Accommodation and Resistance: Missionary Encounters with the Satnamis of Narnaul

Encounters

In North India, among the missionary societies, the Baptist Missionary Society, London, was the earliest to make inroads as early as 1811 at Agra under the patronage of Rev. John Chamberlain and Peacock, the Serampore missionaries, followed by the Church Missionary Society, London under Rev. Daniel Corrie’s patronage. ¹² In fact, the missionaries, particularly William Carey (1793–1833), J. Marshman (1799–1837) and W. Ward (1799–1833) were very much active from the late eighteenth century using the Danish enclave of Serampore (13 miles north of Calcutta) missionaries. The British India Government initially did not allow missionaries to indulge in proselytizing activities in their territories, for the ambitious agenda of ‘Empire’ was essentially in conflict with missionary aspirations. Conflict and tension reigned. Governor General Lord Moira even asked Begum Samru of Sardhana to dismiss Chamberlain from her service. ¹³ The ban on missionary activities was lifted by the Charter Act of 1813. In this regard, the presence of the Baptist Missionary Society at Agra as early as 1811 is noteworthy. The Church Missionary Society also did not lag behind. They made advancements in 1813 soon after the passing of the Charter Act.

The first encounter of Christian missionaries with the Satnamis of Narnaul occurred soon after the British occupation of the North-Western Provinces (1803–08). The Church Missionary Society (London) became active in Meerut as early as 1813. The first person baptized here by Rev. Henry Fisher ¹⁴ was Permunund (Permanand), a Brahman, at Christmas, in 1816 and he was christened Anund Messeeh. ¹⁵ It was this ‘native’ catechist who was the driving force behind the missionary endeavours among the Satnami community in and around the Delhi region. Fisher provides a graphic account of Messeeh’s tryst with the Satnami community of Narnaul in 1817:

During his (Anund Messeeh’s) stay there (at Delhi), a report was in circulation, that a number of strangers from several villages to the west of Delhi had assembled together, nobody knew why, in a Tope near the imperial city; and were busily employed in friendly conversation, and in reading some books in their possession, which had induced them to renounce their Caste, to bind themselves to love and to associate with one another and intermarry only among their own sect, and to lead a strict and holy life. ¹⁶

Fisher’s narration of the assembly appears to be the annual congregation (bhandārā) of the Satnamis that usually takes place in the month of Phālgun (February–March) as per the Hindu lunar calendar. Every year they assemble at a stipulated place (the venue keeps on changing). ¹⁷ What is more striking in the description is Messeeh’s interaction with the elders of the community:

Pray, who are all these people? And whence come they?

‘We are poor and lowly, and we read and love this book.’

‘What is that book?’

‘The book of God!’

‘Let me look at it, if you please.’

Anund, on opening the book, perceived it to be the Gospel of our Lord, translated into the Hindoestanee Tongue, many copies of which seemed to be in the possession of the party: some were PRINTED others were WRITTEN by themselves from the printed ones. Anund pointed to the name of Jesus, and asked, ‘Who is that?’

‘THAT IS GOD! He gave us this book.’

‘Where did you obtain it?’

‘An Angel from heaven gave it us, at Hurdwar fair.’

‘An Angel?’

‘Yes to us he was God’s Angel: but he was a man, a learned Pundit.’…

‘The written copies we write ourselves, having no other means of obtaining more of this blessed word’.

‘These books,’ said Anund, ‘teach the religion of the European Sahibs. It is THEIR book; and they printed it in our language, for our use.’…

‘That is true; but how can it be the European Book, when we believe that its God’s gift to us? He sent it to us at Hurdwar.’

