Abstract
The purpose of this naturalistic case study was to uncover beliefs and behaviors of successful teachers who produced excellent children’s singing in Lithuania. The research questions guiding the study were: What particular beliefs did music teachers hold about their ability to teach children to sing and the necessary components to teach children good singing? What specific behaviors did music teachers exhibit and embrace in public and singing school music classes to achieve good singing that is accurate, tuneful, resonant, expressive, and in head voice? In this naturalistic case study, data from informants (N =18) consisted of interviews (n = 12) and observations in their classrooms (n = 22) and concerts (n =7) in an urban area in a city in Lithuania. The conceptual framework underpinning the study was supported by the data, relating to their beliefs and behaviors about their knowledge and skill in teaching, their use of a variety of teaching strategies, and their use of highly sequenced literature. Of most importance was that they emphatically lived their beliefs in order to achieve success with children’s singing. Implications are offered that relate to music teacher preparation.
Lithuanian culture is strongly rooted, evidenced by the country’s existence for over a thousand years (for more information, see www.localhistories.org/lithuania.html). Music, particularly singing, is prevalent in the culture, and served as the medium for the Singing Revolution in 1989 when Lithuania demanded independence from the Soviets (for more information, see https://usa.mfa.lt/usa/en/welcome-to-lithuania/visit-lithuania/history). excellence of singing across the country and the wealth of offerings in singing schools, public school music programs, music festivals, competitions in the country, and in churches is noteworthy. Children learn to sing in public schools, but many enroll in singing schools which typically meet for a couple of hours four days a week (after the normal school day).
In Lithuania, children’s singing is a serious and time-consuming commitment rather than a casual activity. In order to teach them to sing well, teachers enthusiastically embrace the belief that all children can sing and diligently work to attain success. While there is a wealth of research related to teaching, there is an obvious dearth of investigations related to the particular beliefs music educators have about their ability to teach children to sing and about the specific behaviors they implement as a result of those beliefs. These might be described through particular components—the teacher’s knowledge and instruction to accomplish good singing, the teacher’s idea of what comprises good singing, the teacher’s methods of communication in instruction, and the teacher’s beliefs about his/her ability to achieve success. These components provide a conceptual framework (Merriam, 2001) for this study. This investigation focused on music teachers’ beliefs and behaviors as a means of lending specific information to preservice teacher preparation programs and to the profession at large in other areas of the world in order to enhance the teaching of children’s singing and, ultimately, influence the lifelong skill of singing.
Review of literature
Teaching children to sing might be interpreted by some as a simple process of just engaging in the act of singing. But the music educator understands that it requires well-developed skills, behaviors to achieve results, and a vision of a successful product, that of good singing. While no one set of skills defines good singing, some common factors likely contribute such as (a) having resonance, “depth/richness and projection/brightness” (Phillips, 1992, p. 261); (b) using head voice (McGraw, 1996; Rupp, 1993), not forced or pushed (Bartle, 1988); (c) having accuracy in pitch, tuneful (Apfelstadt, 1988; Cooper, 1995; Rutkowski, 1990; Rutkowski & Miller, 2003); and (d) using expression (Brenner & Strand, 2013; Rensink-Hoff, 2012). Beyond knowing what characterizes good singing is believing that any child can learn to sing with proper instruction (Bartle, 1988; Patterson, 2008), and exhibiting teaching behaviors to achieve results.
Teacher knowledge and instruction
Arguably, of great importance is the level of knowledge teachers possess and how they implement it. Knowledge of the vocal mechanism (Trollinger, 2006) in providing age-appropriate instruction and the physical changes that occurred during maturation (Welch & Sergeant, 2009) are important. Those changes affected pitch matching (Franklin & Franklin, 1988; Geringer, 1983; Mang, 2006; Welch, 1979), contributing to children’s singing accuracy in an appropriate range and tessitura. Aaron (1993) reported other aspects of teacher knowledge: that of aural and physiological elements of singing, creating awareness of the body through posture, breathing, and phonation.
In particular, studies reported pitch matching that began with one note to underpin success of all other pitch matching (see Welch, 2006), while others used the context of short patterns (Sims, Moore, & Kuhn, 1982) to better mediate pitch matching (Demorest & Clements, 2007; Salvador, 2010). Instructional content frequently encompassed the use of vocal exercises (Hair, 1996), psychomotor activities to facilitate vocal coordination (Aaron, 1993; Miyamoto, 2005), breath control, and duration (Phillips & Aitchison, 1997). Vocal exercises centered on assisting breath management, “tone development, or range extension and agility,” and as a means of introducing a new melodic or rhythmic element to be learned, each to provide good vocal modeling (Apfelstadt, 2016, p. 34).
Instruction frequently progresses from matching pitch to exercises to repertoire. In teaching songs, teachers often relied on two basic approaches: (a) immersion, or the singing of the whole song through repetition, or (b) teaching the song phrase by phrase. Klinger, Campbell, and Goolsby (1998) found that immersion produced significantly more accurate results than teaching by phrases. The researchers reported that singing the song three times was important prior to having the children sing; and with further repetitions of the song, the teacher gradually removed him/herself to allow for the children’s independence. In contrast, Marshall (2002) tested singing accuracy under four conditions—learning a song with text or neutral syllables and by whole or phrase approach—but found no difference in results.
Necessary to producing development of singing, several studies identified the importance of instructional sequence and lesson content (Berkowska & Bella, 2009; Phillips, Williams, & Edwin, 2012; Rutkowski, 1990; Welch, 2006). Such development utilized appropriate instruction through “listening, interpreting, imitating, evaluating” by the teacher (Svec, 2015, p. 33), integral elements of children’s singing success.
