Integration Based on Socio-economic Status? Everyday Interactions and Boundary (Un)making Between Mainland Skilled Professionals and Locals in Hong Kong

NMCIs (Xin Yiming) in Hong Kong

According to the Hong Kong Census and Statistics Department, from 1997 to 2015, around 879,000 first-time immigrants from mainland China settled in Hong Kong. Most migrated for family reunions through the One-Way Permit (OWP) System, which allows a daily quota of 150 immigrants from mainland China. In 2018–2019, for example, 44,400 OWP holders entered Hong Kong. ³

The flow of NMCIs has caught the attention of scholars and the Hong Kong government, who have focused on their integration and socio-economic impact on Hong Kong. Even though a majority of Hong Kongers support family reunion visas and importing talent and labor as needed (O’Neil 2017), problems and tensions exist between NMCIs and Hong Kongers due to the large size of the migrant flow and the political, economic, cultural, and ethnic identity differences between the two populations (Ip 2015; Nagy 2015; Wong 2015).

NMCIs in Hong Kong are an important case in the study of migration, ethnicity, cultural diversity, and integration. NMCIs come from a country with political sovereignty over the host society, yet they have problems with integration; thus, their migration and integration experiences are different from those of other migrant groups in Hong Kong (Ladegaard 2017; Ullah 2013). Scholars have reported that differences exist between NMCIs and locals in terms of culture, political/ethnic identity (Chinese nationalism vs. localism), and language (Mandarin vs. Cantonese) (Lee and Chou 2018; Nagy 2015; Wong 2015). On ethnic identity, in particular, the latest surveys suggest that the proportion of Hong Kongers identifying themselves as “Hong Kong citizens” outnumbers those who identify as “Chinese citizens.” ⁴

The Pro-democracy, or “Umbrella Movement” that started in Hong Kong in 2014 is a good example of the tensions inherent in local anti-China sentiment (Ho 2018; Ip 2015). The 2019 Anti-Extradition Bill protests reflected and further aroused anti-mainland Chinese sentiment in Hong Kong (Jackson 2020). The protests and increasing tensions highlighted differences in the political roots and ethnic identity of Hong Kongers vis-à-vis the “Chinese” identity shared with mainlanders (Ku 2020; Lee 2020). Such socio-political differences are an important case of boundary-making/unmaking among NMCIs and Hong Kongers.

MSPs in Hong Kong

In addition to family visas, a significant number of mainland Chinese have also come to Hong Kong since 2003 under the Admission Scheme for Mainland Talents and Professionals (ASMTP). ⁵ The Hong Kong government has also implemented other migration schemes, such as the Capital Investment Entrant Scheme and the Quality Migrant Admission Scheme, to attract investors and professionals from mainland China (Ngo and Li 2016, 732).

Existing studies on NMCIs mostly center on those who came to Hong Kong under the one-way permit scheme and the impact they have on social welfare resources. These studies claim NMCIs tend to be discriminated against due to their low socio-economic status and human capital (Lee et al. 2017). In reality, it is not always the case that NMCIs are poorer and have lower education levels (Kennedy 2012), but for Hong Kongers, the stereotype has resonance, and they believe NMCIs rely heavily on social assistance and compete for a limited supply of public housing, schools, and hospital resources (Lee et al. 2016, 2017; Nagy 2015; Wong 2015).

In contrast to NMCIs, there has been little research on the integration experiences of MSPs and whether and how interactions with locals change or reinforce existing stereotypes and prejudice. Although MSPs may face similar stereotyping and discrimination to that faced by NMCIs, their social interactions and integration experiences may differ because of their socio-economic status and human capital. Furthermore, little research has examined the meaning of integration for MSPs or how the mutual perceptions of MSPs and Hong Kongers are reproduced and transformed.

Thus, in addition to examining language barriers, discrimination or social support, and the institutional constraint of legal regulations, this study shifts the focus to the everyday interactions (especially in the workplace) and integration of a specific NMCI group — MSPs in Hong Kong — and examines their interaction experiences with Hong Kongers and mutual perceptions, to tease out the influence of socio-economic status and cultural difference.

