Access,Deconstructed: Metajournalistic Discourse and Photojournalism’s Shift Away From Geophysical Access

Abstract

This study examines metajournalistic discourse published surrounding the intersection of photojournalism and access. Researchers conducted a textual analysis of metajournalistic discourse published in articles by The Image, Deconstructed, the photojournalism industry blog, from 2011 to 2017 (N=70). Findings suggest that photojournalists define access differently than scholars. They obtain access through purposeful body language and verbal communication, clarity of intent, and persistence. These findings are interpreted through the lens of the theory of metajournalistic discourse.

Keywords

photojournalism qualitative metajournalistic discourse journalism access

Introduction

For journalists, “free and open access to information is one of the fundamental responsibilities” for doing their jobs (Fahmy, 2005, p. 148). Without access, journalists simply do not have the ability to attain the type of information needed to help foster an informed citizenry. But while all journalists rely on access, it remains most essential to photojournalists (Russial & Wanta, 1998). While it would not be ideal, a reporter can produce material through, for example, phone interviews with sources, but a photojournalist relies on gaining geophysical and personal access to produce photographic or digital material (Nowak, Holloway, & Hill, 2011). Not only is access needed for a photographer to produce, but prior research found that the amount of access granted directly affects the image-making process (Bossen, Freedman, & Mianecki, 2013). Therefore, photojournalists consider attaining access to people or places as one of the most important skills to harness (Zarley, 2016).

But how does a photographer gain access to people and places when it remains more difficult than ever due to the shrinking revenues occurring within the journalism industry, a current political climate that features a public that trusts journalism less than ever before, and a presidential administration that consistently expresses antipress sentiments (Bock, 2011; Hare, 2016; Swift, 2016)? Journalism remains an always changing industry, one that is socially constructed by the people within the industry and the people following it (Carlson, 2016). Because of this, normative practices essential to journalism such as gaining access are constantly defined and reified through media about media. Craft and Thomas (2016) argued that metajournalism is, essentially, journalism about journalism and that it contributes to the social construction and understanding of the field. Fundamentally, because the industry consistently shifts, metajournalism provides a glimpse into how journalists view what is appropriate and inappropriate at the moment (Carlson, 2014). There are no absolute or unchangeable norms or practices in the industry; these are socially constructed over time and could change due to numerous circumstances (Carlson, 2016; Vos & Singer, 2016).

Since metajournalistic discourse most often appears in trade publications, this article utilizes a textual analysis to examine the discourse concerning access published on The Image, Deconstructed, a photojournalism industry blog where journalists interview photojournalists about how they produced journalism (Greaney, 2013). Through the theoretical lens of metajournalism (Carlson, 2016), this study seeks to understand how access is defined by photojournalists in metajournalistic discourse. It then examines how photojournalists describe the practices associated with gaining access. Without access, professionals in the field cannot do their jobs (National Press Photographers Association, 2017). While many studies examine how photographers gain geophysical access (i.e., Fahmy, 2005), very few analyze how photographers negotiate access to people. Gaining access to people is a complicated, two-way transaction between journalist and subject. According to this article’s findings, for example, current professional photojournalists define access in a different way than scholars. Professionals also utilize methods not often discussed in the literature as a means of gaining access. Therefore, this analysis is important because it provides a glimpse into how the industry itself forms and transforms meanings (Carlson, 2016).

Literature Review

Access to Public Places in Journalism

There are times, for example, during war, when gaining access to newsworthy spots becomes more difficult (Fahmy, 2005). During wartime, the government oftentimes sets various rules and guidelines that make it onerous for journalists to access battlefields or for photojournalists to set up shots or properly document the news (Allan & Zelizer, 2004). As is the case with most journalistic practices, the way photojournalists acquire access is “embedded in political, economic, and organizational constraints” (Fahmy, 2005, p. 147). While in many circumstances, it may be as easy as a photographer asking the owner of land for access, this process is becoming more and more difficult as people and organizations are “more concerned than ever before about the security” of themselves or their organizations (Bossen et al., 2013, p. 6). For journalists of all kinds, access remains paramount to relaying a full story to the audience.