Communication
As teachers implement instruction, they not only center on sequence and content, but also on forms of communication to direct learning. During instruction, the teacher’s use of communication often exists in many forms—verbal, nonverbal, and sung. Some studies showed that teacher talk dominated instruction, suggesting 35–45% of time usage was for talking in the choral classroom rehearsal (Caldwell, 1980; Thurman, 1977). Duke, Prickett, and Jellison (1998) reported that alternated periods of teacher instruction and performance demonstrated efficacy in results. Another form of communication encompassed the use of imagery to achieve results (Saintilan, 2014; Ware, 2013), offering students a means of visualization for producing the kind of sound associated with pitch, volume, attack, or expressivity. Contrastingly, Mann (2008) showed that verbal instructions/imagery were less effective, producing significantly different results than vocal modeling. Several studies reported that vocal modeling was influential upon children’s singing accuracy, for children demonstrated greater accuracy in singing with a child model (Green, 1990) or a female model than a male (Yarbrough, Green, Benson, & Bowers, 1991; Yarbrough, Morrison, Karrick, & Dunn, 1995). Modeling in head voice through vocal exercises and songs with higher pitch ranges also showed greater accuracy (McGraw, 1996) in children’s singing. Further use of modeling existed in the form of feedback (Chaffin & Manfedo, 2010), allowing the teacher to show both accurate and inaccurate singing, providing the singers reference points in order to adjust performance.
The use of feedback implies that the teacher listened, gathered data, and used those data to attend to children’s singing (Welch, 1985). Providing feedback aided in teaching children to listen to their voice and replicate sounds (Apfelstadt, 1988; Svec, 2015; Welch, 1985) to assist remediation. In contrast, Rutkowski and Miller (2003) concluded that feedback did not facilitate improved singing accuracy. However, infusing gestures (Liao, 2008) and visual, aural, and kinesthetic elements contributed models and feedback to assist children’s awareness of pitch and/or rhythm, aiding singing accuracy (Apfelstadt, 1984; Persellin, 1993; Szabo, 2001).
Teacher beliefs
Teacher beliefs play a predominant role in implementation of knowledge and communication, reflected in the ways teachers approach singing instruction, the methods to do so, and the pedagogy utilized. The beliefs a teacher holds are dependent upon a social construction that is established through experiences and education “formed early…[are] acquired through the process of cultural transmission…[in which] knowledge and beliefs are inextricably intertwined…and strongly affect [the individual’s] behavior” (Pajares, 1992, p. 324). Some reports affirmed direct connections between educators’ beliefs and behaviors in the classroom (Brown & Rose, 1995; Kagan, 1992; Nespor, 1987). Teacher beliefs appeared to remain stable through teaching experiences (Brand, 1982) and centered around teacher knowledge, referred to as “the transmitter” or “the mentor,” also noting that teachers were leaders, coaches, and cheerleaders (Thompson & Campbell, 2003, p. 46).
Shulman (1987) introduced The Knowledgeable Teacher Hypothesis, which holds that teachers subscribe to the idea that there is key subject-specific knowledge that determines their success in teaching. Therefore, they believe in their abilities to possess and harness that knowledge to gain success. Borrowing from Bandura (1995, p. 2), beliefs, in this case those of teachers, relate to “one’s capabilities to organize and execute the courses of action required to manage prospective situations.” For music teachers, that implies that they believe in their ability to achieve success in delivering instruction in order to attain particular results. Specifically, Pajares (2002) reported that teachers’ self-concepts in relation to singing held a direct relationship to their beliefs about their teaching effectiveness. For example, Scott (2010) found that teachers believed they needed to consistently engage students in singing to create a habit and choose repertoire that was acceptable to the children in order to motivate students to sing. To avoid resistance about singing from the children, teachers had to create a culture of singing. She also noted that teachers embraced the belief about the “joy of singing” (2010, p. 92).
Effective and efficient teaching behaviors can be learned through observed experiences with excellent teachers. These are typically influenced by teachers’ beliefs and affect attitudes and behaviors that teachers exhibit, affecting the quality, focus, and diligence of instruction, yet there is little research in this area, particularly for music teachers. Because singing in Lithuania is serious business, the teaching approach rigorous, and the children’s singing exemplary, it seems there is much to be learned that would benefit the profession. Therefore, the purpose of this study was to uncover the personal beliefs music educators, those in Lithuanian singing schools and public schools, have about their ability to teach children to sing and about the specific behaviors they implement as a result of those beliefs. The research questions in this investigation required the use of qualitative methodology in order to acquire data about personal beliefs with informants and the implementation of those beliefs. Thus, a naturalistic case study (Creswell, 2007) was deemed most appropriate. In particular, the research questions guiding the study were: What particular beliefs did music teachers hold about their ability to teach children to sing and the necessary components to teach children good singing? What specific behaviors did music teachers exhibit and embrace in public and singing school music classes to achieve good singing, that is accurate, tuneful, resonant, and expressive?
Method
The particular research questions in this investigation required the use of qualitative methodology in order to acquire data about personal beliefs with informants (interviews) and implementation of those beliefs in instruction (observations). Understanding the real-world context (Patton, 1990) was central to this investigation which utilized interviews and observations as a means of communicating relevant information. This study, one of a post-positivist approach, provided rich context (Patton, 1990) due to those interactions and observations that occurred in the natural setting. A naturalistic case study approach (Creswell, 2007; Rubin & Rubin, 2005; Yin, 2003) was deemed as the most appropriate choice for this investigation. According to Stake (1995, p. 8), “[t]he real business of case study is particularization…[in which] we come to know [the case] well…[and see] that there is emphasis on uniqueness.” Creswell (2007) described naturalistic case study research as bounded by time, in this instance that of three months, and place (Creswell, 1998), that of public and singing schools in a large urban area in Lithuania; in addition, it employed different sources of data such as observations, interviews, and field notes (Glesne & Peshkin, 1992). This case study embraced “thick description” (Merriam, 2001, p. 30), allowed for reflection (Stake, 1995), and emphasized a heuristic viewpoint that was, by nature, inductive.
