom rungs of society (Bell, 1992; Hawkins, 2010). Chase's mother supported his beliefs. During an interview with Chase with his mother present, Chase's mother (C.M.) interjected and told him about her perspectives on Black males during the interview:

C.M.: I want you to be proud of who you are, but know who you are. You are a young Black male; you make your idea of what a young Black male is; don't let this person at this school with his pants sagging or whatever dictate that; that's what that is.

While Chase's mother did not want him to be influenced negatively by other individuals’ perceptions of the idea of a Black male, Chase believed that Black males could achieve in any career they choose. However, many Black males choose not to pursue specific career paths. In a continuation of the interview with the researcher, Chase explains:

A.A.: Can you talk with me about occupations where you believe Black males could be successful in U.S. society?

Chase's response to why Black males are rarely interested in fields such as nuclear science shows how the scant participation of Black males in an occupation may cause them to generate little interest. They also may perceive their opportunities in that area as limited. However, it also suggested that increased visibility of Black males in occupations with sparse Black male presence may cause them to believe they have more opportunities in that area. However, Chase's reasoning is in line with research showing how Black families, community members, peers, and Black males may emphasize the importance of sports participation (Dawkins, et al., 2008; Edwards, 2000). These studies highlight the primary portrayal of Black males as athletes in the media (Beamon & Bell, 2002; May, 2009) and the disproportionate number of Black males in the N.B.A. and N.F.L. (Lapchick et al., 2021, 2022), despite the limited available slots on the field and the court (NCAA, 2020a, 2020b). Notwithstanding the societal belief that Black males achieve athletically but struggle academically, Chase developed friendships with students who aspired to achieve similar academic goals.

A.A.: And what are some of the educational, social goals that you have?

Chase and his community of peers utilized their social capital by setting a goal of ranking in the top 50 of their class and supporting each other through the process (Yosso, 2005). In addition to performing well academically, Chase's aspirational capital offered a glimpse into the factors that motivated him to have high academic aspirations. Chase's experiences demonstrated how social and aspirational capital become vital tools for Black males in a society that uses their race to justify limiting their social, economic, and educational opportunities (Bell, 1992). These experiences are similar to students with high aspirations to achieve athletic and academic success (Cooper et al., 2017; Harrison & Lawrence, 2003).

Delvin Wright

As mentioned previously, Delvin lived in the Pace neighborhood. Growing up, Delvin regarded himself as a regular teenage boy who played basketball and enjoyed life. He was mostly known on various social media platforms and as a basketball player in high school. Like some Black males who played sports, he forged relationships with people who did not play sports through social media's cultural capital (Bimper, Harrison, & Clark, 2013). However, unlike Chase and other students who played sports, he did not believe that he had to prove people wrong (Martin et al., 2010) to cope with issues of race and racism. In an interview with the researcher, Delvin (D.W.) believed that all students could choose how they reacted to how they were perceived:

A.A.: And can you talk to me about how you understand what it means to be Black, a Black male in America?

Delvin acknowledged and understood the portrayal of Black males as academic underachievers and criminals (Comeaux, 2010; Garibaldi, 2007; Welch, 2007). However, his interview response to the researcher about how Black males are perceived shows how he copes with this reality. Like Chase, Delvin believed Black males could succeed in careers and occupations beyond the athletic field. However, he mentioned that Black males participate in sports due to their familiarity with playing.

A.A.: Now, can you talk to me about what jobs or occupations where you believe Black males can be successful in the U. S. society?

This affinity with sports is a cultural phenomenon illustrated further when family members, community members, peers, coaches, and teachers emphasize athletic development and achievement over academic cultivation and excellence (Beamon, 2010; Harris, 1994; Howard, 2014). Furthermore, media portrayals of Black males shape their athletic aspirations (Beamon & Bell, 2002).

A.A.: Do you believe there are other options outside of sports?

Black males often appear on television and other communication media as athletes or entertainers, but few examples of Black males in other prestigious, non-athletic positions are rarely highlighted (Edwards, 2000; May, 2009). The participation of Black males in sports, especially football and basketball (Lapchick et al., 2021, 2022), reinforces the notion that they are superior athletically. This perception increasingly perpetuates the path of sports as a primary option for Black adolescents, despite its limited access to professional opportunities (NCAA, 2020a, 2020b). Furthermore, Delvin's illustration of how the media shapes the future that adolescent Black males want to strive for reveals sports idols’ strong influence on their aspirations (May, 2009). Despite being aware of the media's influence and his family's encouragement (Beamon, 2010), Delvin maintained his primary focus of playing professional basketball one day.