Researchers have examined the intersection between photojournalism and access in three primary manners: access to public areas, access to private areas, and access to people. For public areas, while it would be assumed photojournalists would have immediate, unfettered access, this is not always the case. Sherer (1985) found that photojournalists often find themselves accused of trespass in public spaces. A survey of photojournalists found this to be a common problem roughly 30 years ago (Sherer, 1987) but one that photojournalists still encounter often (Bock, Suran, & González, 2016). While oftentimes in these situations, if a U.S.-based photojournalist advocates for their Constitution-granted rights, they tend to have them granted, this process sometimes takes long enough that a critical shot is missed or a newsworthy event ends (Sherer, 1991). One way that both journalists and organizations try to remedy this problem, even concerning public areas, is through credentialing. But recent research illustrated that credentialing is no longer as effective (Bock et al., 2016).

Access to Private Places in Journalism

Photojournalists find it far more difficult attaining access to private areas (Sherer, 1987). Without a constitutional right to access, these situations present different problems, some that also involve potential ethical dilemmas. For example, photojournalists could acquire access with less trouble if they would lie about their rights to a naïve citizen or organization; photojournalists also can mislead the public of their true intentions (Lester, 2015). However, these ethical lapses happen rarely (Friend & Singer, 2015). Regardless, gaining access to private spaces often proves difficult; yet, it remains essential for an informed citizenry (Lester, 2015). Bossen et al. (2013) studied how photojournalists attain access to steel mills; they argued, without this access, Americans would be unable to understand the working conditions of a major industry. Even after gaining geophysical access to places, though, photojournalists still often encounter restrictions concerning who they can and cannot cover.

Access to People in Journalism

While photojournalists often must cover newsworthy events in spaces both public and private, many stories also involve people who may or may not want their image captured (Sherer, 1985). In fact, while all journalists encounter this problem, reporters regularly have a far easier time convincing subjects to get quoted compared to having their likeness captured (Lester, 2015). It remains vitally important for photojournalists to gain access to people; this is how they produce material capturing everyday life (Fahmy, 2005). In fact, many photojournalists consider this the most important type of access (Zarley, 2016). Yet, while surveys, essays, and research argue that, for photojournalists in particular, access is the most vital tool, scant research examines how photojournalists not only define access, but the practices they utilize to acquire it. Metajournalism could provide an outlet, then, to understand how access is defined and acquired.

Metajournalism

Carlson (2014) defined metajournalism as public utterances about the industry that, in effect, define and identify appropriate and inappropriate norms and practices. More specifically, Zelizer (1993) argued that journalists themselves, through metajournalism, socially construct meanings surrounding the industry. Therefore, studying metajournalistic discourse allows for a better understanding of how industry issues are socially constructed through public utterances; this interpretation provides researchers with a better fundamental awareness of how people from inside and outside the industry justify or challenge established practices (Carlson, 2016). Nonjournalists can also produce this discourse (Carlson, 2016; Craft & Thomas, 2016; De Maeyer & Holton, 2016). Metajournalism can be found in trade magazines, ombudsman columns, and blogs about the media.

Fundamentally, however, while metajournalistic discourse can come from both actors and nonactors, scholars posit that when it derives from inside the industry, its effect on perception is more powerful (Carlson, 2016; Craft & Thomas, 2016). Vos and Singer (2016), for example, found that discourse produced by journalists essentially socially constructed the journalism industry’s evolving definition and the practices associated with entrepreneurial journalism. This particular study aims to examine how photojournalists view the most important practice of their craft: gaining access (Bossen et al., 2013).

Theory of Metajournalistic Discourse

A theory of metajournalistic discourse is necessary because it provides a guide on how to analyze content; also, a shared understanding assists in empirically articulating the range of meanings of a topic. The theory posits that a researcher, when examining metajournalistic discourse, must consider three main components of the discourse: sites/audiences, topics, and actors (Carlson, 2016).