Access to the informants
Merriam (1998, p. 61) stated that purposive sampling relied on the assumption that the investigator wants to “discover, understand, and gain insight and therefore must select a sample from which the most can be learned.” Thus, it was important to conduct the study with informants who were excellent teachers and who produced highly successful singers in public and singing schools. The music education faculty and director of the music department at the pedagogical university in a large urban area in Lithuania identified informants and arranged for interviews with them and observations of their teaching.
The informants (N = 18) were teachers in a large urban area who instructed boys’ or girls’ singing schools (n = 13), public school teachers (n = 4, two urban and two suburban); and a recent music educator, now a public school principal (n = 1), also participated. Two informants also served as choral directors at a university and three were head choirmasters at their respective institutions (see Table 1). The majority of the informants were females (n = 15) which appeared to accurately reflect the overall population of music teachers in Lithuania, according to the university music faculty. This study used pseudonyms to protect the informants’ anonymity.
Job assignments/duties for the informants and observations of them.
N = 18 informants.
Procedure
Since no instrument was identified that would serve this investigation, a new set of interview questions was designed based on the review of literature. These were loosely structured questions (Bogdan & Biklen, 1992; Stake, 1995) regarding the beliefs and behaviors in achieving quality singing (see Appendix A). A panel of five music educators at my university reviewed the interview questions to establish face validity, suggesting no changes.
Interviews and observations took place, all within the singing school and public school settings; however, not all informants were available for both interviews and observations due to demanding teaching schedules. Furthermore, time restrictions facilitated the need to conduct interviews with groups in some instances and also affected the length of time of some of the interviews. I conducted a total of 12 interviews, among which four were lengthy individual ones with informants who taught at the university as well as the girls’ singing school and public school; five shorter individual ones in one public school and two boys’ singing schools; and three group interviews in the girls’ singing school, boys’ singing school, and with a public school principal and music teacher (see Table 2).
Interviews with the informants.
N = 12 interviews; PS: public school; SS: singing school; GSS: girls’ singing school; BSS: boys’ singing school; Professor: university faculty.
Observations of informants’ teaching took place in three singing school and four public school classrooms, totaling 22 classes, occurring in two classes in each public school (n = 6), as well as in solfege classes (n = 5) and in singing classes (n = 11) in the singing schools (see Table 3). In addition, I attended seven concerts to witness the finished product of the informants’ work.
Observations of the informants in the classroom.
N = 22 class observations; PS: public school; SS: singing school; GSS: girls’ singing school; BSS: boys’ singing school; Professor: university faculty.
Each of the classes (n = 22), interviews (n = 12), and concerts (n = 7) was audio- and video-recorded to substantiate the evidence, totaling 38 hours of recordings. During the observations and interviews, I made field notes. Immediately following the interviews and observations, I compared field notes against the videos to ensure accuracy and reliability (Silverman, 2001). While I conducted each interview in English, either a university faculty member or university office aid served as the translator for the interviews and classes/rehearsals.
Data analysis
The interviews, observations, and field notes provided a wealth of rich data, assisting in establishing triangulation (Stake, 1995) when further compared with the review of literature. All data were carefully transcribed and placed in word documents. Data analysis utilized a system of coding the artifacts, all of the transcripts, to establish themes and subsequent patterns. According to Creswell (2009, p. 175), inductive data analysis allows one to “build [their] patterns, categories, and themes from the bottom up…organizing the data into increasingly more abstract units of information.” I used the field notes to further verify accuracy. While I contacted all informants about reviewing the transcripts as member checks, three read these and verified accuracy. The remaining informants declined due to “difficulty with language” or “lack of time.”
When analysis was complete, a bilingual external reviewer saw approximately 20% of the recorded interview and observation data as well as the field notes to corroborate the findings for authenticity and accuracy. To address trustworthiness of the data, sufficient time in the field, multiple observations, and a member checking lent credibility to the investigation; engaging the translator and external reviewer helped to provide confirmability and dependability (Lincoln & Guba, 1985, p. 219). Yet, my bias as a researcher must be mentioned as well as the elements researched and presented in terms of content and interpretation, all of which demonstrate reflexivity (Creswell, 2007). My interest in teaching children to sing, in choosing informants in Lithuania due to their expert skills, and my focus on preparing teachers did not preclude all bias. Second, using a translator for the interviews and observations may have allowed some details to escape.
The findings
From the data, I identified three themes and related patterns centered on articulated beliefs and demonstrated behaviors of the informants in teaching children to sing. In order to contextualize the themes and patterns, background information is first necessary, followed by the presentation of the results.
Background information
In this study, learning venues were the public school music classroom and singing school classroom and solfege classroom. Typically, children in the public schools attended music class twice per week for 45 minutes each, with 25 students per class (Anna). Classes consisted of singing, and reading and writing of music symbols (Matis, Rasa, Helena, Marita). Following the normal school day, many parents chose to enroll their children in singing schools which functioned as arts education, each partially supported by the Lithuanian ministry while parents paid the remainder of the tuition (Anna). In the singing schools, children typically attended classes four afternoons per week (Helena): (a) singing class to learn to sing accurately and expressively; and (b) solfege class to learn to read and use pitch names and syllables, hand signs, and rhythmic values (Anna). Each class spanned 25–40 minutes for the primary children and 45–120 minutes for the intermediate students. Class sizes ranged from six students in some solfege classes (Matis, Rasa), 20 for primary singing classes (Justina, Agne, Paulina, Jonas), 65 in girls’ intermediate singing class (Helena, Melde), to 60 for the boys in the intermediate grades (Lukas). Girls’ and boys’ segregated singing schools existed in their own buildings in different locations in the city, and had several classrooms that accommodated various singing classes and solfege classes simultaneously.
