Abstract
The pervasiveness of food insecurity in sub-Saharan Africa and other developing regions has resulted in increased emigration not only to wealthier countries within the continent but also to developed countries elsewhere in the world. A growing body of research has examined the welfare implications of remittances from international migrants for families left behind. A strand of that literature focuses on the association between international remittances and household food security. We contribute to this body of work by examining the variability of this relationship across three groupings of African countries, based on the World Bank's income classifications. Using data from the Afrobarometer Surveys, our results from an instrumental variable ordered probit regressions reveal that international remittances are positively and significantly correlated with household food security for all three country groupings. After correcting for endogeneity, we find that remittance-receiving households were 83.59 percent, 72.66 percent, and 26.06 percent more likely to report having never gone without enough food to eat in low-income, lower-middle income, and upper-middle income countries in sub-Saharan Africa, respectively. These findings suggest that central governments and policymakers in Africa should reform public policy in a way that strengthens the effectiveness and efficiency of international remittances transfer to reduce food insecurity across the continent.
Introduction
Despite numerous global and individual country efforts, malnutrition is still a challenge in many developing economies (FAO 2016). Malnutrition and inadequate access to food remain very high in sub-Saharan Africa, Latin America, and parts of Asia (FAO 2013). Within Sub-Saharan Africa, a consequence of malnutrition and inadequate food supply is that a large number of people seek better economic opportunities in developed countries (World Bank 2018), relatively wealthier countries within the African continent (Regmi, Paudel, and Bhattarai 2020; Abel and Sander 2014), or relatively more developed cities within their home countries (Krokfors 1995). As a result of increased out-migration in developing countries, migrant remittances have grown significantly within the past decade, driven by both internal and international migration (Masron and Subramaniam 2018). Recently, surveys on migration and remittances have revealed that 85 percent of Ethiopians, 68 percent of Ugandans, and 66 percent of Kenyans have migrated in pursuit of better living conditions, resulting in an increase in food security for household members left behind (World Bank 2018).
In response to the negative repercussions of food insecurity, the second Sustainable Development Goal adopted in 2015 by United Nations member-states seeks to “End hunger, achieve food security and improved nutrition and promote sustainable agriculture” (United Nations Environment Programme 2015), and in the past decade, major international institutions have lent their support to promoting migration and remittances as potential tools to reduce poverty and promote sustainable human development (World Bank 2009; United Nations Development Programme 2009). Nonetheless, as of 2015, access to enough food remained a challenge for about 795 million people globally (Food and Agriculture Organization 2015). Currently, about 822 million people are said to be undernourished around the world and unable to live active and healthy lives (FAO, ECA & AUC 2020). In Africa, food insecurity and undernourishment have remained great challenges since the 2007–2008 global food crises (Deaton and Lipka 2015), and two-fifths of the continent's population lived in poverty, as of 2013 (World Bank 2013). Out of 256 million Africans with inadequate access to food, 239 million reside in sub-Saharan Africa (FAO, ECA & AUC 2020). Thus, the prevalence of malnourishment in Africa continues to rise, particularly in sub-Saharan Africa, as illustrated in Figure 1 (FAO 2015). In this context, migrant remittances have become a key component of households’ livelihood and survival strategies (Mabrouk and Mekni 2018).

Undernourishment Prevalence. Source: FAO (2015).
Food insecurity contributes to sub-Saharan Africa's social, economic, and political instability (Deaton and Lipka 2015; Rena 2005), as well as to the movement of people within and beyond the sub-region (Adepoju 2010). As more people migrate, remittances, in the form of money, goods, skills, knowledge, attitudes, mindsets, and social capital, are repatriated (Levitt 1998). Migrant remittances to developing countries have continued to increase significantly since 1995, surpassing official development assistant and placing second only to foreign direct investment (Masron and Subramaniam 2018). For instance, remittances to developing countries in 2015, although the lowest since the 2007–2008 global financial crises, still amounted to about $441 billion, excluding unrecorded flows via informal channels (World Bank 2016).