Site/audiences refer to where the metajournalistic discourse is published. When examining this component, the site and audience cannot be separated because the site often determines how the discourse reaches audiences and, then, how the audience interprets the message. The second component is about the topic or topics discussed through the metajournalistic discourse. The topic can be either reactive or generative. Reactive metajournalistic discourse is about a specific subject, a journalistic scandal potentially, while generative metajournalistic discourse is general discourse concerning the industry journalism (Carlson, 2016). Lastly, the third component is the actor, which refers to the people producing the discourse; as previously noted, actors can be journalists or nonjournalists. This study analyzes generative metajournalism (type) from a media-centric blog primarily aimed at photojournalists (site/audience) and written by journalists (actor). Because metajournalism helps us understand how the range of meanings of a topic and how practitioners define appropriate, normative, and inappropriate topics, this study asks the following research questions:

RQ1: How do photojournalists define “access” through metajournalistic discourse published in a media-centric industry blog?

RQ2: How do photojournalists describe practices associated with “access”?

Method

This study employs textual analysis to examine how photojournalists define access and the practices surrounding it on The Image, Deconstructed. Because metajournalistic discourse can often be found in media-centric blogs, this study examines material published on The Image, Deconstructed, a photojournalism industry blog where “photojournalists interview other photojournalists” about memorable work (Burgett, 2014). Considered one of the only and one of the most prominent media-centric blogs about photojournalism run by a photojournalist, it features interviews with photojournalists—including many preeminent winners of awards such as the Pulitzer Prize and Photojournalist of Year—detailing how they produced a memorable shot (Greaney, 2013). The blog is influencial enough that creator Ross Taylor now hosts an annual workshop dedicated to examing the themes of the blog; last year, more than 100 photojournalists paid to attend. Applying the theory of metajournalistic discourse to The Image, Deconstructed provides a glimpse into how leaders within the photojournalism industry socially construct the definition of access and how they describe the associated practices.

For this study, researchers systematically chose 70 posts from the trade blog to analyze. Researchers used a random number generator, which determined that every third post would be examined. Once researchers completed the analysis, they decided not to return to the blog for more data since they reached a saturation point as the data started to become redundant. All text from each post provided the unit of analysis for this study. Based on previous research using similar methods and theoretical frameworks, 70 articles are enough of a sample for a study such as this (e.g., Berkowitz, 2000; Carlson & Usher, 2016; Hindman & Thomas, 2013). Of the 70 articles utilized for this study, 47 featured interviews with males and 33 with female photojournalists. All articles cited below are credited to the author of the post. Of the 70 examined for this study, 66 were written by founder Taylor. All anecdotes used in the findings symbolize some form of consensus from the data.

The subjects interviewed in the articles discussed work produced for newspapers, magazines, and websites. They were working as both full-time employees and freelancers. While the nature of their employment could impact factors such as how long they could work on a story, this study’s findings do not identify in what capacity the photographer worked. In fact, on most articles published on the blog, these details are not referenced either. Following the process outlined by Vos and Singer (2016), this study examined “discourses of a field” and therefore examined how “access” is defined and gained through discourse “related to normative principles and practice” (p. 151). In effect, as argued by Vos and Singer (2016), who said something is less important because it could bias the interpretation, but rather the “discourses of a field” are examined as a whole for patterns and themes in the hopes of identifying common practices and beliefs.

Professional photojournalist Ross Taylor started The Image, Deconstructed in 2010. Since then, a group of professional photojournalists have chosen one critically lauded piece of photojournalism roughly each week to spotlight. The interviewer for The Image, Deconstructed, a professional journalist, then interviews the photojournalist who took the image about all aspects of capturing that photograph. Since 2010, more than 200 articles, each around 2,000 words, have been featured on the site. Articles are published as question-and-answer pieces, edited only for grammar and style; thus, the discourse is unvarnished and simply journalists discussing journalism. For this current study, the 70 question-and-answer articles analyzed were originally published between December of 2010 and January of 2017. The quotes used in this article are from The Image, Deconstructed stories.

Textual analysis is a means of learning about people by examining what they produce or publish (Berger, 1998). Because meaning in all aspects of life is socially constructed, to truly understand how a, in this case, reader interprets information, the researcher must examine the data with a goal of identifying all possible interpretations of the text (Coffey & Atkinson, 1996). Analyzing text to illuminate potential meaning allows researchers the ability to see all possible manners in which the audience, or receivers, could be socially constructing meaning (Miller, 2010).