Theme one: putting teacher knowledge to work
The informants were adamant about producing good singing, that is, singing that was expressive, tuneful, resonant, and accurate. They delivered quick, concerted instruction with a variety of strategies, in sequences comprising brief verbal directives and modeling followed by the children’s singing responses. Pacing was fast and all attention was on the students and their singing. The informants were well planned and in command of their lessons, never referring to a lesson plan and rarely looking at the score. These elements demonstrated the informants’ behaviors, overt expressions of their beliefs, in teaching children’s singing. Furthermore, their approach, with one exception (Donita), was consistently serious with clear, high expectations.
Implementing “the goal”
The informants agreed that the goal was achieving good singing that was accurate, tuneful, resonant, expressive, and in head voice (Anna, Helena, Aldona, Marita, Ugne, Daiva, Agne, Lukas, Jonas). Anna described good singing as being “very specific because each choirmaster might have a different understanding of what good singing is. And this depends on the whole teacher’s understanding of the secrets of singing.” Broadly speaking, several of the informants described the teaching of singing as a reiteration of the national curriculum (Marita, Melde, Rasa, Ugne, Elena, Anna).
The informants rigorously persisted until they achieved the results they wanted, clearly communicating their beliefs that all children could achieve. For example, in the girls’ Fourth–Fifth Class, Melde rehearsed Ave Maria, pursuing a crescendo and diminuendo. First, she employed the sound of a bleating sheep, and then instructed the children to sing the passage smoothly and with a crescendo. Not satisfied with the results, she worked on this for seven minutes before getting the sound she desired, underscoring the goal of good singing.
Using teaching “secrets”
All of the informants agreed that each teacher or pedagogue had to have knowledge and skill in teaching children to sing and to do so at the age-appropriate level. Anna referred to these skills as “secrets” that existed as pedagogical strategies to achieve good singing. She adamantly insisted that the teacher must behave as a singer, thus he/she has to have a good voice, because children try to repeat that voice and sing as their teacher does…[and] it is very important for the teacher to understand the whole vocal apparatus and to be able to understand what is wrong by hearing someone else. Even in special vocal schools where you have different students under different teachers you can actually hear under which teacher the student was learning.
Essentially, the informants agreed that their singing provided a model, one Helena described as “up close and personal” for children to emulate. Anna noted that one learned language by hearing parents speak; one also learned to sing “by hearing the teacher sing.” However, singing and the instruction of it needed to be skillfully matched to the children’s abilities (Anna, Helena, Daiva, Marita).
During instruction, the informants consistently demonstrated attention to air production, the physical aspects of singing, and sound in warm-ups. In the girls’ First Class, Daiva instructed them to move their tongues in their mouths, modeling moving to the right, left, down, up, and in circles. She then took four sniffs of air and patted her stomach to indicate they could feel that in their bodies. Daiva had them put their hands on their stomachs to feel inhalation and exhalation. With Fourth Class boys, Elena worked with them to sing a sustained pitch on “shh,” blowing on each finger to feel the air flow, then again sustaining a pitch. She instructed them to hum a higher pitch and touch their foreheads to feel the vibrations as they sang a diatonic scale.
During the first two months of classes, nearly all instruction focused on learning to sing without learning literature. Instructional sequences typically started with matching one note, then two, and gradually enlarged over the course of several weeks. The informants devoted concerted attention to pitch, then added rhythm, text, and expression, all before introducing literature despite the simplicity and brevity of the first songs. They centered on one element at a time, achieving results before adding another. Once literature was introduced, a minimum of 20 minutes of exercises occurred per primary class while older children participated for 40 or more minutes.
Listening and Analyzing
Ugne noted that instruction occurred through listening, which was the starting point for the children to hear “one particular sound or note” and match it. For pitch matching, “[e]verything depends on hearing. I can have the child match me, match the group, and then describe how to adjust the pitch—it’s too high or too low” (Helena). Evidence of this occurred in nearly every class where the informants had individuals, small-, and large-groups sing to better analyze their accuracy (Melde, Helena, Justina, Lukas, Aldona, Ugne, Daiva, Agne, Elena). The children were not allowed to sing out of tune. Remediation was specific and immediate with each singer who needed assistance, demonstrating their relentless employment of listening.
Using every minute
All but one (Donita) of the informants utilized every minute of class, carefully gauging how much time to spend on each activity. They quickly presented a variety of warm-ups, infused immediate and direct feedback, prepared difficult rhythmic or melodic passages for new literature, alternated between group and individual singing to offer feedback, and carefully infused expressive elements. When the children began to show signs of restlessness, the informants sometimes changed activities. This occurred more with boys than with girls. Justina commented that one had “to work harder with the boys” to keep their attention, changing activities and using more physical elements of learning.
As an example of time usage, the boy’s First Class, Justina began warm-ups with three descending pitches for which the boys sang individually and as a group, adding feedback. She added higher pitches with a crescendo, then lower notes for a diminuendo before extending these to scales. She introduced a song with emphatic expression that they mimicked, again applying the crescendo and diminuendo. They took turns singing parts of the song, then sang a cappella as she gestured pitch, using both hands to touch her head for the apex and knees for the lowest sound to reinforce melodic direction, all occurring in 20 minutes. In contrast, in two of the public school classes, the children were unfocused and did not sing in tune. In those classes, Donita delivered all instructions verbally without clear expectations or modeling. The verbiage appeared to impede the pacing and allow for off-task behavior.