In sub-Saharan Africa, the flow of remittances reached a total of $38.4 billion in 2017 (World Bank 2017). Large proportions of remittances received in Ghana and Nigeria are channeled into domestic consumptions, ameliorating hunger (Quartey 2006b; Fonta et al. 2015). According to Sulemana, Bugri Anarfo, and Quartey (2019), the frequent receipt of international remittances in sub-Saharan Africa improves households’ food security. Corroborating this finding, Chukwuone et al. (2008), in an analysis involving data from a 2004 Nigerian national living standard survey, showed that more than 70 percent of international remittances received in Nigeria were channeled into households’ consumption and expenses, significantly reducing poverty. Similarly, household welfare variables in a 2011 survey were shown to be significantly affected by the receipt of remittances in Ethiopia (Andersson 2012). Previously, Quartey (2006b), employing Ghana's living standard survey conducted between 1991 and 1999, also revealed that the receipt of remittances substantially improved and cushioned household welfare against economic shocks, except among crop farmers.
Within the literature on migration and remittances, studies that examine the nexus between migrant remittances and food security in Sub-Saharan Africa are largely single-country studies (e.g., Babatunde and Martinetti 2011; Abadi et al. 2013; Regmi and Paudel 2016; Atuoye et al. 2017; Mabrouk and Mekni 2018) that do not allow for the generalization of findings. A few studies have examined the relationship between remittances and food security beyond individual country-level analysis (e.g., Sulemana, Bugri Anarfo, and Quartey 2019; Ebadi, Ahmadi, and Melgar-Quiñonez 2020) but do not take into consideration the varying income levels of countries in sub-Saharan Africa, where six out of the world's 10 most unequal countries reside (Byanyima 2014).
Therefore, employing Round 6 (conducted in 2015) of the Afrobarometer survey that involved 32 sub-Saharan African countries and covered 48,000 respondents, this article contributes to the literature on international migration and remittances by seeking answer to the following research question: Do income inequalities among sub-Saharan African countries influence the relationship between migrant remittances and food security in the region? Categorizing countries in sub-Saharan Africa into three income groupings according to the World’s Bank 2018 income classifications, 1 the results from an instrumental variable (IV) ordered probit regression reveal that international remittances are positively and significantly correlated with households’ food security at the 0.1 percent level for all three income groupings. Controlling for endogeneity, the analysis reveals a much stronger correlation (83.59 percent) for low-income countries and weaker correlations (26.06 percent) for upper-middle income countries. These findings suggest that remittances resulting from international migration substantially mitigate household members left behind against food insecurity, especially in low-income and lower-middle income countries in sub-Saharan Africa.
Country Groupings by World Bank 2018 Income Classifications.
Migration Dynamics in Sub-Sahara Africa
Spatial mobility is a basic historical and social aspect of life in Africa, where evidence suggests that the human race itself started and migrated outward (Adepoju 2011). Today, Africa has the world's highest volume of migration, both voluntary and involuntary (United Nation 2017). What makes the continent different from other regions is that most international migration in Africa is intra-continental and composed of regional movements by nomads, refugees, seasonal labor migrants, and undocumented migrants (IOM 2019). In recent decades, deteriorating political, social, economic, and ecological conditions across the African continent have brought about changes in migration's dynamics, direction, and pattern, thereby compelling movements abroad (IOM 2020). As these various crises have intensified, migration outflow has increased in both effect and size (IOM 2020).
Particularly in sub-Saharan Africa, the international migrant stock at mid-years for both sexes witnessed an increment from 14.69 million in 1990 to about 22.98 million in 2017 (United Nations 2017). About 2.6 million sub-Saharan Africans were said to be involuntary migrants in 2018, due to drought, cyclones, floods, and wars (IDMC 2019). Rapid population growth, coupled with political instability, escalating ethnic conflict, persistent economic decline, and poverty, have continued to shape international migration within and from the sub-region (FAO, ECA & AUC 2020; IOM 2020). In addition, international trends, such as regional integration, globalization, political transformation, the entry of multinational companies in search of cheap labor, and network formation continually influence migration in sub-Saharan Africa (Shimeless 2010).