Data Analysis

For this study, the researchers examined the data through the three-step process for qualitative data analysis detailed by Emerson, Fretz, and Shaw (1995). First, the researchers read through the data, taking notes about how the data discuss access. Second, the researchers then returned to the data, reading through it again, but this time aiming to identity themes and patterns contained within the articles. Finally, the researchers once again returned to the data, this time reading through it again and taking detailed notes about observances relating to the themes and patterns. Then, one researcher began a first draft of the findings.

Findings

Defining Access

Much of prior research into the subject of access primarily examines the concept through illustrating how journalists, particularly photojournalists, gain access to land, both public and private (i.e., Bossen et al., 2013; Fahmy, 2005; Sherer, 1985, 1991). This current study’s first research question asks how journalists themselves, not the law, define access. Through a textual analysis of metajournalistic discourse published on The Image, Deconstructed, this study found that photojournalists define access not in terms of permission to enter public or private land, but rather as a symbiotic relationship between journalist and subject. Photographers did not speak about obtaining permissions or credentials, but of their approach to obtaining the trust of subjects.

One photojournalist detailed the long period of time he spent working on gaining access to a subject (Taylor, 2012a). The photographer argued that this was necessary to portray his subject accurately. He said,

When I was with Ian, I wanted total access, unaccompanied by a public affairs officer. I wanted to live his life. So I asked to be an embedded journalist throughout the project. But it wasn’t until I entered the Denver Processing Station early one morning to a roomful of underwear-clad recruits awaiting their physical that I realized all my legwork had paid off. (Taylor, 2012a)

The implication in this quote is that the “legwork” gave the journalist complete access to his subject. In a similar instance, one photographer noted that preplanned work before meeting a subject led to an ability to take an image of a subject in an exposed state (Taylor, 2012b). “The phone I call I made to him,” said the photographer, “where I gave him a long, drawn-out explanation as to why I thought it was worth telling his story, and how I would go about it with his permission was met with a simple ‘yes’” (Taylor, 2012b). The photographer then explained that this “transparency” provided the ability to take photographs of the subject in “such vulnerable situations” (Taylor, 2012b). The vulnerable situation the photographer discusses is his definition of access. He did not speak about obtaining access to the subject’s house; this was not of concern.

A photographer discussing a series of photographs set in a small, rural, and poor Mississippi town explicitly discussed access without prompting (Taylor, 2011d). Photographing public spaces in a town would not entail receiving credentials or permission, but this photographer defined access differently; again, he talked about access not in the geophysical sense, but rather as something entailing the ability to freely photograph his subject without barriers. He talked about access in terms of being able to wander “from place to place, making pictures and hanging out with people.” In this telling, the photographer access is attained if subjects will “let you continue photographing” at will (Taylor, 2011d). Another photographer likened access to going “beyond the surface” (Taylor, 2013c). He said that with access, he’s able to get images that are “more fruitful—both photographically and personally” (Taylor, 2013c). A different journalist likened access as necessary to get important photographs, but, once again, he implied access involved people and not places (Taylor, 2011b). He said, “for me it’s more about the relationships than the images. Once the relationships are there, the image-making is the easy part. Relationships are key” (Taylor, 2011b). While the photographer is talking about relationships with sources, he is essentially implying that those relationships grant access, and access means being able to take the photographs he wants.

A thorough examination of the data pertaining to the first research question made something clear: Photographers currently worry more about “access” to people than places. They argue this is harder to obtain today because of the ubiquity of public affairs officers and the like (Taylor, 2012a). For photojournalists, access equals the ability to shoot a subject or a place without having to worry about interference. They do not gain access through credentialing or explicit permission, but rather through relationship building, which leads to trust, which leads to access.

Obtaining Access

The second research question posed by this study asked how photojournalists describe practices associated with gaining access. To answer this question, once again, researchers conducted a textual analysis of the metajournalistic discourse published on The Image, Deconstructed. Three themes emerged from the data concerning this question: Language—Verbal and Body; Clarity of Intent; and Time Investment and Persistence.