D.W.: Five years from now, hopefully, I will be on the next stage of professional basketball, or anywhere overseas or here or wherever I play. If it can lead me to just basketball [great], but if I can't play, I would still be around the sport. Coaching, [maybe, but I’ll] try to come back to the high school or something like that and try to find coaching and study the game of basketball just to still have something to do with it.

Considering Delvin's understanding of how Black males are perceived and how these perceptions are distributed and consumed through various forms of media, his focus on playing professional basketball shows how Black males internalize messages about them in the media. Consequently, he devoted most of his time to a sport that less than 1% would play professionally. Delvin's focus on sports distracted him from academics and hindered his social and cultural development and athletic opportunities. His experiences echo the countless depictions of Black males who played sports in high school and college but underachieved academically (Benson, 2000; May, 2008; Singer & May, 2011). However, unlike some who aspire to play professional sports, Delvin's statement on his willingness to coach basketball shows that he understands opportunities in athletics beyond what he could contribute as a player. While his perceptions may lead him to make professional choices that may be more easily attainable, his lack of attention to developing other educational interests has the potential to limit opportunities in other areas when his athletic career ends. In a separate interview with Delvin absent, Delvin's mother (DM) shared that since Delvin started playing basketball, he has performed inconsistently academically.

D.M.: He's been playing since fourth grade, so it's always been basketball, but like I said, I always stress for him to stay focused. Now, in grammar school, he didn't really have to keep a certain grade point average to play ball, so his grades were up-and-down.

Delvin continued participating in basketball in elementary school, despite failing to maintain specific academic standards. Athletic coaches, schoolteachers, peers, and family members may have been complicit in constructing an environment where the importance of sports superseded achieving academically (Benson, 2000; Harris, 1994; Melendez, 2008). His experiences differ from Black males who played sports and grew up in or cultivated an environment where they focused on academic and athletic achievement (Adeyemo, 2022; Martin et al., 2010; Singer, 2008). Delvin believed that focusing on athletics would expand his athletic opportunities. However, observational field notes from a conversation with Delvin and a meeting between Delvin and his academic counselor illustrated how academic disengagement limited his athletic opportunities.

In talking to me, Delvin explained that he had forgotten about the American College Test (A.C.T.). He says he returned from a game and had to take the A.C.T. the next day. He had taken it before and said he forgot he had to retake it. His counselor said he needs 12 more quality points, so he needs a 2.6 based on the A.C.T. score to qualify [to play college basketball]; otherwise, he would not qualify.

Contrasting Academic and Athletic Experiences

Although Nick Bradley and Michael Wilson played high school sports, Michael aspired to a professional athletic career, while Nick had goals that largely leaned on his academic development. Michael and Nick's had contrasting goals reflected in their academic and athletic outcomes.

Nick Bradley

Like research that highlights the impact of fathers on the academic development of their son(s) (Martin Harrison et al., 2010; Martin & Harris, 2007), Nick's father, Richard, was very instrumental in Nick's academic engagement and aspirations. He was the only parent of all the participants in the study to complete his undergraduate degree. He enrolled in an advanced degree-seeking program at the time of the interview. In a separate interview with Nick absent, Nick's father (NF) mentioned how he wanted Nick to focus academically.

N.F.: The main thing I tell him is just don't let anyone outwork you. That's pretty much the main message I’ve told him. Always work as if you think someone's looking even if someone isn't, and just trying to instill in him that he needs to work harder than the next person to get ahead.

Richard's encouragement of Nick's educational development illustrated the necessary support needed for students who played sports to transition from sports to non-athletic careers (Menke & Germany, 2019). His actions also show how Richard utilized familial capital to advance how Nick should think about achieving academically (Cooper Porter et al., 2017; Yosso, 2005). Richard also noted that Nick struggled in mathematics. However, Richard's support offered Nick the confidence he needed to continue to thrive academically. In addition to supporting his academic pursuit, similar to the impact of participating in activities and programs on leadership development (Fuller et al., 2017), Richard also encouraged Nick to engage in other activities.

N.F.: I told him—you know—you need to get involved in activities and be more aggressive while you play football. He swims. I think last year he was involved in theater, but he probably didn't have time to do that this year. But he's, he's choosing his own path right (yea) now.