Migration is commonly used by Africans as a survival strategy to pursue economic mobility and to supplement their household income or resources (Quartey 2006b). Households normally choose and invest in a family member who has the potential to generate income and send remittances (Chukwuone et al. 2008), and for families compelled by economic hardships, international migration has become a key coping mechanism to ensure survival (Adepoju 2011). Furthermore, migrant remittances have played a central role in the development of many countries across sub-Saharan Africa, where remittances financed more than 50 percent of foreign exchange earnings in Lesotho, 70 percent of total commodity export earnings in Sudan, and 80 percent of current account deficit in Botswana (De Haan 2000). In addition, migrants have served as a source of labor on many coffee and cocoa plantations in Côte d'Ivoire and Ghana and in many mining and agriculture fields in Gabon (Adepoju 2000; Adepoju 2011).
Globally, about 247 million people are residing outside their origin countries (World Bank 2017). International migration continues to grow in recent times and is a major feature in many countries and a salient tool for globalization (Dao et al. 2021). In 2017, approximately 420,000 more sub-Saharan African migrants were residing in Europe (4.15 million) than in 2010 (3.73 million), and the sub-Saharan African population also increased in the United States from 1.22 million in 2010 to 1.55 million in 2017 (United Nations 2017). In a Pew Research poll conducted in 2018, 75 percent of Ghanaians expressed passion to leave their home country for other parts of the world, with 42 percent actually taking concrete steps to exit in the next five years (Pew Research Centre 2018). The burgeoning number of people exiting sub-Saharan Africa leads to increased remittances to family members left back home (World Bank 2019). However, many countries in sub-Saharan Africa still face food insecurity, hunger, and diseases (Flahaux and De Haas 2016). Research into migration in sub-Saharan Africa is growing (United Nations 2017), and this literature shows migration's centrality to addressing the development inequality in sub-Saharan Africa. This article adds to this growing body of work by examining the heterogeneous income levels among sub-Saharan African countries and their impacts on migrant remittances and food security.
Literature Review on Remittances and Food Security
There is substantial scholarly debate about the extent to which migrant remittances promote the development agenda of migrants’ home countries (Adams and Page 2005; Gorton, Bullen, and Mhurchu 2010; Adams 2011; Ngoma and Ismail 2013). Some researchers view remittances as significant drivers of economic development, poverty alleviation, and human capital development in migrant-sending countries (Fajnzylber and Humberto Lopez 2008; Eversole and Shaw 2010; Adams 2011; Combes and Ebeke 2011; Ratha et al. 2011; De and Ratha 2012; Orozco and Ellis 2014; Crush and Caesar 2018) and as a reliable source of international funds for Sub-Saharan Africa's economic growth and development relative to other international inflows (Anyanwu and Erhijakpor 2010; Ouedraogo, Sourouema, and Zahonogo 2018). Other researchers, however, contend that migrant remittances inflict adverse repercussions on migrant-sending countries by weakening institutional capacity, increasing dependency, and not necessarily contributing to economic growth and development (Azam and Gubert 2006; Rao and Hassan 2011; Abdih et al. 2012; Rao and Hassan 2012).
Africa continues to receive substantial inflows of remittances from abroad amid rising food insecurity and undernourishment (Verpoorten et al. 2013; FAO 2015; Mabrouk and Mekni 2018). Empirical studies that have examined the remittances-food-security nexus in Africa have acknowledged remittances’ importance in mitigating food insecurity among receiving households (FAO 2008; Karamba, Quiñones, and Winters 2011; Zaman and Akbar 2013). Several other studies have also revealed that remittances alleviate poverty among receiving households in Africa (Babatunde and Martinetti 2011; Mohapatra, Joseph, and Ratha 2012; Abadi et al. 2013; Generoso 2015; Atuoye et al. 2017).