‘God gave it long ago to the Sahibs, and THEY sent it to us…’ ¹⁸

Messeeh continued his endeavour, roamed from village to village wherever there were Satnamis. He communicated to Fisher on 12 May 1817 that, ‘I preached to them the word of the blessed Christ: and they, on hearing this Word of Jesus, were filled with joy, as having found God…’ ¹⁹ Though everywhere Anund was received with ‘reverence and affection’, Fisher’s imagination appears far-fetched when he fantasizes that the Satnamis ‘kissed his (Anund’s) Bible—and would have prostrated themselves at his feet’. ²⁰

Fisher’s excitement was exceptional. In his over enthusiasm he commented that ‘all united to acknowledge the superiority of the doctrines of this Holy Book to everything which they had hitherto heard or known’. ²¹ The Nineteenth Report of the Corresponding Committee of the Calcutta and North India Mission, basing on Fisher’s reports, also records that ‘They are very ready to receive and use our Books, and to listen to Teachers’. ²² In reply to Thomason’s letter dated 20 June 1817, Lieutenant Macdonald, however, cautioned against jumping to hurried conclusions. He moreover agreed that ‘they (Satnami Sadhs) were eagerly desirous of instruction, and had already heard of some tidings of good’. ²³ Fisher did acknowledge that ‘Mr. Thomason suggested a caution, with respect to giving credit to that intelligence, in its full extent, till the details were better known’. ²⁴ Nonetheless Mr. Thomason did believe that ‘it carries with it all the marks of probability, and contains much to animate and encourage us in the work of the Lord’. ²⁵

Messeeh’s narration about the Satnamis and their welcoming attitude led Fisher to move systematically in his missionary endeavour. Fisher considered it appropriate to begin his proselytizing activities working with a particular group of the Satnami Sadhs (around Meerut and Delhi). He resolved to place Messeeh in Delhi where the latter planned to run his school so that he could visit the nearby Sadh (Satnami) villages on a regular basis. Messeeh was put under the supervision of Lieutenant Macdonald. They began their task initially with ‘the due observation of the Sabbath’, ‘WHICH’, in their opinion Sadhs were, ‘WILLING TO ADOPT’. ²⁶

Shortly afterwards, on 25 December 1818, Messeeh succeeded in converting Jysingh Sadh of Kowaly/Kowabee (modern Koali, district Sonepat/Rohtak, Haryana) and christened him David. ²⁷ Jysingh was a senior and influential person of the Satnami Sadh community and with his baptism it was easy for Messeeh to make inroads into the community. ²⁸ Rather Jysingh did accompany him to various Satnami villages.

Messeeh and David, alias Jysingh, began their sojourn from village Babbeyl (Babbail, district Panipat, Haryana) where they stayed for twelve days ‘preaching, conversing and explaining’. ²⁹ They passed through other nearby Satnami Sadh villages/towns, including Karnaul, Jeynpore (Jainpur) and Ghurrie (Garhi) (district Karnal, Haryana). ³⁰ The Satnami Sadhs received them with affection and warmth everywhere. Fisher was so confident of his success that in spite of his disappointment to build a Christian village near Meerut, ³¹ he established a Christian village near Kowabee (Henrypore; named after Henry Fisher), where they set up a school headed by David/Jysingh Sadh. ³²

By sheer coincidence, around the same time when Fisher met with the Sadhs near Delhi, William Henry Trant, a civil servant, then posted at Farrukhabad, came into contact with the Satnami Sadh community of Farrukhabad in 1816. ³³ That year the annual congregation (bhandārā) of the Satnami Sadhs was held at Farrukhabad. The principal person of the Satnami Sadh community at Farrukhabad was Bhawani Das Sadh Satnami. The community members ‘received (Trant) with much attention’. Bhawani Das used to frequently visit Trant and he even presented him a copy of the Pothee (Gyan Bani), their religious scripture. ³⁴ Bhawani Das was eager to comprehend the Christian tenets. Trant gave him Persian and Hindostani versions of the New Testament. Bhawani Das was interested in the Old Testament, particularly in the account of the Creation as elaborated in the text. Unfortunately, Trant did not possess any copy of it in Persian or Hindostani at that time and he promised to procure one for Bhawani Das. Being a civil servant Trant did not have a great missionary vigour in his meeting with Bhawani Das. But after interacting with the community he found them to be ‘very interesting people’, and in his opinion ‘an intelligent and zealous missionary would find great facility in communicating with them’. ³⁵ In spite of regular reports in the Missionary Register concerning Trant’s efforts, one neither comes across any reference to baptism of any Satnami Sadh at Farrukhabad under Trant’s patronage, nor was any missionary stationed during this period by the Church Missionary Society at Farrukhabad. Though, the Baptist Missionary Society became active at Fatehgarh (the administrative headquarter of Farrukhabad) as early as 1821, there appears hardly any missionary encounter with the Satnami Sadhs of Farrukhabad during this period. Bhawani Das’ enticement also appears to have been confined to curiosity and inquisitiveness. We do not find any reference to his conversion. A little later, the American Presbyterian Mission Society became active at Fatehgurh (administrative headquarter of Farrukhabad, 1838) and Farrukhabad (1844). It appears that initially there was not much interaction of the American Presbyterians with the Satnami Sadh community. It was only under the aegis of Dr S.H. Kellogg and Mrs Kellogg around 1870s that the American Presbyterian Mission made inroads among the Satnami Sadh community of Farrukhabad and ‘received a peculiar welcome’ from them. Mrs Kellogg laboured among the women folk of the community. ³⁶ Kellogg was even invited by Sadhs ‘to preach the gospel’ at their chauki. ³⁷ Kellogg reports that they were so happy that they even asked him to be present there every full moon day. ³⁸ He also mentions about the regular visits of a Sadh who was ‘a great banker’. ³⁹ Kellogg’s efforts bore fruit when in 1890–92 Prithi Lal Sadh and his aunt were baptized. ⁴⁰