Richard displayed actions similar to parents who demonstrated characteristics of the athletic seasoning process (Howard, 2014) but simultaneously concentrated on athletic and academic excellence. Richard's support for Nick academically and encouragement to participate in sports and other activities shows that academics, sports, and engagement in extracurricular activities are essential to developing an identity that values academics, athletics, and other activities equally. Richard's actions challenge the athletic/academic paradox (Morris & Adeyemo, 2012) but support the Scholar-Baller model, which seeks to provide a balanced academic and athletic identity (Comeaux & Harrison, 2011; Harrison & Boyd, 2007). Like individuals who aspired to achieve academic and athletic success (Harrison & Lawrence, 2003), Nick was very serious and only interacted with a few friends in the classroom. Instead of talking to other students in class, he used the time in the classroom to learn. However, once he left the classroom, Nick (N.B.) revealed in an interview with the researcher that his free time with his football teammates was when he felt comfortable engaging and talking.

A.A.: And can you talk with me about your interactions with other students in school?

Nick's use of class time to focus on his educational development instead of talking to other students reflected the primacy he placed on his educational pursuits. Furthermore, his high social engagement with his teammates shows how he utilized sports to interact with other students to develop social relationships.

A.A.: When you say you engage with your football friends and you talk with them, but in terms of—like—regular students or students who are outside of football, you don't. Can you talk a little bit more about that?

Nick's narrative of how he interacted with a social network of peers described the social capital Nick had developed among his football teammates (Yosso, 2005). They sometimes had disagreements and fought. However, their similar experiences of working out and practicing together toward a common goal of winning football games also promoted a familial connection among these adolescents. In addition to playing sports, Nick participated in many activities at his high school. He took part in theater production and played chess, which helped to support the development of leadership skills and the sport to career transition of Black males who play sports (Fuller et al., 2017; Menke & Germany, 2019). Nick's experiences were unlike many Black males who primarily focused their time playing football or basketball (Beamon, 2010; May, 2009),

A.A.: Do you participate in, or rather let me ask you this? Are there any other experiences at school that you care to speak about or anything else you’ve experienced?

Although Nick had an opportunity to bond and develop social networks with other students when he participated in theater, he expressed exasperation about this experience. Theater failed to foster a space for him to develop a singular goal of success, which in this case, hindered his ability to develop social bonds and familial identity. However, participating in football allowed him to bond and develop social networks with other students outside of the classroom (Yosso, 2005). Conversely, his experience playing chess, his other non-athletic activity, was different from his theater experience.

A.A.: And do you participate in any other activities outside of sports at school?

Nick's eagerness to start a chess team in his school illustrated the excitement he developed to continue to learn and compete in chess. Participation in non-athletic activities supports a successful sport-to-career transition (Menke & Germany, 2019). For Nick, starting a chess team offered an opportunity to develop leadership experiences. Assuming he transitions into college, he would have gained extracurricular experiences beyond football that could help to develop relationships with other college students outside of sports (Fuller et al., 2017). He would be less dependent on football to cultivate an identity and friendships with other people. Culturally, his commitment to chess illuminates how few Black males engage in athletic activities beyond the football field and basketball court (Hodge et al., 2008).

Michael Wilson

Unlike Nick's classroom experience, Michael struggled to maintain his focus, which hindered his academic development. Unlike Nick, who remained focused in the classroom, Michael was often distracted by disruptive students. Overall, he felt that some of his classmates created an environment that was not advantageous to his learning. In an interview with the researcher, Michael (M.W.) discussed how he struggled academically because of the distractions in class.

A.A.: In your current academic situation, what do you think is impacting where you feel that you could be?

Michael's depiction of his classroom experience and his response to these circumstances matches the characteristics that some researchers argue are typical of Black males who are viewed less favorably by faculty members (Comeaux, 2010). Although these students may underachieve academically (Palmer & Maramba, 2011), their social and cultural experiences might only partially be captured (Ogbu, 2003). However, looking deeper at Michael's portrayal of his classroom experience revealed the lack of social capital between the students and the teacher in the classroom (Cooper Porter et al., 2017; Yosso, 2005).