Group Boundary in Different Social Settings

Studies (e.g., Weber 1968[1922]) have assumed that a racial or ethnic group has a shared culture. It is always difficult, however, to find a clear relationship between shared culture and group boundaries and to determine whether a shared culture exists objectively or is merely subjective. For example, although mainland Chinese share the same ethnicity (Han Chinese) and “Chinese culture” as Hong Kongers, which has been used by both the Chinese and Hong Kong governments to promote a blood-based idea of Chinese identity, there has been dissatisfaction with a shared cultural heritage and Han Chinese ethnic and cultural identity among Hong Kongers (Lin and Jackson 2021). Some scholars also argue that Hong Kongers see mainland Chinese as a different “race” and culturally different (Lowe and Tsang 2017).

Barth (1969) extends Weber's (1968[1922]) definition of an ethnic group and proposes that only through subjects can objective differences such as language and culture have meaning. He argues that ethnicity is not a matter of shared traits but rather of practices of classification and categorization, including both self-classification and classification by others (1969, 13–14). He does, however, recognize that culture is always in flux, and can be contradictory, and incoherent. Group boundaries may have varied cultural “contents,” such as history, language, norms, and social practices. Thus, Barth chooses to focus on subjective aspects of culture, such as individual experiences and cognitions.

The cognition process is important because it provides us with another way of thinking and explaining group relations and boundaries. Brubaker et al. (2004) highlight the importance of culture on people's subjectivity and state that the focus should be on how actors see and interpret the social world. Echoing the emphasis on the subject's cognition that is found in the work of both Brubaker and Barth, this research examines whether and how MSPs and Hong Kongers perceive and draw boundaries between the two groups.

While agreeing with the ideas of Barth and Brubaker, Wimmer (2013) claims that boundary-making should be based on context, because ethnicity may matter in certain societies but not in others, as group boundaries are always shaped and reshaped by historical processes and depend on various contexts (Nagel 1994). In Hong Kong, Lee (2020), for example, has demonstrated that Hong Konger identity and group boundaries with mainland Chinese are shaped and changed by context.

The workplace is a crucial contact zone (Pratt 1991) that I highlight in this study. MSPs come to Hong Kong for work, and the workplace involves power relationships — job market competition (Lee and Chou 2018), supervisor–subordinate relations, and teamwork — where political/ethnic identity and cultural difference may constitute a boundary between MSPs and locals. To gain a better picture of MSPs’ everyday lives, research has examined where boundary crossing occurs and how it presents in different ways across various social settings, such as community organizations, churches/temples, interest groups, and online communities (Liu 1998; Wong 2005). Scholars have also found that the delineation of different identities can be a strategy for managing differences and making/unmaking group boundaries in various social settings (Li 2016, 2020).

Community and social life are also important social settings for immigrants. Through participating in transnational social networks, immigrants can maintain ongoing connections with the country and culture from which they originate (Levitt 2001; Waldinger 2015). Although social networks and community organizations help in finding a job, business networking, acquiring relevant information, and providing emotional support, scholars still debate whether such networks limit members’ interactions with locals. For example, mainlanders may socialize with people coming from similar backgrounds and form close-knit homogeneous groups, which may restrict their opportunities to interact with locals and thus impede their integration. Studies have found that NMCIs in Hong Kong tend to live in their “own little worlds,” limiting their opportunities to secure good jobs (Peach 1996). Activities, everyday practices, and discourses in their own networks may also reflect and shape specific cultural beliefs, values, and identities that reproduce differences between them and the locals. In addition, insularity may increase the likelihood of being discriminated against by Hong Kongers (Zhao 2015).

Yet, we are still left with the question of whether MSPs’ social integration outcomes and interaction patterns with the locals. MSPs may have more opportunities to interact with locals at work than one-way permit holders have. They may have different social lives based on their socio-economic status and social networks and may receive different treatment from locals.

Acknowledging the situational character of group boundaries, this study examines interaction experiences between MSPs and Hong Kongers in different social settings, particularly in the workplace. This article advances the current discussion on boundary making/unmaking by: (1) linking boundary work to the social integration of MSPs and exploring whether MSPs experience boundary making/unmaking with locals in specific ways; (2) linking boundary work to stereotyping, investigating whether the stereotyping of or prejudice against NMCIs is ameliorated for MSPs with a higher socio-economic status; and (3) ascertaining whether boundary crossing varies across different social settings, and why or why not.

In this study, I refer to boundary making/unmaking as the processes which involve interactions and changing perceptions between MSPs and Hong Kongers. Given boundary making/unmaking is a two-way process in which both MSPs and locals participate, this research examines locals’ perceptions of, and interactions with, MSPs as well as the perspectives of the MSPs themselves.