Language—Verbal and Body

The photojournalists interviewed on The Image, Deconstructed consistently argued that the main way to gain access is to constantly think about the language, both verbal and body, communicated to the subject. One Pulitzer Prize winner said that when she learned this, her career took off. She said that, prior to this revelation, she often tried to be a “fly on the wall,” which is the process most photojournalists utilize (Taylor, 2011f). However, she said, now,

I’ve always been a pretty shy and quiet person. Now I force myself to talk to people more than I’d be inclined to naturally. Plus, I realized that you really can look creepy silently following people around with a camera. If I were to really pick it apart, I think I try to exaggerate what I have in common with the subject, to put us on equal footing. Luckily, I’m physically very non-intimidating. I also slow down and act very casually. (Taylor, 2011f)

She added that another main part of this is to avoid “sudden movements; that keeps people from getting nervous” (Taylor, 2011f). Essentially, the photographer is arguing that it can be off-putting to simply stand in the background waiting for a shot, but rather true access is gained through innocuous verbal communication and careful body language. This idea of ignoring the “fly on the wall” tactic came up repeatedly. A multiple award-winning photographer echoed the last practitioner; he said, once he disavowed that practice, his work got better:

The best thing is to understand the person that you’re photographing, and, just as important, allow them to know who you are. This has been something I didn’t embrace when I first started out. I took myself out of the equation when shooting stories, always trying to put the focus on the person I was photographing, thinking who I was doesn’t matter to them. But now, my philosophy has changed completely. (Taylor, 2015a)

Another photographer echoed the idea of body language being so important, implying that quick, sudden movements often scare subjects and make them uncomfortable (Taylor, 2013a). He said that one tactic he often utilizes is “handing my camera to someone when I first meet them to let them take a picture of me. It’s my way of saying, ‘Here, take my camera. I trust you.’” For this journalist, access is obtained through trust, which is obtained through language, both verbal and body.

Other photographers stressed the importance of clear, precise verbal communication, especially of expectations. One noted that it is frustrating when he relays needs and expectations “little by little” and thinks he has access, but then finds himself “shut down in a key moment” (Taylor, 2013d). He found that overcoming this problem came from avoiding yes-or-no questions because “it is too easy for people not to think about it and just say ‘no’” (Taylor, 2013d). One photographer, who sometimes finds herself in areas where she does not know the language, reiterated the need for simple, clear verbal communication (Taylor, 2013b). She noted she takes the time to learn the basics of a language, words such as yes, no, left, right, and good. This helps her, she said, communicate on a very basic level and connect with the subject. That little effort gains her access to people and places she normally would not obtain (Taylor, 2013b).

Clarity of Intent

For professional photographers, gaining access is about more than exhibiting the proper body language and clearly explaining direction. When describing the need for clarity of intent, the journalists contended that access comes through fully articulating what they expect from the subject. Therefore, this theme goes beyond the verbal communication before the shoot noted in the prior theme and here pertains to a specific conversation outlining what the photographer planned. One journalist explicitly noted:

I think you should be able to clearly explain to your subject exactly why you want to shoot a moment before the moment happens. It makes your intentions clear, makes them less surprised when you shoot, helps them understand how you are processing what they do and gives them the chance to explain why they may be hesitant to allow you into a certain space. It also does something that I didn’t put much value on until much later in my career. It lets your subject know what you are thinking and gives them a chance to correct you. Giving the subject more of a say in how their story is documented, and giving them a chance to explain their actions gives them more buy-in to the story and in the end, (it makes the story) more truthful and hopefully more compelling. (Taylor, 2011c)

Similarly, a different journalist explained the need to have this type of conversation. Oftentimes, she noted, that if this does not occur, the subject could not be at ease. And, if they are uncomfortable, the photographer will not obtain the access needed for a successful shoot (Taylor, 2014a). Not only does she emphasize the need to communicate expectations and hopes about access but also the “possible outcomes (and) reaction to the story” (Taylor, 2014a). This, she said, makes subjects far more comfortable.