Requiring music literacy to assist singing
Informants communicated the need for reading and writing music symbols so that the children could practice their singing at home (Anna, Helena, Daiva, Matis), an expectation according to Helena and Anna. To begin, they isolated a pitch to match, showed the written symbol, then added rhythm on that pitch, carefully focusing simultaneously on sound and symbol. For example, in the boys’ solfege First Class in the singing school, Matis played sol on the piano for the boys to sing, sang the pitch in falsetto for each boy, and used his hand to gesture if the boys were too high or low. Turning to rhythm, he wrote tah-ti-ti on the board, pointed to it, spoke it, and the boys echoed. Pitch and rhythm melded as each boy sang the rhythm on sol. This example underscores that informants added one new element at a time, but also listened to each singer in order to remediate. For older students, there were more difficult rhythmic patterns which the children clapped, spoke, and wrote; occasionally, there were short segments of rhythmic dictation (Rasa). At the end of solfege classes, the informants connected pitch to rhythm, modeling the starting pitch(es) and cueing the children to sing the notated melodies on the board, showing learning in context. The children produced homework for pitch and rhythm during each class, checked by the informants before assigning new tasks. In public school classes, students wrote pitch names and short, dictated rhythms in their singing texts during class (Ugne, Aldona).
Theme two: using the voice and body to achieve results
All informants except Donita, Lukas, and Matis demonstrated precise use of their head voices, both in giving directives and vocal modeling. But all moved smoothly between vocal modeling and using the piano, or used these simultaneously to emphasize what they wanted. Gestures with hands, heads, and whole bodies created obvious cues to the singers, emphasizing their importance. Use of gestures, piano, and vocal modeling allowed the informants to limit their use of talk which was always brief and swift. Consistently, they tapped steady beat with a pencil or their hand to reinforce it as the children sang, regardless if the task was a warm-up or literature.
Modeling is powerful
Using both the speaking and the singing voices was logical and successful in teaching children to listen to and control their voices (Daiva, Helena, Aldona, Ugne, Lukas). Helena believed the children learned best by imitation at a young age, frequently using spoken nursery rhymes. In the singing schools, informants also modeled movement so that the children felt the direction and duration of the pitches and rhythms (Daiva, Elena, Helena). In an exercise called “little stairs,” Helena pretended to walk “up” and “down” three notes. The children then followed by physically changing the level of their bodies to feel pitch levels prior to seeing the notation. The girls in the Second Class followed Daiva who modeled down- and upbeats, stepping one loud and one soft step when singing.
The informants frequently modeled what they wanted to hear; but if that was not successful, they modeled what they heard the children sing and then what they wanted. Often the starting pitch received the most attention for there was agreement that children had difficulty mediating pitch if they sang the starting pitch incorrectly (Rasa, Helena, Anna, Melde).
Musical expression was important to singing, consistently melded into instruction. Here, a more subtle form of modeling emerged through the use of imagery where informants might begin to model a sound and then allow the children to finish it. Anna underscored the importance of employing imagery to model expression, adding, I often resort to imagery to accomplish more gradual adjustment of volume. I use the idea of a train that is far away, having the children sing softly, and then as the train approaches, they increase their volume. Another example was the child gently and softly trying to ask the mother for a toy in the store, then becoming increasingly loud as he/she begs for it.
Simarly, Helena taught the singers to employ expression through movement to three ascending and three descending pitches—as if they were cats, then to repeat this as if they were bears. Both Anna and Helena argued that understanding pitch was a difficult concept, thus they modeled singing and provided imagery, imitation, and movement to reinforce the concept.
Infusing gestures
In the singing schools the informants consistently integrated modeling of expression by using gestures, never separating it from pitch and rhythm (Daiva, Helena, Melde, Ilna, Justina, Agne, Elena, Lukas). They drew attention to the apex of phrases by using strong gestures, even stomping to accentuate pitch. The informants used their bodies to reinforce pitch levels with the youngest children by standing at different heights or using hand levels (Daiva, Ilna, Justina, Paulina). For example, informants in the public and singing schools (Aldona, Ugne) modeled the pitch G, gesturing for the students to join. Immediately the informants added a second pitch (E, D, or C), employing hand levels to indicate the change while singing essentially tuning the singers. In the boy’s First Class, Justina modeled what she heard the boys sing, then pointed to the top of her head to raise their pitch. In the boys’ Fourth Class, Elena modeled the text of a song on one pitch, but added a descending pitch at the end which the boys echoed, gesturing with her hand sliding downwards. In many instances, the informants were dramatic with their gestures (Melde, Helena, Lukas, Justina) so that the singers would not miss their cues. The use of drama easily captured the children’s attention.
None of the informants used typical conducting patterns; gestures indicated pitch levels, rhythmic values, phrasing, and expressive elements, some in ballet-like form (Melde, Helena), often toward the singers as opposed to a level vertical plane in front of them. Some made arcs with their arms to show phrasing (Melde, Helena, Lukas). In the Fourth–Fifth Class, Helena stomped to highlight a rest at the beginning of an entrance; later she then wanted a crescendo and diminuendo, turning herself around as she modeled the sound. The gestures appeared to underscore the importance of the element they were teaching, emphasized by strong physical cues. While these kinds of gestures were lessened during concert performances, they remained obvious.
Theme three: literature selection for teaching singing and for performance
The informants were essentially in agreement that literature was critical in terms of assisting children in learning how to improve singing through the choices of what to sing. They emphasized that the level of difficulty of the literature had to be carefully matched to the abilities of the children (Anna, Helena, Melde, Marita, Lukas, Elena, Jonas, Justina). Following their daily work of delivering pitch matching exercises and using sight reading, the informants implemented literature to place the musical elements in context. But the literature also served as a “carrot” in that the inclusion of songs followed several weeks of instruction in breath management, phonation, pitch matching, and reading and writing of basic symbols, all to teach them to sing.