Stereotyping due to Socio-economic Status and Ethnicity

Following Barth and Brubaker's focus on subjective experiences and cognitions, scholars also define stereotypes as “set of beliefs about the shared attributes of a group of people.” (Ashmore and Del Boca 1981; Judd and Park 1993). As mentioned above, due to political/ethnic identity conflict and cultural/language differences, Hong Kongers have stereotypes of migrants from mainland China (especially the less skilled ones) and see them as social burdens. Wang (2012), for example, found that Hong Kongers distinguish (and discriminate against) all mainlanders regardless of the level of skills they possess. Ethnic and cultural essentialism has led scholars to claim that Hong Kongers see mainlanders as a different “race” (Lowe and Tsang 2017).

Migration research has focused on the intersection of socio-economic status and race/ethnicity (Espiritu 1994; Honig 2020). In the case of Asian Americans, for example, their achievements and socio-economic status have not eliminated prejudice against them (Sue 2010). Other scholars have shown that highly skilled migrants tend to self-identify as “world citizens” and experience a minimal sense of belonging in the receiving society (Geurts et al. 2021). Building upon this literature, this study asks whether high socio-economic status and skills decrease the stereotyping associated with NMCIs and lead to smoother social integration for MSPs. Previous studies (Lee and Chou 2018; Lee et al. 2016, 2017) have used survey data to examine Hong Kongers’ attitudes and sentiments toward NMCIs with different skills, but qualitative studies on MSPs’ subjective thoughts and experiences of social interaction with locals remain insufficient. Interviews can yield deeper insights into boundary-making/unmaking processes and why MSPs and locals see each other in certain ways.

Scholars have suggested that helping mainland Chinese immigrants achieve economic integration may not be necessary, as their earnings are comparable with those of the locals (Tong et al. 2022). The question, then, is whether their social integration is reflected in the degree of their economic integration. Focusing on MSPs’ subjectivity along with Hong Kongers’ perceptions of and interactions with MSPs, this study examines the everyday lives of MSPs and highlights the stereotyping of NMCIs, the mutual perceptions of MSPs and Hong Kongers (taking socio-economic status and skills into account), and the meaning of social integration for MSPs. This is a complex picture — for example, the stereotyping of MSPs may be confused by ethnic and/or cultural differences and material realities (e.g., MSPs occupy “better” jobs and possess higher socio-economic status). This study examines whether stereotypes are changed or reproduced through interaction processes.

Research Design

Between September 2020 and December 2021, I interviewed 24 MSPs and 24 Hong Kongers about their interaction experiences with, and perceptions of, people from the other group. Given that boundary making/unmaking is a two-way process, this study recruited native-born Hong Kongers or those who came to Hong Kong before the age of 6 for interviews ⁶ to understand how they perceive and interact with MSPs. I chose MSPs and local Hong Kongers from two major sectors — the finance and education industries — where a substantial number of MSPs work ⁷ and thus arguably have higher skill levels and educational attainments, have higher incomes, and are perceived as having a higher socio-economic status than one-way permit holders. The respondents from the education industry include teachers, research assistants, administrative staff, and technicians; for the finance industry, the respondents include bankers, accountants, insurance agents, financial analysts, and customer service representatives. The dynamics between MSPs and locals are subject to workplace culture (e.g., frequency and type of interactions with the other group) and labor market conditions (e.g., for some mainland capital businesses the target customers are mainland Chinese and the language used is generally Mandarin).

I strategically focus on workplaces as a crucial contact zone (Pratt 1991), given that MSPs come to Hong Kong mostly for work. Furthermore, the workplace involves power relationships, such as job market competition, supervisor–subordinate relations, and teamwork in workplace, where regular interactions are likely to occur between MSPs and locals. However, to gain a better picture of everyday MSPs’ lives and social integration, I also compare other offline and online social settings. I asked respondents to identify other social settings — community organizations, churches/temples, interest groups, and online communities — where they have physical or virtual interactions with the other group. I asked them to specify the types and experiences of interaction that they have with the other group in particular settings and whether and how these interactions change or reinforce their perceptions of each other.

Respondent Recruitment

This research used both purposive sampling and snowball sampling to select informants (Tongco 2007), and to diversify the pool of interviewees based on gender, age, length of residence (for MSPs), Cantonese fluency, family composition (married to MSPs/Hong Kongers or not), job position, etc. This was important because social interaction and integration experiences vary between people with different backgrounds and different resources (Nagy 2015), and working in different companies with different working cultures and capital sources (e.g., China/HK/foreign-funded enterprises) may also shape the patterns of social interaction and language used for communication between MSPs and locals. These factors need to be documented and analyzed together with the perceptions and interactions each group has of the other.