In Ethiopia, Abadi et al. (2013) note a positive relationship between migrant remittances and household food security, based on data from 300 households. This finding was corroborated by Generoso (2015), whose literature review showed that remittances had a significant and affirmative effect on food security in rural Mali. Generoso further noted that remittances reduced the adverse repercussions of intra-annual rainfall variability on food security, since they were used to purchase food. Babatunde and Martinetti (2011) investigated migrant remittances’ effect on household food security and nutrition in Nigeria and found that remittances enhanced nutrition in remittance-receiving households. Together, these findings suggest an affirmative link between migrant remittances and nutrition, as remittances increase households’ income and access to food, positioning households receiving remittances as better off in terms of income levels, assets, and calorie supply than households not receiving remittances.
While the literature on migrant remittances and food security shows that migrant remittances have a significant and affirmative effect on food security, the positive link between migrant remittances and food security has been shown to be adversely affected by the presence of underdeveloped agricultural sector, rapid population growth, political instability, and natural disasters (United Nations, 2012). Given that there is income inequality among sub-Saharan African countries (Gimba, Seraj, and Ozdeser 2021; Stein 2011) and that such inequality can affect economic growth (UNDP 2017; Sulemana, Doabil, and Anarfo 2019; Bah, Abdulwakil, and Azam 2020), the income variability among sub-Saharan Africa countries could also influence the relationship between migrant remittances and food security.
Data and Methods
We utilize data from the Afrobaromoter Surveys, a nonpartisan research network that aims to tap into public attitudes in Africa toward governance, democracy, economic conditions, and other factors (Mattes 2008). Currently, data for six rounds of the Afrobarometer Survey are publicly available, and Round 7 surveys are ongoing. For the publicly available data, the survey question on international remittances, on which we focus here, was asked in only Rounds 4, conducted in 20 countries between 2008/2009, and Round 6, conducted in 36 countries between 2014/2015. Since Round 6 is more recent, covers more countries, and contains almost twice the number of observations as Round 4, we chose Round 6 for our empirical analysis. Although Round 6 interviews were conducted in 36 African countries, our analysis is based on data from 32 sub-Saharan Africa countries, due to the exclusion of Tunisia, Morocco, Egypt, and Algeria that formed part of the surveyed countries but do not form part of sub-Saharan Africa.
Furthermore, because we are interested in whether the magnitude of the association between international remittances and food security varied by income classification, we split the surveyed countries in three groups. As shown in Table 1, 16 countries were in the low-income category, compared to 11 and 5 in the lower-middle income and upper-middle income country categories, respectively. The only sub-Saharan African country classified as high-income is Seychelles, which is not covered in the Afrobarometer Surveys. After excluding observations with missing responses, the total number of observations used in the analysis was 48,081.
Dependent Variable
The dependent variable in our analysis is the food security status (FSS) of the respondent's household. Although food security has been measured in diverse ways (e.g., Abadi et al. 2013; IFPRI 2020), we follow the precedent of a strand of the literature on international remittances and food security that operationalizes food security by asking respondents how often they or anyone in their family had gone without enough food to eat over a period, usually a year (e.g., Mpesi and Muriaas 2012; Verpoorten et al. 2013; Sulemana, Bugri Anarfo, and Quartey 2019). Thus, our dependent variable is based on responses to the question: “Over the past year, how often, if ever, have you or anyone in your family: Gone without enough food to eat?” (0 = Never, 1 = Just once or twice, 2 = Several times, 3 = Many times, 4 = Always). Responses were reverse-coded so that households indicating higher values were relatively more food secure.