Selecting specific literature and sequence
The informants emphasized the importance of choosing literature, describing that carefully chosen pieces served different purposes. According to Helena, informants selected specific literature for its appropriateness “for physical and mental growth of the students.” Learning the native literature and newly composed pieces underpinned the transmission of culture (Anna), an important aspect of learning to sing. For public schools, a variety of Lithuanian folk songs provided pieces for learning to sing and for performing, but at different difficulty levels (Anna). In the singing schools, informants used only indigenous folk music for the youngest children because it was distinctive, embodied the culture, and included songs with two pitches, then three, and eventually, the pentaton to center on pitch matching (Helena, Anna, Justina, Elena). Some songs were designated only to be used for teaching and others for performance (Anna, Helena, Elena, Lukas).
After two months into the school year, the informants began to transition from literature targeted for teaching pieces to those for performance, having accomplished basic work in teaching children to sing (Helena, Ilne, Agne). Later on, informants integrated more classical music, newly commissioned works (Helena, Daiva), and literature of foreign composers to widen the children’s cultural palettes (Anna, Lukas, Marita). The range, tessitura, and length were notably larger/longer than the pieces used for teaching (Elena, Anna), obviously more challenging and requiring several classes to learn.
Emphasizing meaning and expression in context
There was consensus about the importance of diction among the informants, communicating “the meaning of the text” (Lukas, Helena), “telling the metaphors” (Daiva), and “making the audience understand the words” (Melde, Agne, Lukas). Emphasis on diction was obvious in the literature, regardless of the length, number of pitches, or origin. In public school classes Aldona and Ugne highlighted diction by speaking the text with emphasis and clarity before singing it. In the singing schools, all informants consistently modeled the diction for every phrase of the songs. The informants infused the meaning of the phrases, discussing new words and metaphors before the children sang (Justina, Agne, Elena, Melde, Helena, Lukas). With each piece there was a discussion of the song’s composer, the history of the piece, and the intended meaning (Ilna, Paulina, Elena, Melde, Lukas). More attention and detail occurred in the singing schools so that the children better understood the piece in order to improve performance (Lukas).
Phrasing was quite important as well. “The entire phrase must sing [sic]” according to Daiva. She noted that the phrase had to be complete to convey the message without interruption. In the public schools, Aldona and Ugne sang entire phrases, using their hands to show a smooth, curved line to reinforce each one. In the Third Class, Agne’s students spoke the text of a short song five times in order to complete each phrase without breathing at inappropriate places. With the boys’ chorus Lukas stopped during nearly every phrase to speak the text with emphasis or reiterate a word, frequently requiring the boys to sing each phrase repeatedly to achieve the desired results. To make a point in the girls’ Fourth–Fifth Class, Helena sang a phrase with the emphasis on the wrong syllables before singing it correctly to demonstrate the importance of meaning
For older children, the informants described the text’s meaning more in depth. “The teacher has to convince them that they must sing to tell meaning,” adding that “expression is the end of singing” (Anna). For the public school performances, she said expression was crucial in avoiding a “static performance.” Lukas mentioned that when children sang, it was boring and essentially useless if meaning was not conveyed, that there was no point to performance without it.
The female informants spoke song text for younger children in both public and singing school classes that ranged from whispering to speaking loudly, but all in head voice to initiate dynamics (Aldona, Ugne, Daiva, Melde, Justina, Agne, Elena, Helena). Quickly they described why certain words were emphasized with louder dynamics. They then transferred that to their singing voices to contextualize dynamic changes and accented words to convey meaning. Dynamics were typically the last element layered in the learning process.
Concertizing
The informants produced concerts with excellent singing that was precise, expressive, and memorable, despite the age of the singers (Helena, Melde, Justina, Agne, Elena, Lukas, Ilna, Rasa, Jonas). The concerts demonstrated cumulative learning, but also showed differences between the public and singing school settings. Fourth Class children in one public school performed Lithuanian folk songs accompanied on piano by Ugne, whose piano was stationed behind the group. She was not conducting or directing; rather, the students were so well rehearsed that they presented on their own with precision. The students did not stand still, but rather moved gently to the beat of the music as they sang, standing in a semi-circle to easily hear and see each other.
Of the six singing school concerts, five took place in cathedrals and one in the city hall. The First Class boys sang seven unison, accompanied folk songs (Justina) while in the boys’ Second Class’ concert, there was a mixture of unison and two-part literature, some accompanied and some sung a cappella (Paulina, Jonas). And the Third Class presented yet more challenging literature with roughly half of it a cappella, demonstrating the progression of singing skills as per the curriculum (Agne). Older students sang literature that varied in style, genre, and language (Helena, Melde, Elena, Lukas), usually containing both Lithuanian and foreign composers. All informants used gestures, but no conducting of patterns occurred. In addition, the entire focus appeared to be on the children rather than the informants; they did not draw attention to themselves, did not speak to the audience, and did not enter the concert area separately from the children.
Summary
The findings demonstrated that the informants embraced the goal of good singing, noted as accurate, tuneful, resonant, expressive, and in head voice. Their beliefs encompassed the idea of high expectations, meaning that they could teach every child to sing; thus, they exhibited a clear vision of the desired outcome, the goal. They were unified in their belief that music teachers must possess skill and knowledge about the vocal apparatus and vocal production, they must model well to achieve results, and they must teach children how to sing before introducing literature. Furthermore, they believed it important to teach the children to hear as well as sing, not only to practice at home, but also to self-correct. The informants believed that the children must know the meaning of the texts and must convey it through diction, phrasing, and expression. Infusion of literature was highly sequenced, beginning with songs with just one or two pitches before moving to pentatonic, and finally, diatonic repertoire. Despite all of the skills they taught the children, they focused on one skill at a time, using breath management prior to pitch matching, then layering rhythm, diction, and expression.