To avoid homogeneity among respondents, I recruited respondents through various channels, including personal connections (MSPs/locals whom I know, working in financial and education sectors), respondent referral after the interviews, and sending invitations to suitable potential interviewees through online social media. ⁸ (e.g., www.gangpiaoquan.com/, www.meetup.com/cities/hk/hong_kong/, Facebook pages, etc.). To allow for a closer comparison of the experiences and perceptions of each group both “at work” and “outside work,” I recruited people who reported having Hong Konger/mainlander colleagues, and/or employers/employees, and who further reported that they had socialized with the other group beyond work. Hong Kongers were recruited separately to avoid the bias that might be caused by interviewing people who were introduced to the research by MSPs, as such people would potentially have positive and established relationships with MSPs.

Interview Process

I conducted interviews with respondents at cafés away from their workplaces or via the Internet during the pandemic. As a native Mandarin speaker in Hong Kong, I reflected on my positionality in relation to MSPs and Hong Kongers, and made sure the interview questions are not projecting “how I think” they would see each other, nor drawing on similar or different experiences with either group I had in Hong Kong as a Mandarin speaker. This is part of the reason why this study adopted semi-structured interviews and allowed respondents to more openly share their interaction experiences and perceptions of the other group. I am also aware that respondents may have concerns about my political stance or intentions, especially from local Hong Kongers. The concern could lead them to hide their “real” thoughts. To avoid potential bias, before the interview, I told respondents that this research holds a neutral position on issues regarding Chinese nationalism, the notion of “One Country, Two Systems,” and other politically sensitive topics. It was important to encourage participants to view my questions as being academically motivated rather than furthering a perceived political agenda. To familiarize participants with the interview process and create a comfortable atmosphere, I started the interview with casual questions about their work and the types of activities they participate in at weekends. After the first few questions, I elicited details about their everyday interactions with the other group, such as what topics they talk about, and how certain interaction experiences influence their perception of the other group.

The interview guide included: the nature and degree of interaction at work and in various social settings, perceptions of the other group before and after interaction, the experiences of such interactions, and whether certain experiences influence MSPs’ lives in Hong Kong. For MSPs, I focused on their experiences of and thoughts on social integration in Hong Kong (e.g., feeling included or excluded in certain settings and why, having local friends or not, etc.), and linked their answers to their interaction experience with locals. For Hong Kongers, I focused on how they perceived and interacted with MSPs. I use pseudonyms here to maintain respondent anonymity.

Data Analysis

After collecting the interview data, I uploaded interview transcripts into NVivo software and used inductive coding to create codes based on the literature on boundary making and unmaking between the two groups (codes include the creation or dissolution of distance, language barrier, needs and strategies for boundary making/unmaking, etc.) and stereotyping of the other group (codes include the generalization about group attributes, positive or negative attributes, explanations for stereotyping, change of stereotypes, etc.). I paid attention to keywords such as “belonging,” “discrimination,” “segregation/isolation,” “stereotype,” “stigma,” “interaction,” “trust,” “involvement,” “(social)integration,” “PRC-Chinese” (or Daluren), “Hong Konger,” ‘Mandarin,” “Cantonese,” “political,” “cultural,” “difference,” “similarity,” “(in)equality,” “identity/identification,” etc., and some emotional terms (such as “enjoyable,” “upset,” “comfortable/uncomfortable,” “included/excluded,” and “offended”).

MSPs: “No Need for Social Integration”

For MSPs, their migration trajectory (i.e., finding a job through prior study in Hong Kong or being directly hired from China), length of stay, and industry type all play an important role in influencing their interaction experiences with locals. MSP respondents agree that those who received their degrees in Hong Kong have greater familiarity with the local culture and wider participation in local networks.

Language is an important factor in influencing integration. Although English and Mandarin are spoken in Hong Kong, the dominant language is still Cantonese. Most MSP respondents do not think they have fully integrated into Hong Kong society due to their lack of Cantonese proficiency. Language has political meaning and can draw boundaries between “us” versus “them,” and thus, not knowing or speaking Cantonese can reinforce the image of “otherness.” Loretta, for example, commented:

Another respondent, Lucy, also highlighted the importance of Cantonese to her integration into Hong Kong:

My feeling is that you can’t easily break the boundary with a Hong Konger if you don’t speak Cantonese. Taking me, for example, I only get to know their emotions and what they’re thinking about when I start to speak Cantonese with them. If I don’t speak or understand Cantonese, it's impossible to build ties with locals.