Independent Variables
For migrant remittances, we relied on the survey question: “How often, if at all, do you or anyone in your household receive money remittances from friends or relatives living outside of the country?” (5 = At least once a month, 4 = At least every three months, 3 = At least every six months, 2 = At least once a year, 1 = Less than once a year, 0 = Never). We created “remittances” equal to 1 if the respondent indicated having received international remittances at least once a year or more and 0 otherwise. This construction is consistent with how previous studies have operationalized remittances (e.g., Verpoorten et al. 2013; Ivlevs, Nikolova, and Graham 2019; Sulemana, Bugri Anarfo, and Quartey 2019; Sulemana, Doabil, and Anarfo 2019). We controlled for other covariates of food security established in the literature on migration and food security, including demographic characteristics like age, gender, and education (Kuwornu, Suleyman, and Amegashie 2013; Kassie, Ndiritu, and Stage 2014; Generoso 2015; Regmi and Paudel 2016; Regmi and Paudel 2017), unemployment (Loopstra and Tarasuk 2013; Etana and Tolossa 2017), asset ownership (Guo 2011), access to electricity (Habtewold 2018) and pipe water (Iram and Butt 2004), and rural versus urban residence (Verpoorten et al. 2013).
Empirical Models
Following McKelvey and Zavoina (1975), we model the individual's household FSS as a function of their receipt or otherwise of migrant remittances, their demographic characteristics, and other covariates. A household's FSS can be transformed into an unobserved latent index
Because the dependent variable is ordinal, we, first, ran ordered probit regressions for the models (e.g., McKelvey and Zavoina 1975; Wooldridge 2010; Greene 2012). For the potential endogeneity problem, we implemented an IV ordered probit (IV-ordered probit) estimation procedure, using the conditional mixed process (cmp) command, a user-written command in STATA (Roodman 2011). The cmp framework works like seemingly unrelated regressions (SUR) but allows for binary, ordinal, categorical, or censored variables (Roodman 2011). An instrument for remittances is suitable if it is correlated with remittances (i.e., relevance) but uncorrelated with the error term in equation (1). In other words, the instrument itself should not cause food insecurity but should affect food security through remittances (i.e., exclusion restriction). We employed the IV ordered probit approach because, unlike most other adjustment approaches such as stratification, mixing, and multiple regression, IV ordered probit has the advantage of being able to account for all confounders, including unobserved ones such as propensity ratings (Hanck et al. 2020). This method is used to approximate causal inferences and to assess exogenous treatment variance (Hanck et al. 2020). IVs are used in the IV ordered probit technique in multiple regression to assess an exogenous part of the variability from an endogenous predictor. In other words, this strategy helps us use only the portion of the predictor variance that is “arguably random,” that is, unrelated to unobservable variables that influence both the predictor and the outcome. Researchers may use this procedure to estimate the causal relationship between the result and the predictor (Stock and Yogo 2004; Hanck et al. 2020). However, finding such an instrument has proven to be cumbersome, as has been noted in similar studies (e.g., Pfutze 2012; Ivlevs, Nikolova, and Graham 2019; Sulemana, Doabil, and Anarfo 2019).
Adams and Page (2005) have argued that countries with high levels of political instability are more likely to produce more migrants. Building on this argument, Sulemana et al. (2019) contend that people who believe that their country is moving in the wrong direction may be more likely to emigrate. Similarly, with the question, “Would you say that the country is going in the wrong direction or going in the right direction?,” we created an instrument for remittances equal to 1 for respondents that felt that their country was moving in the wrong direction and 0 otherwise to the question. If this instrument is valid, it practically suggests that the F-statistic in the first stage regression will be higher than 10 (Stock and Yogo 2004).
Results and Discussion
As noted earlier, our overarching objective is to explore whether there are variations in the magnitude of the association between international remittances and food security across income groups in Sub-Saharan Africa, based on national income. In what follows, we discuss the results of our econometric analysis. At the outset, we note that the results presented here do not establish causation between international remittances and food security; rather, they provide conditional correlations between them. Table 2 reports the summary statistics for the independent variables by income classification. Respondents’ average age was 37 for low-income countries, about 36 for lower-middle income countries, and 38 for upper-middle income countries. Half of respondents in each country grouping were female, while their educational attainments varied considerably. About 42 percent of respondents in low-income countries had primary education or less, but the corresponding statistics for lower-middle income and upper-middle income countries were 22.88 percent and 13.25 percent, respectively. Additionally, 31.41 percent of respondents had attained secondary-school education in low-income countries, compared to 51.67 percent for lower-middle income and 64.92 percent for upper-middle income countries. Only 5.17 percent, 11.43 percent, and 13.69 percent of respondents had attained university education in low-income, lower-middle income, and upper-middle income countries, respectively.