Clarity of purpose most often is discussed in terms of honesty by photographers. One journalist stressed how much they believe in “complete and total honesty” with their subjects (Taylor, 2011a). They believe that many photographers “sneak” images and this “leads to disingenuousness in the image that may not be apparent to the viewer” (Taylor, 2011a). But, even if the viewer does not notice the “sneak,” this photographer maintained that the optimum image cannot be attained in this manner. A former newspaper staff photographer and current multimedia journalist said that she provides clarity of purpose over a series of visits that are not about capturing images, but only sharing expectations (Taylor, 2011e). This is important, she said, “in order to tell their story fairly” (Taylor, 2011e).

The photographers interviewed collectively believe that for photojournalists to capture the very best photos, they need to obtain total access partly by clearly conveying their purpose. These photographers contended that this is accomplished by telling subjects not only what is going to happen during a shoot but also what could happen, where the images will be used, and how people might receive them. This process of being completely open and honest with a purpose leads to “fair,” not “disingenuous,” material (Taylor, 2011a).

Time Investment and Persistence

To gain access, a journalist must be both persistent and willing to put in effort in the form of time. “Time is everything. Tons of time. The time you put in equals access,” explained one journalist (Taylor, 2015c). She went on to say that since access is ultimately the main goal, photojournalists can attain it by “showing the people whose story you’re trying to tell how committed you are” (Taylor, 2015c). Photojournalists repeated this theme often. One explained that oftentimes, to attain total access, she’ll have to put in hours that are not considered “work hours” (Taylor, 2016). “If the story is worth it,” she said, “sometimes you’ll have to sacrifice for it—especially in these times of small staffs and budgets. I’m saying this full well knowing that if you’re in the business, you are probably already living this” (Taylor, 2016).

While an investment in is often needed to obtain access, journalists also noted that time investment and persistence are slightly different. They said that while persistence and time investment are often correlated, persistence takes an extra step. For example, one journalist said she simply refuses to give up:

I’m very dogged. I tell people it’s like living with a puppy inside my body—I’m just a very curious and persistent person. I think successes and failures go hand in hand, but I don’t hear the word no. I always thought of photography as communication, and I think because of that I might have pushed a little harder to get the image published. It is scary to think it could have never been seen or shared. (Taylor, 2014b)

Another journalist discussed how he embedded with a police gang unit in North Carolina. He talked about keeping in contact with the third in command of the entire police force. Through these conversations, he heard about the gang unit. “She said if I ever wanted to come ride along with the gang units to let her know,” he said (Taylor, 2015b). Immediately, the photographer said, he followed up on the offer, knowing that if he put it off, all the persistence it took to gain the access might have dissipated. In general, obtaining access, according to photojournalists, takes allotting time for each job, more time than potentially desired. It then takes persistence. For photojournalists, obtaining this access is paramount, and it will not happen, usually, without an investment of time and persistence.

Discussion

When studying the intersection of access and photojournalism, scholars have primarily examined how these professionals obtain geophysical access or navigate obstacles in both public places (i.e., Fahmy, 2005; Sherer, 1985, 1991) and private spaces (i.e., Bossen et al., 2013; Sherer, 1987). While prior research defined access as admission to public and private spaces, the photographers interviewed on The Image, Deconstructed did not. Not once in all data examined did a photographer, when prompted by a question specifically asking about “access” or just implicitly talking about the subject, mention physical space as a key component of access. Instead, to the professionals, access meant gaining the trust of a personal subject. Fundamentally, access to these professionals is not about simply procuring attendance into an area, but rather gaining the trust of the people in the areas, both public and private. This then allows them to capture the images they need. This means that a broader focus on attaining trust with sources should become a focal point in the training of photojournalists. Academics should move beyond studying only the legal and ethical issues involved in attaining geophysical access and start studying what happens next. The photographers interviewed on The Image, Deconstructed clearly articulated that personal access remains more difficult to attain than geophysical access, but industry resources such as Poynter contend otherwise (Hare, 2016). Since The Image, Deconstructed features metajournalistic discourse concerning some of the most successful professional photographers, in terms of major awards, of the time, it is important to understand how they define access. What this study shows is a redefining of the all-important term. If journalism and its definitions and processes are fluid (Carlson, 2014), then the finding illustrating that photojournalists are most concerned with access to people is important. One thing to consider, though, is that the journalists interviewed on the site already gained geophysical access. But, again, they did not discuss this when asked general questions about access. Future research in this area could include a large-scale survey, much like the one conducted three decades ago by Sherer (1987), which could draw on a larger sample of photojournalists and investigate whether this finding aligns with a larger swath of the industry. Potentially, this could affect how photojournalism classes and programs prepare curricula and educate future photojournalists.