Pluralism, Inclusivism and Syncretism

The community’s reaction to the proselytization of the missionaries at Kowaly (Kowabee/Koali/Henrypore) and Farrukhabad was not the same. The Satnami Sadhs of Kowaly/Kowabee hardly resisted the baptism of Jysingh (alias David). To Fisher’s utter astonishment ‘far from objecting to David’s baptism, they seemed to rejoice, and congratulate him…’ ⁴¹ Though it is difficult to endorse Fisher’s claim, it confirms the Satnamis’ receptive attitude towards the new faith. In contrast, conversions at Farrukhabad aroused confrontation and led to tensions within the community and ‘resulted in the removal of the new converts to another station.’ ⁴² The Satnami Sadhs of Farrukhabad boast that his conversion enraged Sadhs and one of the Sadhs ‘snatched his sword’ and attacked fatally (?) in a bid to kill him. ⁴³ It is noteworthy that as per their tenets, Jysingh after conversion should have been excommunicated from the sect. ⁴⁴ The established practices ensued by the community pertaining to excommunication are: (a) ritual excommunication by which the ritual offerings of an individual are not accepted, (b) ban on attending religious gatherings/assemblies. Generally, one does not come across social boycott used as a tool of excommunication. Both the converts were principal men of the community and enjoyed high respect within the community. But why was not there any such reaction to Jysingh’s conversion? Why was the situation not quite the same at Farrukhabad? Were the Farrukhabadi Satnami Sadhs more organized and institutionalized in their outlook than their counterparts in Haryana? Was the identity of the Satnami Sadhs of Haryana and surrounding areas comparatively more fluid and their outlook more plural in comparison to their urban counterparts at Farrukhabad? The complete silence of the Satnamis makes it difficult to find any satisfactory answer.

To handle all these issues a brief discussion on the interaction of rural and urban Satnami Sadhs would be appropriate. After the rebellion of 1672 the nucleus of the Satnami leadership shifted towards Farrukhabad in the eighteenth century. With the exception of the Dhyān Bānī of Anrud Das Sadh of Alwar, Rajasthan ⁴⁵ almost all the available tracts of the Satnami scripture/s are derived almost exclusively from Farrukhabad. Even the present Satnami scripture Nirbāna Gyān was ‘standardized’ by Chahetelal Sadh of Farrukhabad sometime in the late nineteenth century. ⁴⁶ During the second half of the nineteenth century the Farrukhabadis came into contact with the Europeans. The European traders brought prosperity to them. The Farrukhabadi Sadhs were largely block printers. ⁴⁷ With European links they started exporting the printed cloth. Their success story particularly began with the establishment of Messers Sumer Chand and Sham Lal’s firm in 1875. It brought many laurels to their credit. ⁴⁸ The construction of a huge chauki at Farrukhabad (1860) further strengthened the position of the Farrukhabadis substantially. The newly built chauki soon assumed the position of the ‘symbol’ of their religious authority, a factor that was missing all through. ⁴⁹ The community’s annual congregations (bhandārās) now started taking place at Farrukhabad more frequently. The recently built chauki had the capacity to accommodate large congregations and the Farrukhabadis had the money to provide the sustenance. This must have been instrumental in providing a new identity to the Farrukhabadis. Being urban and economically well off there was nothing to stop them from dominating the religious space. Thus, by the late nineteenth century the Farrukhabadi dominance visibly emerged as unchallenged. The process of domination that began in the nineteenth century assumed the proportion of an open clash within the community. The first schism became apparent by the turn of the twentieth century resulting in the court case between the two groups in 1904. ⁵⁰