Summary Statistics for the Independent Variables by Income Classification Group.
Note: the number of observations was 24,648 for low-income countries, 16,295 for the lower-middle income countries, 7,138 for the upper-middle income countries, and N = 48,081 for the pooled sample.
Interestingly, the data show a higher proportion of respondents being unemployed in upper-middle income countries (28.90 percent) than in lower-middle income countries (26.78 percent) and low-income countries (20.84 percent). Asset ownership was higher in upper-middle income and lower-middle income countries than in low-income countries. 2 The data also show significant variations in access to electricity and pipe water across country groupings. While only 33.06 percent of respondents in low-income countries had electricity connection, about 73.32 percent of respondents in lower-middle countries and 84.79 percent of respondents in upper-middle income countries had electricity connection. Also, 43.68 percent of respondents in low-income countries reported having access to pipe water, compared to 65.44 percent for lower-middle income countries and 85.54 percent for upper-middle income countries. Finally, while the majority (53.81 percent) of respondents in upper-middle income countries resided in urban areas, that figure was lower in both low-income countries (30.61 percent) and lower-middle income countries (45.73 percent). The proportion of respondents who had received international remittances in the last year was highest for lower-middle income countries (19.91 percent), compared to 15.31 percent and 7.73 percent in low-income and upper-middle income countries, respectively.
Figure 2 reports the distribution of responses to the food security question. Less than 5 percent of respondents for each country grouping reported that they “always” went without enough food to eat. However, almost 15 percent of respondents in low-income countries and almost 8 percent of respondents in lower-middle income and upper-middle income countries reported that they went without enough food to eat “many times” over the past year. Additionally, 22.26 percent of the respondents reported they had gone without enough food “several times” in low-income countries, compared to 16.09 percent in lower-middle income countries and 14.47 percent in upper-middle income countries. This trend suggests that food insecurity is more severe in low-income countries than in lower-middle and upper-middle income countries, a finding supported by the proportion of respondents who indicated that they had never gone without enough food to eat (45.75 percent of respondents in low-income countries, 57.98 percent of respondents in lower-middle income countries, and 62.27 percent of respondents in upper-middle countries).

Distribution of Responses to the Question “Over the past year, how often, if ever, have you or anyone in your family: gone without enough food to eat?” by Country Groupings.
To explore whether households that received remittances were more likely to report being food secure, we performed cross tabulations for remittance receipt and FSS. The results, presented in Table 3, show that respondents who had never received international remittances were disproportionately more likely to indicate having gone without food for all income classification categories. Yet, among those who received remittances, it cannot be concluded unambiguously that they more frequently were more food secure. 3
Cross-Tabulation for Remittances Receipts and Food Security status.
Table 4 reports the ordered probit and IV-ordered probit regression results for the three country groupings by income classification. In the odd-numbered models, we regressed food security on the independent variables while excluding country fixed effects. We, then, repeated the exercise but included the country fixed effects and reported the results in the even-numbered models. In both instances, the results were identical, even though the coefficient on remittances increases for the models in which we controlled for country fixed effects. In the ordered probit models, we found a positive and statistically significant association between remittances and FSS for low-income and lower-middle income countries at the 0.1 percent level. The ordered probit regression results for upper-middle income countries (Models 9 and 10) did not show a statistically significant association between remittances and food security. The marginal effects for Models 2, 6, and 8 are reported in Tables A, B, and C in the Supplemental Appendix. The results show that, relative to households that did not receive international remittances within the reference period, those who received remittances were about 5.70 percent and 3.27 percent more likely to report having never gone without enough food to eat in low-income and lower-middle income countries, respectively. These respondents were also significantly less likely to report having gone without enough food to eat “just once or twice,” “several times,” “many times,” and “always” in those groups of countries.
Ordered Probit and IV-Ordered Probit Regression Results for the Association Between Remittances and Household Food Security.