Lucy said that it is important for migrants to show some “willingness” to try to speak Cantonese to dissolve the boundaries with locals, even if they cannot speak it very fluently or speak it with an accent. Although most respondents agreed that Cantonese is essential for further integration into the local society, they argued that fluency is not necessary, and it is usually sufficient if migrants can understand it partially or use it for daily exchanges. Furthermore, it may not be “necessary,” especially for MSPs who work in Chinese-funded companies where Mandarin is the major language of communication. With the continuing “mainlandization of Hong Kong,” Mandarin and “mainland capital” (e.g., strong mainland business networks, or familiarity with the mainland legal or tax system) are becoming more important (Li 2022; Tong et al. 2022). Thus, even without Cantonese proficiency, MSP respondents revealed that they can live comfortably within their “small worlds” in their daily lives. Joyce, for example, commented on her integration:

Being a Hong Konger was not the most important thing for me when I decided to move to and work in Hong Kong. I don’t feel there's an urgent need to behave like a local. I can speak Cantonese and that benefits me, but I can still integrate well without speaking Cantonese fluently.

Joyce's comments reveal her own sense of identity. In fact, none of the MSP respondents in this study self-identify as Hong Konger — they see themselves as a “mainlander in Hong Kong.” For Joyce, the issue is not whether she can successfully “integrate” into Hong Kong society; she said that even if one tries hard, ultimately one may not be “accepted” by locals, so she instead retains her own lifestyle, habits, and values. Loretta expressed a similar view: “I don’t think I am excluded by the locals. I feel it's more like I exclude them!.” Joyce's and Loretta's comments echo the point made in transnationalism literature (Levitt 2001; Waldinger 2015) that integrating into local culture is one's own decision and is not linear progress that will eventually happen as one stays for a longer period of time or receives permanent residency. Neither does participate in local networks necessarily suggest that a sense of belonging to the local society will increase accordingly.

In fact, most MSPs joined local social networks for job-related reasons (e.g., professional associations), sharing childcare, or for gaining information about living in Hong Kong. Linda, who works in a bank, provided another observation that integration is not an important issue in a cosmopolitan society like Hong Kong:

Hong Kong society is the kind of society that wouldn’t force everyone to assimilate or to live in a particular way to become a Hong Konger. It's cosmopolitan and multicultural here. So, I feel comfortable living in my own way.

In contrast to findings that highly skilled migrants have little sense of belonging in the receiving society because they self-identify as “world citizens” (Geurts et al. 2021), sometimes the reason for not feeling a need to integrate is the “small world” phenomenon. Several participants mentioned that they have their own “small groups” or networks, either based on graduating from the same university or working in similar industries, and said they feel more “comfortable” socializing with people from a similar background. Although some did try to expose themselves to local culture and activities, most have little desire to develop regular and deeper interactions with locals unless they are work-related. Claudia, for example, used the idea of a “comfort zone” to describe her segregated experience between mainlander and local networks:

I can speak Cantonese, but I mostly talk to Hong Kong colleagues or friends about more superficial things, like where to eat or go shopping or work-related stuff. I found they [locals] don’t open their hearts easily or trust people. But with other mainland immigrants, it's easier for me to get in my comfort zone because we share a similar culture, or experiences, and we can talk about deeper stuff, like Hong Kong's future, sharing secrets or feelings, struggles, [and] values.

Like local Hong Kongers (as will be discussed below), MSPs distinguish between work and personal life, and the latter does not normally include the other group. MSPs differed in their degrees of interaction with other groups and found it easier to make friends with mainlanders. As one respondent, Mike, said, “It's better to keep the relationship [with locals] professional. When interacting with them, I have to consider whether my approach is inappropriate in their culture which may offend them, and that's stressful.”

Several respondents mentioned that the work–life boundary is a key reason why locals do not develop more social relations with mainlanders outside work, whereas in China, the public–private boundary is less clear. Another respondent, Howard, pointed out that cultural differences also reinforce the boundary between himself and the locals:

I am from Shenzhen. Geographically speaking, it's really close to Hong Kong. But the cultural boundaries between me and Hong Kongers are wide and hard to cross. After working and interacting with them, I gradually realized that people who grew up in different cultural contexts have very different ways of thinking. You can probably say this is a ‘cultural gap’, like you can’t catch the point when they’re telling jokes, and it hinders a closer connection.