Their behaviors, demonstrating similarities, exemplified their beliefs with only one contradiction (Donita). They modeled with precision, using voice, body, and piano to assist the singers. They modeled inaccuracy and then accurate singing to emphasize the differences. In classes, the informants used every minute, severely limiting talking in order to maximize modeling and singing. In addition, they employed imitation, imagery, and movement to help the singers with pitch, rhythm, diction, and expression. Consistently, they insisted that the starting pitch was accurate before moving further into singing. The focus on each singing skill allowed the children to gain comfort before adding “new learning.” An important element in this process was the quick and consistent use of feedback, offered more frequently through modeling than verbiage; that feedback reinforced skill acquisition. Their command of their lessons, so noted because of the lack of lesson plans and scores in front of them, underscored their preparedness for teaching. In classes and concerts, they gestured expressively, and did so without ever using traditional conducting patterns. Finally, in concerts, the emphasis was placed on the children, not on the informants.
Discussion
In addressing research question one, the particular beliefs the informants held about teaching children good singing were in alignment. Essentially, the first of these can be described as using a clear vision of the outcome to achieve the goal of accurate, tuneful (Apfelstadt, 1988; Cooper, 1995; Rutkowski, 1990; Rutkowski & Miller, 2003), resonant (Phillips, 1992), and expressive (Brenner & Strand, 2013; Rensink-Hoff, 2012) singing that was in head voice (McGraw, 1996; Rupp, 1993). They believed that anything less was unacceptable. Related to the goal, their beliefs might well be categorized as (a) pertaining to the teacher’s knowledge and skill in teaching, and (b) the particular elements of instruction and the sequence of those to attain results.
Beliefs about the teacher’s knowledge and skill seemed to drive the goal of teaching all children to sing well. They expressed a fearlessness in achieving results, seemingly to demonstrate their confidence in their knowledge and skills (Bandura, 1995). Those beliefs were obvious in their conversations about the expectations of the children, the importance of modeling to demonstrate what they wanted to hear, the integration of feedback to eliminate poor singing and reinforce good sound, similar to that of Chaffin and Manfedo (2010) and Welch (1985), and their emphatic confidence in their ability to use knowledge about vocal production to attain the desired outcomes (Trollinger, 2006).
The informants believed they possessed the skills (Bandura, 1995; Shulman, 1987) necessary to teach children to manage breath, produce quality sound, and translate that sound into beautifully executed songs that would transmit meaning. It is possible that their beliefs were a result of exemplary modeling by their own teachers, rigorous teacher training, or previous success with children’s singing that contributed to forming these beliefs. But it also may be due to the idea that cultural expectations were at work and that their beliefs mirrored those of the culture at large. If so, they were the transmitters (Thompson & Campbell, 2003) of that culture.
Informants’ beliefs regarding the elements of instruction and the sequence of it were apparent when they discussed the idea that children needed to be taught to hear as they sang, both as a means of self-practice at home and as a way to self-correct. In other words, the onus for learning was not only on the teacher, but also on the student. They also expressed a distinct belief that children should be taught breath management (Aaron, 1993) and pitch matching (Franklin & Franklin, 1988; Geringer, 1983; Mang, 2006; Welch, 1979) before introducing literature, emphasizing the acquisition of one skill at a time. This would seem to be pedagogically sound and would then allow the elements of breath and sound quality to be applied within the context of the literature. The specific use of literature was a priority in order to control the number of pitches, range, and level of difficulty in order to achieve success in singing. The informants believed in strategic repertoire selection, noting that each song had a particular use, some for learning to sing, and others strictly for performance.
As the literature difficulty increased, there was more attention devoted to the meaning of the text, and of diction and phrasing to communicate that meaning to the audience. The informants agreed that the sequence of musical elements coupled with careful selection of literature were some of the “secrets” of teaching (Shulman, 1987) children to sing well. Therefore, it was obvious that their beliefs regarding instruction embraced the idea that there was a path to singing success and that path required concerted, careful attention to what they taught as well as how they taught. Perhaps this was also due to their teacher training such as Pajares (1992) reported, but might also be the result of finding what worked when teaching children to sing.
Addressing research question two, the informants exhibited specific behaviors to achieve the goal. These behaviors were related to (a) sequence of instruction, and (b) a variety of strategies, all demonstrating their belief systems. In general, they were well prepared, had command of the content, used every minute for teaching, and maintained quick pacing. As a result, the informants used very little time talking to the students, but rather used the time to model, offer feedback, and make as much progress as possible in each lesson. In essence, they alternated between quick periods of instruction and the children’s performance (Duke et al., 1998). It appeared that each lesson had a particular goal and the informants were determined to reach it, embracing the idea that singing was a serious matter. As a result, the informants were creating a culture of singing (Scott, 2010) through their concerted behaviors.
That children had to match the starting pitch of a song before moving forward was evident in their sequence. The informants insisted on pitch matching (Apfelstadt, 1988; Cooper, 1995; Rutkowski, 1990; Rutkowski & Miller, 2003) before adding the elements of rhythm, diction, and expression. As each new element was carefully added, new vocal exercises (Hair, 1996) preceded any literature in order to apply the element in context without particular text. Thus, the children rehearsed the new element before applying it to repertoire. Participant behaviors showed that learning was sequential (Berkowska & Bella, 2009; Rutkowski, 1990; Phillips et al., 2012; Welch, 2006), carefully orchestrated, and participatory, consistently communicating that acquisition of singing skill was expected of all children. An implication of these approaches is that teaching was not haphazard, was not inconsequential, and was not any kind of “filler” for classroom time. Rather, time and instruction were considered precious commodities with a concerted and targeted goal of good singing, designed both for children’s lifelong learning and for performance to demonstrate those skills for various audiences throughout the year.
The use of frequent head voice vocal modeling (McGraw, 1996; Rupp, 1993), use of large body movements (Liao, 2008; Miyamoto, 2005) to convey tempo or downbeat of dynamics, imitation in speaking text of singing phrases, and interjected imagery (Saintilan, 2014; Ware, 2013) for diction and expression served as reliant tools of instruction. To achieve good singing, informants also used many gestures, none of which included traditional conducting patterns. Gestures were frequent, punctuated, and easy to decipher for the children. It is possible that the freedom with which they used their bodies served as models of expression for the children, allowing them to be uninhibited as well. But it is also possible gestures were simply the most overt reminders of informants’ expectations. All of the behaviors by the informants demonstrated “the goal” and the expectations to achieve it, but also communicated that singing was not an easy task. Additionally, their behaviors demonstrated that singing was multidimensional, requiring the integration of body and voice to execute.