Note: * p < 0.05, ** p < 0.01, *** p < 0.001. Standard errors are in parentheses.
The second stage IV-ordered probit regression results are reported in Models 3 and 4 for low-income countries, in Models 7 and 8 for lower-middle income countries, and in Models 11 and 12 for upper-middle income countries. All regressions reveal a statistically significant association between migrant remittances and food security at the 0.1 percent level. The marginal effects for Models 4, 8, and 12 are also shown in Tables A, B, and C in the Supplemental Appendix for low-income, lower-middle income, and upper-middle income countries, respectively. After correcting for endogeneity, we found that remittance-receiving households were 83.59 percent more likely to report that they had never gone without enough food to eat in low-income countries. 72.66 percent of respondents in lower-middle income countries and 26.06 percent of respondents in upper-middle income countries were more likely to report that they had never gone without enough food to eat. The F-statistics in the first stage regressions were all higher than 10, suggesting that the IV for remittances is valid (Stock and Yogo 2004). 4 The control variables had their expected signs and statistical significance. Hence, for brevity and economy of space, we do not discuss them here.
Prior studies have shown that food insecurity afflicts many countries, regardless of their income classification. For instance, Gorton, Bullen, and Mhurchu (2010, 1), in a literature review, noted that food insecurity is pervasive on a global scale: “29% amongst low-income households in the United Kingdom (UK), 20% of households with children in New Zealand, 15% in Canada, 11% in the United States, and 5% in Australia.” Following the above, our results suggest a positive association between international remittances and food security for all three country groupings in sub-Saharan Africa. Nevertheless, the extent of this association varies across these country groupings, with the strongest association occurring in low-income countries. This result is evidenced by the findings that (1) the association between international remittances and food security was statistically insignificant for upper-middle income countries for the ordered probit models and (2) there were relatively higher marginal effects for low-income countries compared to lower-middle income and upper-middle income countries for the IV-ordered probit regressions.
There are several plausible explanations for the positive association between remittances and household food security in lower-income and upper-middle income countries. Because poverty is a major determinant of food insecurity (Regmi and Paudel 2016), the receipt of remittances could improve the household food insecurity situation by augmenting household incomes. In addition to mostly accruing to low-income households, remittances have been shown to help such families rise in income quintiles within their country (De and Ratha 2012). Therefore, it may be that remittances supplement household incomes and, thus, improve remittance-receiving households’ FSS. Additionally, studies have shown that remittances alleviate households’ economic hardship in times of shocks (Quartey 2006a; Quartey 2006b; Munyegera and Matsumoto 2016; Regmi and Paudel 2017) and serve as capital for investing in education, health, small-scale businesses, and livestock farming (Diatta and Mbow 1999; Sofranko and Idris 1999; Amuedo-Dorantes and Pozo 2006). Hence, it may be that returns from these investments help households better their economic lot and, thereby, improve their FSS.
Conclusion and Policy Implications
Food insecurity has deleterious consequences for human health and well-being (Dunifon and Kowaleski-Jones 2003; Cook et al. 2004; Seligman et al. 2007; Sulemana and James 2019), and the incidences of poverty and food insecurity in developing countries have led to an increasing proportion of their citizens emigrating to developed countries in pursuit of better economic opportunities (World Bank 2018). As a result, international remittances to Africa have not only increased significantly (Ratha, 2005; Anyanwu and Erhijakpor 2010; Masron and Subramaniam 2018) but also become a crucial source of family income and development finance (Mabrouk and Mekni 2018). Previous studies on migration and remittances have shown that international remittances positively influence recipient households’ livelihoods (FAO 2008; Karamba, Quiñones, and Winters 2011; Zaman and Akbar 2013; Generoso 2015; Atuoye et al. 2017). In particular, a strand of the literature on remittances and food security has documented that remittance-receiving households report significantly better household FSS than their non-receiving counterparts (Babatunde and Martinetti 2011; Generoso 2015; Regmi and Paudel 2016, 2017; Mabrouk and Mekni 2018; Sulemana, Bugri Anarfo, and Quartey 2019).