M.W.: Like I could say all day what I want to do, or what needs to be done, but if you get around a teacher who you feel is not helping you, or you got students around you who aren't doing the work that's forcing your teacher not to want to help other people. Now you’re just stuck in this position, and you get to the point where you are tired, you don't want to do [the work] either. Like you know, you’ve tried; you just like forget it. The teacher doesn't want to teach; the kids don't want to do the work. So, you are just; you are stuck in this position.

Due to his classroom experiences, Michael disengaged academically. Throughout these occurrences, he did not develop the necessary social or navigational capital with other teachers, administrators, or family members related to his academic endeavors. Subsequently, his aspirations for any educational pursuits diminished. On the other hand, field notes from a conversation between his guardian and brother Tonker (T) while watching Michael's team practice describe how his brother helped Michael transfer schools. Tonker believed that Michael should play on a basketball team that could best improve his chances of earning a collegiate athletic scholarship.

One day after school, Michael and his basketball team held a short practice while I sat in the bleachers in the gym. Michael and his teammates practiced in a small gym while the girls’ basketball team practiced. A game was coming up, but Michael would not start since he missed practice that Monday because he was absent from school. The coach arrived, and the players started performing a basketball drill to warm up. In the stands, I started talking to Michael's brother, Tonker. We discussed how and why he took Michael out of his previous school to come to Calumet. He felt that Calumet High School played more competitive basketball competitions. While talking, he also expressed the dismal failure of the public school system when compared to suburban schools. Tonker said that he only liked one Chicago Public School – Willie Wright High School – and that he had tried unsuccessfully to get Michael into the school.

The act of preventing Michael from starting because of being absent from school appeared to challenge the notion that coaches placed more value on athletic excellence than academic development (Harris, 1994). Nevertheless, what is unknown is if Michael would have received the same punishment if he had skipped school but attended practice. While his coach's actions seemed to confront the athletic/academic paradox, Michael's brother's motivation to remove Michael from one school to his current high school highlights characteristics consistent with beliefs that place a higher value on athletics than academics (Howard, 2014). Furthermore, Tonker's decision to transfer his brother to this school for its athletic and not academic reputation shows the high value he placed on athletics.

Like so many others, Michael perceived sports as a path toward some form of social and economic opportunity (May, 2008; Singer & May, 2011). His experiences in his classroom and the athletic support of his brother encouraged him to focus on developing his athletic skills. However, his social experiences provided insight into what activities, programs, and sports drew his interest. Michael moved from one underresourced neighborhood to another in his early adolescent years. He did not have many friends, nor did he participate in many other activities outside of basketball besides playing video games or listening to music. While Michael worked hard and dedicated time to the game of basketball, limited participation and engagement in non-basketball-related activities and programs have the potential to limit the development of his leadership skills and cause his transition from basketball into life without basketball to be difficult (Comeaux & Grummert, 2020; Fuller et al., 2017; Harrison & Lawrence, 2003; Leonard & Schimmel, 2016; Menke & Germany, 2019). He discussed his love for the game of basketball, “I’ll watch anything. If it's a ball in that [game], I’ll watch you. Girls’ basketball, anything. If it's a ball in that, I’ll watch you.”

Although Michael did not socialize with many people, he had a close relationship with his brother. Although his mother was his only parent, he did not often visit her. Michael considered his brother his guardian. He stated, “Financially, I would say my momma, but everything else I would say—like—Tonker.” Michael talked about his strained relationship with his mother and why he did not often live or talk with her. According to Michael, his mother did not provide for him emotionally; his brother, Tonker, did.

M.W.: Nah, I really don't talk to my momma. She is one of those sensitive types. She takes everything to the heart. Like when you tell her something and if it's wrong, she just like, she freaks out. But like, if you just talk to Tonker, he understands, like it's a part of life. He one of the people that just understands anything. He looks at stuff like from different aspects, you know. Or like if you have to talk [to] him about something that's wrong or something you did wrong, he's able to understand it from your point of view instead of you know, just like my momma she's just going at you with “you should’ve did this” or…where he actually will sit down and talk to you.

Michael's positive relationship with his brother offered him emotional support and stability (Yosso, 2005), which gave Michael someone to trust. However, Tonker, who highly valued athletics, led Michael toward a path where the pursuit of athletic excellence became a detriment to Michael's academic development. Like others who play sports, an athletically centered identity may prove beneficial while active but possibly detrimental to Michael's overall socialization to a life without basketball (Beamon, 2012/2008). If Michael did not have a strained relationship with his mother, Michael's familial and social capital might have shaped his social and academic experiences differently.