The “small world” among MSPs further fuels a narrative based on socio-economic status that excludes other NMCIs, such as one-way permit holders. Cathy, who earned her master's degree in Hong Kong and now works as an accountant, said:

I did participate in some mainland networks and know some mainlanders through a mothers’ group. But most of the mainlanders I know are similar to me and are in a reasonable economic situation … our topics of interest, values, and hobbies are similar to each other's. Other immigrants—like one-way permit holders or those who rely on welfare resources—I don’t have the chance to meet them. Skilled migrants and NMCIs are basically two different groups here in Hong Kong and I don’t see much overlap between them.

Respondents like Cathy, however, are aware of the negative stereotypes of mainlanders from the locals’ perspective. None of the MSP respondents felt that they receive better treatment from locals simply because of their higher socio-economic status or skills. Instead, they are often “mistaken” for other NMCIs, due to their accent or limited Cantonese. In other words, socio-economic differences may be secondary to stereotypes or first impressions of ethnic/cultural differences (between mainlanders and Hong Kongers) in daily life, especially when there is a lack of deeper interaction. Stereotypes may also be strengthened due to the influence of media portrayals, which often highlight the impact and burden of NMCIs’ inflow to Hong Kong.

Furthermore, the hostility from locals not only centers on concern about limited social welfare resources, but also reflect employment competition, regardless of skill level. Adrian, who worked in a local bank, commented:

There are hostilities toward mainlanders. They [Hong Kongers] feel you came here and took their jobs. They know that salaries here are much higher than in China so some would feel … a sense of relative deprivation. They think it's unfair that mainlanders get higher salaries than locals.

Boundary unmaking requires one to show a willingness to understand the other. In this aspect, MSPs did not feel that locals made any effort. Jason, for example, said:

Some of my local friends have some misunderstandings or stereotypes of China and mainlanders, or they lack the incentives to understand us. It bothers me sometimes. Even though it doesn’t deter me from having interactions with them, I still feel … it's a pity that our conversations can’t go deeper.

Boundary making is subjective and abstract (Barth 1969). One MSP respondent, Jessie, specifies how she feels about existing boundaries with Hong Kongers:

I don’t think Hong Kongers would intentionally exclude me; I hang out with them sometimes too … but I feel that they don’t treat me as part of their group. Like they might be chatting about some local politics but stop talking once I’m there. I know it may be abstract, but their attitudes toward me … even though they’re polite, I can still feel that there is a distance I can’t easily cross.

The 2019 Anti-ELAB Movement is an event of some importance that has amplified group boundaries and tensions between Hong Kongers and mainlanders. Although most MSPs are sympathetic to the movement and understand Hong Kongers’ anti-China sentiments, group tensions have led to MSPs’ feeling alienated and have reinforced their identity label as members of an out-group. David, who witnessed the protests, expressed the ambiguity of his identity:

I always thought Hong Kong is part of China and theoretically, living here should not give me a sense that I am in a foreign country, right? But when I saw the protests and those signs against mainlanders, I felt unwelcome and excluded. I want to integrate more but feel like people here push me away and treat me as a member of a different group.

David's sense of alienation can be seen in overt instances, such as the refusal of some restaurants to serve customers from mainland China or random physical attacks on mainlanders by locals. Linda mentioned that during the protests, a colleague suggested that she should pretend to be from Singapore instead of China to avoid being attacked. Another respondent, Anna, also highlighted how the movement led her to understand the fundamental assumption about mainlanders among Hong Kongers: “My local colleagues assumed that I’m pro-government and against the movement, so they wouldn’t talk about it with me. They just chatted in Cantonese, which I can’t understand.” Other respondents also shared that sometimes they are asked by locals to reveal their political position or to comment on the protests — a move that might be seen as unmaking boundaries by locals but increases stress for MSPs.

When a discussion involves local politics or different political perspectives, MSPs find it difficult to “break into” the local discussion network. One common reason is that, without knowing locals’ boundaries, a sensible strategy is to avoid starting such a conversation. In contrast to Linda's comments earlier that Hong Kong is a cosmopolitan society allowing for multiple identities, some MSP respondents feel that Hong Konger identity includes particular elements and political stances — pro-movement and a localized ethnic identity, as opposed to the (perceived) pro-China stance of mainlanders.