These factors apparently became instrumental in recasting the identity of the Satnami Sadhs of Farrukhabad. They appropriated comparatively more fixed and rigid notions in their socio-religious outlook as compared to their rural counterparts who appear to be more flexible and fluid in their attitude and beliefs than the Farrukhabadis. The Farrukhabadis strictly adhere to the Satnami ways of conducting marriages. ⁵¹ They insist upon marrying within the community. But the Satnami Sadhs of Haryana (rural Satnami Sadhs) till date are not very particular on the issue. To them their ‘caste’ (often addressed as gotra) is more important. The person has to be from the same ‘caste’ and he may not necessarily be a Satnami Sadh. A Jat Sadh prefers to marry his daughter to a Jat Sadh, failing that, his preference would be a ‘Jat’ rather than an Ahir Sadh. If a Satnami Sadh marries a non-Satnami Sadh, ‘Hindu’ marriage customs are generally adhered to and in such cases a Brahman priest performs the marriage rites. Against this background, one could rationalize the sharp reaction of the urban Farrukhabadis against the conversions and why the rural Satnami Sadhs of Haryana did not create any hype over the issue.

The Satnami Sadhs in general were receptive to new ideologies. The missionary encounter with the Satnami Sadhs alludes to the community’s open, non-partisan and plural approach towards other religious traditions and exhibit their inquisitiveness and zeal to learn and appreciate anything nonconformist. The rural Satnamis did not reject and in fact welcomed the copies of the New Testament that Rev. John Chamberlain distributed among them at Hardwar. ⁵² Other members of the community even took the trouble to copy the text for personal reading without knowing to which faith that particular book belonged. ⁵³ Initially the Farrukhabadi Satnami Sadhs also welcomed Kellogg and even invited him to their chauki to preach. This eclectic outlook of the Satnami Sadhs was probably instrumental in generating their interest in the Christian faith. The rural Satnami Sadhs apparently looked to be more than convinced that the book was God’s gift to them. ⁵⁴ Nonetheless they reacted sharply and rejected anything that was not in conformity with their own tenets. This accounts for the fervent opposition of the Satnami Sadhs to meat-eating. The moment they became aware of the fact that the book belonged to the religion of the European sahibs who eat meat, something that is very much abhorred by the Satnamis, their stance changed, ‘Ah! No’, replied the stranger (one Satnami Sadh), ‘they cannot be, for they eat flesh’. Messeeh tried to convince them that, ‘Jesus Christ teaches that it does not signify what a man eats or drinks. EATING is nothing before God’. ⁵⁵ But they seem to have possessed quite a fixed notion on the issue. They countered, ‘We are persecuted enough already ... but if we were to eat beef and pig’s blood, what would become of us!’ ⁵⁶ They were equally hesitant the moment Messeeh talked about baptism, ‘We are willing to be baptized, but we will never take the Sacrament. To all the other customs of the Christians we are willing to conform, but not to the Sacrament, because the Europeans eat cow’s flesh, and this will never do for us’. ⁵⁷ Such was the strong feeling of opposition of the Satnami Sadhs that when David and Messeeh were paying a visit to Satnami Sadh villages as a mark of reverence for their feeling they decided not to eat meat during the sojourn. ⁵⁸