The second part of this study aimed to understand the manners in which photojournalists gained access. Numerous journalists explicitly and implicitly talked about the “fly on the wall” approach. Each time these professionals mentioned this, they contradicted the idea, fundamentally explaining that what is commonly taught did not work. The reason this does not often work is clarity of intent helps subjects understand a photojournalists’ purpose for being in their space, and through this proxy of understanding, deeper access is granted. Opposition often occurs if a subject does not understand, or accept the purpose of the photographer’s intent. Then, access is much more restricted. It’s the understanding of the intent of the relationship that eases flow of access. This finding illustrates a potential need for a revamping of photojournalism curricula. Yes, courses in law and ethics and other basic journalism practices, both applied and conceptual, remain essential, but an augmenting of these with courses in communication seems necessary. These journalists describe careful, considered behavior in terms of both verbal communication and body language. Many photographers interviewed on The Image, Deconstructed described how the practices they first performed to gain personal access (i.e., being a fly on the wall) did not work. This comment came up numerous times. More scholarly research, perhaps both qualitative and quantitative, that studies photojournalistic practices could help create a taxonomy of practices used by photojournalists to gain access. But while there seems to be a disconnect between how the academy defines and studies access and how photojournalists themselves define it, this study’s findings could also point toward a rift in how the industry defines journalist and photojournalist and how the academy defines those terms. For example, the photojournalists interviewed on the blog often spoke about how they were taught practices such as being a fly on the wall. Perhaps in an industry that now employs journalists who can work in several media, the need for curricula that focuses on relationships with sources is more critical and needed than ever.

While these findings could provide a guide for the future, they come with limitations. First, the data were collected come from 70 question-and-answer interviews on The Image, Deconstructed. While these long, uncut interviews provide a clear glimpse into the minds of some of the most celebrated photojournalists of the time, it still only does that for 70 people out of an industry of many, many more. Future work could move beyond metajournalistic discourse for a survey or long-form academic interviews to understand if this study’s findings translate. Second, 66 of the 70 question-and-answer article analyzed for this study featured interviews conducted by blog founder Ross Taylor, and, therefore, his experiences more than likely colored the questions asked of the photojournalists. Third, the subjects interviewed come from various organizations or work freelance; organizational factors would more than likely affect their responses. While academic research cannot tell us anything inarguably, and this study cannot be generalized, it does illustrate a potential fracture between academics and practitioners. Hopefully, this study and future ones can help build the programs needed to train the photojournalists—and, generally, the journalists—of the future. And future research should continue examining metajournalistic discourse to understand how the industry continues redefining itself and its concepts and practices.

Footnotes

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The authors received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Author Biographies

Patrick Ferrucci (PhD, University of Missouri) is an assistant professor in the Department of Journalism in the College of Media, Communication and Information at University of Colorado-Boulder. His research examines different aspects of media sociology, primarily economic and technological influences on digital news production. His work primarily looks at how economics and technology affect message construction at both the organizational and individual level.

Ross Taylor (MS, Syracuse University) is an assistant professor in the Department of Journalism in the College of Media, Communication and Information at University of Colorado-Boulder. His professional recognitions include National Photographer of the Year, Northern Photographer of the Year, New England Photographer of the Year, Virginia Photographer of the Year, and North Carolina Photographer of the Year (twice). His coverage of an Afghanistan trauma hospital garnered numerous international and national awards, and his work has also appeared twice on the cover of the Best of Photojournalism magazine.

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