Locals: The Malleable but Persistent Boundary With MSPs

Like MSPs, Hong Kongers are not homogeneous. Some find it understandable that MSPs do not develop proficiency in Cantonese because they may not stay permanently. ⁹ Yet most locals see language as an important determinant for MSPs’ chances of unmaking boundaries with mainlanders, especially since not every Hong Konger speaks fluent Mandarin. They also expressed the view that MSPs have a responsibility to gain a certain level of Cantonese proficiency if they want to make local friends and fully integrate into local society. As Steven said:

Anyone who migrates to another society … I think it's important to speak the local language. It's a sign of respect for the local people and culture. You can’t expect everyone to speak Mandarin and change their patterns for you. You are the foreigner in this place … [so] it's not going to work, and people are not going to like that.

When discussing the need for Cantonese proficiency, the business environment is another important dimension. As discussed above, MSPs do not need to be able to speak Cantonese to survive in Hong Kong. Mandarin can be an advantage in the labor market, as it allows closer business ties to China and its market (Li 2022). Within Chinese-funded companies, there exist more intimate interactions between locals and MSPs, but these interactions and communications are mainly conducted in Mandarin — and such interactions seldom go beyond the workplace. Like MSPs, Hong Kongers separate their work life from their private life and lack the motivation to extend their friendship network to “others” after work. Even where locals do join the mainlander networks, their motivations are usually work-driven, and include seeking career or networking opportunities.

Beyond work, a lack of proficiency in Cantonese limits further daily interactions with locals. Amanda, for example, said of her MSP colleagues:

They seldom speak Cantonese in Hong Kong, even though some of them may have lived here for more than 10 years. They can probably understand Cantonese, but they mainly speak Mandarin or English. I know some might say, “Hong Kong is an international city; why do I need to learn Cantonese?”. True, but the key is whether you want to have more interactions with locals and learn more about their culture.

Amanda's comments raise another issue of social integration. In addition to the language itself, willingness to learn about local culture is equally important. Another respondent, Joseph, said:

[In terms of whether people are] integrating into Hong Kong or not, I don’t judge this simply by whether one speaks Cantonese or not, or whether one is economically successful. I would rather focus on whether someone, especially those white-collar mainlanders, can give up their middle-class based or outsider perspective of Hong Kong. When they can understand and respect the difference between mainland and Hong Kong culture, that's the first step of integration.

As mentioned, socio-economic status plays an important role in creating the “small world” and influences integration among mainland immigrants. Yet, this reverses our intuition that other NMCIs may have problems with integration due to their lack of Cantonese proficiency. Instead, NMCIs, like one-way permit holders, normally speak good Cantonese, precisely because they need to integrate into the local society quickly. Amanda explained:

One-way permit holders come for family reasons, and they have stronger ties to Hong Kong. They are on the bottom rung of society, so they have to learn to speak Cantonese because they need it in their everyday life … unlike MSPs, who may be too busy making money to learn Cantonese. I guess they [one-way permit holders] are forced to integrate into Hong Kong quickly and be seen as Hong Kongers, or the environment forces them to integrate as quickly as possible, even though they are the group that experiences the most discrimination.

Amanda's narrative implies that MSPs may have “no time to integrate” if their main focus in Hong Kong is work. She also distinguished between NMCIs and MSPs in terms of whether they want to be seen as similar to or different from locals. Thus, for Amanda, socio-economic status determines the need for social integration. This view contrasts with the experience that MSPs (e.g., Jessie and David) describe, which is one of being seen as an out-group. Another respondent, Thomas, discussed the psychological dynamics of MSPs’ “small world”:

They are establishing a kind of white-collar, skilled, and higher-class community in Hong Kong. Maybe subconsciously they feel they are superior to locals, so they prefer to speak English or Mandarin, even if they can understand Cantonese.

Although it is hard to tell whether a person is a skilled migrant or a one-way permit holder, and MSPs may be grouped together with other NMCIs and subject to the associated cultural or ethnic stereotypes, the interview results show a clear attitudinal difference toward MSPs among locals: “They [MSPs and NMCIs] are basically from two different strata and live in two different worlds,” as one respondent said. Some locals did express respect for MSPs’ skills and work ethic (especially for MSPs with overseas degrees) and felt that mainland professionals are less likely to face discrimination. While some mainlanders feel that they are discriminated against and that Hong Kongers see themselves as (culturally) superior (Gu 2011; Lowe and Tsang 2017), Amanda's narrative above presents another scenario, in which locals may feel inferior to MSPs due to differences in skill level, job position, salary, and socio-economic status.