The informants had excellent modeling/mimicking skills, listening abilities, and vocal acuity in demonstration. Among the female informants, most of their speech occurred in head voice, a pattern that I noticed differed from the pitch level of language heard in public settings. Whether this was the result of vocal training is yet an unknown; however, the fact that vocal modeling occurred in head voice (McGraw, 1996; Rupp, 1993), without vibrato, was noteworthy. It appeared they deliberately attempted to match the vocal timbre of the children in order to achieve the result they wanted, perhaps creating a more efficient path to success. In contrast, in singing classes Lukas only spoke, never sang, but may have relied on the children’s former head voice training; his approach may also have been intended to reflect a more mature one in order to maintain the older boys’ attention.
A pronounced teacher behavior was that of offering feedback—frequent, specific, but never generic, value-laden commentary such as “that was good” or “nice job.” Svec (2015) noted similar findings. Swift, direct, and constant feedback played a significant role in achieving singing accuracy. Contrastingly, Rutkowski and Miller’s findings (2003) did not indicate such improvement. However, in the current study, the informants not only knew how to use their voices to achieve results, but also how to address the children’s voices (Trollinger, 2006). This implies that they have practice in identifying and rectifying problems; furthermore, they were not hesitant to make the corrections, underscoring their confidence. Whether they acquired that confidence as a result of their training or experience is unknown, but could also be an outgrowth of cultural support and promotion.
Beyond accuracy in pitch and rhythmic musical elements, the meaning of the text appeared to drive instruction. Informants took time to inform the children about the composers, history of the pieces, and impetus for the compositions, providing context for the music. Therefore, it did not appear that they were merely teaching piece after piece, but rather that they relished and savored each one, making it worthy of learning. Perhaps this is due to support of the culture, but also could be attributed to the idea that each song is more than mere notes on the page; each is an experience. The approach implicitly communicated that there was much to be learned with each piece and that each one would offer important learning. An implication is that each song was considered worthy of teaching, important to teach to contribute to knowledge of and about music, and a means of communication with nuance, syntax, and symbolic meaning.
From the findings, every informant, with the exception of one, consistently exhibited alignment between their beliefs and their teaching behaviors (Pajares, 1992). Their behaviors exemplified a code that no child would be allowed to sing out of tune, sing in chest voice, or sing without expression. Essentially, they lived and breathed their beliefs (Nespor, 1987) that all children could sing and used their skill to do so (Shulman, 1987). One might posit that cultural expectations were at work that influenced the informants, but there may also be individual pride in achieving successful results. However, informants never discussed or displayed any elements of competition, only support for each other which was obvious as they shared repertoire, discussed specific issues in teaching children to sing, and planned performances and festival participation.
Although the results of this study cannot be generalized, they can inform the profession about beliefs and behaviors that can be emphasized in the music classroom to assist in improving children’s singing. Of most importance, the informants believed all children could sing and did not discount anyone. No one was suggesting that any child simply “mouth” the words; rather, each was adamant about teaching children to sing well and to enhance singing with music literacy. It was not a matter of “getting through” a certain number of pieces for the year, but rather, focused on specifically using pieces to teach children to sing and then put those skills in the context of more difficult repertoire. They were united in the goal and in their unmitigated tenacity. Furthermore, their behaviors exemplified quality, concerted, sequential teaching that clearly demonstrated the informants believed in their abilities to reach the goal. Teacher preparation programs might take notice of these elements to better equip teachers for greater success in the classrooms.
In conclusion, the most important elements to surface in this investigation were that the informants held strong beliefs about the goal and their abilities to accomplish it. Their beliefs were implemented in every element of their practice, noted in their behaviors through their demonstration of knowledge, skills, and communication, all of which were critical to their success. Nothing was a result of happenstance; rather teaching was strategically executed, focusing on one concept at a time rather than plunging into songs without any attention to breath management or vocal production. In other words, the informants were quite concerted, proactive, and committed in their teaching, exhibiting their ability to accomplish the task. Furthermore, the existing educational structure in Lithuania not only accommodates the teaching of singing, but also heavily supports it, allowing children to sing in school and in singing schools from preschool through secondary school. Due to the structure of the system and the excellence in teacher training, this serves as an exemplary model for teachers all over the world.
Implications for teachers are that teacher beliefs may influence teaching behaviors in teaching children to sing well. In this study, those beliefs undergirded the informants’ behaviors and their confidence in achieving success. In terms of the music teaching profession, the idea that all children can sing can propel teachers never to acquiesce, garnering success for the children and for them. A second implication is that while the beliefs were verbally communicated, the behaviors clearly demonstrated those beliefs. In other words, they informants practiced what they believed. There was no disconnect except for one participant. Verbiage, attitudes, actions, and tenacity were evidence of their beliefs, clearly ensconced in their teaching.
Further research in this area might focus on further investigation of teacher beliefs and the acquisition of these in order to better understand how these affect teaching. Second, it would be beneficial to study the particular acquisition of teachers’ skill sets over time to determine how these directly connect with teacher beliefs. Finally, it would be helpful to undertake the focus of the current study with a larger and more diverse group of informants, preferably in different countries, to identify commonalities and differences, particularly in relation to one’s culture. All of these proposed studies could directly contribute to the structure and delivery of teacher preparation programs in America, with an eye toward improving singing across the globe.
Footnotes
Appendix A
Funding
The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: This research project was funded by a Fulbright Scholar’s Award.