We found some evidence that international remittances are positively and significantly correlated with household food security at the 0.1 percent level for all three country groupings investigated here. For instance, relative to households that did not receive international remittances over the past year, those who received remittances were about 5.70 percent in low-income countries and 3.27 percent in lower-middle income countries more likely to report having never gone without enough food to eat. Furthermore, after correcting for endogeneity, our results revealed that remittance-receiving households were 83.59 percent more likely to report that they had never gone without enough food to eat in low-income countries. 72.66 percent of respondents in lower-middle income countries and 26.06 percent of respondents in upper-middle income countries were more likely to report that they had never gone without enough food. Accordingly, we conclude that while international remittances are correlated with food security for all three country groupings, the extent of the correlation is much stronger for low-income countries than for lower-middle and upper-middle income countries in sub-Saharan Africa. Thus, our findings demonstrate that increased remittances could support the achievement of the second Sustainable Development Goal, especially for low-income sub-Saharan African countries. Because food security is complexly related to peace, conflict, and security (FAO 2016), improving food security in the region via migrant remittances could ultimately help reduce extremism and radicalism surfacing in parts of the sub-region (Abdih et al. 2012).
The findings presented here point to two key policy recommendations. First, central governments and policymakers in Africa and the world at large should focus on improving the effectiveness and efficiency of international remittances transfer to reduce food insecurity in the continent. Such policies should aim at strengthening the continent's financial systems in a bid to make international remittance transfers easier, especially in low-income and middle-income countries. Africa is the most expensive continent to send money to and within, and as of the fourth quarter of 2018, the average cost of international remittances to Africa was 9 percent, compared to the global average of 7 percent (Natali and Isaacs 2020). Therefore, African policymakers should prioritize easing the difficulties and costs involved in remitting to help alleviate food insecurity across the continent. Second, international migration remains an area of concern in Africa (IOM 2019). Many sub-Saharan Africans continue to perish in the desert and in the Mediterranean Sea in attempts to seek economic asylum in others parts of the globe, especially Europe (Dünnwald, 2011). Research has shown that the restrictions of African migrants to Europe do not correspond to less Africans out-migration but, rather, to more unauthorized migration and fewer returns (Beauchemin, Flahaux, and Schoumaker 2020). Since migrant remittances are an essential ingredient for food security in sub-Saharan Africa and, more importantly, in lower-income and lower-middle income countries, central governments and policymakers should work toward policies and multilateral agreements that ease restrictions on migration and provide protection for migrants against violence, inhumane, and barbaric treatment while abroad.
This article is not without limitations. First, there are several other household-level variables (i.e., marital status, household structure, etc.) that could be incorporated into our analyses to strengthen our results. However, because such pieces of information were not captured by the Afrobarometer Surveys, we could not include them in our empirical analyses. Second, an ideal dataset for our analyses would have information on household incomes and monetary values of actual remittances received. The Afrobarometer Surveys, however, ask respondents about neither their household income nor their income from international remittances. Third, a legitimate argument is that our analyses should be limited to responses from individuals in informed positions about the overall household's food security situation and remittance receipt (i.e., the household head). 5 However, we could not incorporate this informed position about food security because the surveys were designed to fulfil a gender quota by alternating interviews between men and women without identifying them as household heads or otherwise. These limitations affect our results in terms of the efficiencies and consistency of the parameter estimates, but those results can still be of use as a tool for policy purposes. A direction for future research would be to explore a measure of international remittances that captures migrants’ cash, goods, and services received back home (Crush and Caesar 2016).
Supplemental Material
sj-docx-1-mrx-10.1177_01979183221107925 - Supplemental material for Migrant Remittances and Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa: The Role of Income Classifications
Supplemental material, sj-docx-1-mrx-10.1177_01979183221107925 for Migrant Remittances and Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa: The Role of Income Classifications by Iddisah Sulemana, Ebenezer Bugri Anarfo, and Louis Doabil in International Migration Review
Footnotes
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The authors received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Notes
References
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