Several local respondents felt threatened by mainlanders, one reason for which is job competition, especially the existence of jobs in Chinese-funded companies that require Mandarin proficiency. Given the increasing need for familiarity with China and for dealing with mainland customers, mainland applicants are at an advantage in Hong Kong's job market. Local respondents do not think this situation is the fault of mainland immigrants, but point out that job market competitions are occurring in many industries and may generate hostility from locals. The hostility, however, is connected to their resistance to the Chinese regime which is taking over Hong Kong's industries and limiting its freedom.

Local respondents admit that some MSPs are willing to make an effort to expose themselves to Hong Kong culture. Yet, like the MSPs, several local respondents mentioned cultural differences existing between MSPs and locals. For example, Angela, who works in a Chinese-funded enterprise, said:

One of their [MSPs’] characteristics is that they think money can solve everything and they don’t want to do mundane things for themselves. My [MSP] boss and colleagues always ask me, “Can’t you find an agent to take care of this?”. I think it's a cultural thing, because it's not just one person who behaves like this—the majority of them think in this way. If you can’t solve a problem for them, or if you want to leave work earlier for a work–life balance, they think you’re just unwilling to do the job.

Angela sees the behavior patterns of MSPs as a cultural marker rather than a matter of individual personality. A further characteristic she identifies among MSPs is, again, associated with socio-economic status. She says that, because they receive good salaries, MSPs “enjoy the high-end aspects of life in Hong Kong and don’t go to the local cheap tea restaurants.” Local respondents also mentioned other cultural stereotypes associated with MSPs, including being hard-working, aggressive, overly competitive, and not down to earth. Such stereotypes of MSPs may exacerbate existing cultural and ethnic differences and create boundaries between the two groups.

The findings of this study show that socio-economic status matters when it generates more shared context for the two groups, such as in the workplace. Positive experiences with MSPs influenced or changed locals’ stereotypes of mainlanders to some degree. Local respondents agreed that MSPs who studied in Hong Kong or arrived at a younger age are easier to get along with, given they are more familiar with the culture and interaction patterns in Hong Kong. For example, one respondent, Jane, compared those who graduated from a local university and immigrants who came to Hong Kong under the ASMTP. She believes that the latter find it harder to integrate into Hong Kong's working culture and local life given they have already established their own way of life.

As mentioned, local Hong Kongers think that what determines group boundaries is not just about language or cultural differences but also has to do with a person's behavior and attitude (e.g., making the effort to speak Cantonese and learn the local culture). Yet, they also pointed out the “small world” phenomenon, in which MSPs tend to live in certain districts and socialize with people of similar cultural backgrounds. Local respondents understand this tendency to form small social circles, but they state that existing cultural differences make it difficult for them to “break into” the networks established by MSPs, either at work or outside of it. For example, Zach commented, “In our team, the Chinese colleagues formed their own small group, and they seem more comfortable talking to each other in Mandarin. I never see them socializing with locals.” Another respondent, Karen, also commented, “Their networking abilities are very strong, but when they need help, they approach people with the same background as themselves first, not locals.”

Locals found that many MSPs are still living “mainland lives” in Hong Kong, which makes it hard to unmake boundaries with MSPs, and very few local respondents have actively made friends with MSPs beyond work. Karen, for example, said, “They came to Hong Kong. They are supposed to make the effort to integrate into our society, not the other way around. Why would I bother to approach them?.”

Like the MSPs, another reason that locals said they do not initiate more interaction is to avoid potential misunderstandings due to cultural differences or being unsure about each other's political stance and limits. Jeff provided an explanation:

Even if you think you’re just talking about daily issues, it's still hard to avoid political ideology. Today, the fact you don’t shop at some Chinese-funded stores will reveal your position. Also, what if I say something that might be against the Chinese government? I’m working in a Chinese-funded company. To be honest, I dare not chat about these issues with mainland colleagues.

Jeff's narrative reflects his concerns under a changed political structure. After the passage of the 2020 National Security Law in Hong Kong, the national security department set up a hotline, allowing people to report what they believed were violations of new security laws. This had a chilling effect on Hong Kong society, which exacerbated mutual distrust and decreased deep interaction between the groups.