The reaction of the Satnami Sadhs towards Christianity could then possibly be explained in terms of ‘pluralism’, ‘tolerance’ or what Paul Hacker calls the inclusivism of the Indian cultural tradition. Inclusivism, as defined by Paul Hacker is the practice of ‘claiming for’ and thus including in, ‘one’s own religion’ or world view what belongs in reality to another, foreign or competing system’. ⁵⁹ It is hardly inclined towards ‘conversion’ instead ‘ready to include the ideas as their very own while maintaining uniqueness of their own religion’. Hacker’s idea of ‘inclusivism’ could well explicate the Satnami outlook and reaction towards Christianity. The Satnamis though, appear to be quite open to alien or competing systems, nonetheless they remained sensitive to the fundamental Satnami ideology. They were attracted towards Christianity in search of knowledge, inquisitiveness and curiosity to know alien religious ideas, rather than with aspirations of undergoing religious transformation. ⁶⁰ Fisher acknowledged that their ‘curiosity to read and understand our books’ was largely to confirm ‘great resemblance between Christianity and its Divine Author, and their own tradition with fabulous records of Satgur Uddheas’ (Baba Uda Das). ⁶¹ Probably, the agenda of conversion does not seem to be present at the back of their mind. Apparently, the transference of Christian impact was overstated.

Seemingly, there was an urge on the part of the Satnami Sadhs to understand, comprehend and assimilate something novel, but that had to be analogous to their own tenets. They yearned to know ‘the hidden truth’. However, in this search, they were not ready to compromise their own identity. Any such drive was strongly resisted. Messeeh invited them to come to Meerut for baptism but they politely rejected the offer and promised to visit Meerut the next year. This clearly shows their hesitation to accept the Christian faith. They appeared reluctant in making any commitment. Even when asked by Messeeh at Rohut (Rohat), ‘Do you pray in the name of Jesus, the Son of God?’ They stated, ‘We never have done so … but will follow your counsel’. ⁶²

Though the Satnami attitude was catholic and the approach syncretic, they were conscious of their own ‘self’. The fluid outlook of the Satnamis exposed them to new ideologies and traditions. At the same time, ‘conservatism’ and ‘rigidity’ towards the ‘core’ made them resistant to the adoption of a new faith. Missionaries mistakenly thought that their anti-Brahman stance would help to bring the Satnamis close to the Christian faith to a large extent. The Satnami empathy towards the Christian faith at no stage meant that they were ready to surrender their identity. They appreciated everyone and received with ease all ideologies that were similar to their beliefs. Whenever and wherever contradictions emerged they rejected them. Fisher has also acknowledged this absolutely plural outlook of theirs with regard to their precepts. He observed,

Any Saadh, believing himself to be under the influence of that same Divine Spirit which they suppose to have inspired their first founder, is at perfect liberty to offer their own productions at their religious assemblies for public repetition; and, so long as they are moral, and not in contradiction to their received opinions, they will not be objected to. ⁶³ (emphasis mine)

The Satnamis even today encourage individuals to speak out and express their opinions at their religious assemblies on their tenets or other similar related issues. ⁶⁴

Aetiology

The predisposition of the Satnamis towards the Christian faith prompted them to take the trouble to copy the Christian tracts. Messeeh when he first discovered the community he found them curiously reading the Christian tracts at their bhandārā (religious congregation) and this, he actually noticed much before the missionaries began evangelization in the region. However, so cryptic are the Satnami voices that it is difficult to reason out the Satnami attitude towards missionaries. Nonetheless, the Satnami contacts with the missionaries indeed seem to be more pragmatic than dogmatic.

The natural curiosity at printed texts could be one of the major factors for attraction towards Christian scriptures. Printed books were a novelty of the time with a select few having access to them. Fisher noted that ‘the ignorance and simplicity of many are very striking, never having heard of a printed book before; and its very appearance was to them miraculous’. ⁶⁵ R.A. Richards, Fisher’s successor at Meerut also confirms the anxiety of the natives for the books. ⁶⁶ Richards once visited Anapshire fair (Anupshahr, district Bulandshahr, Uttar Pradesh) in November 1835 with the printed tracts. When they laid out the books a mob gathered to have a look at the books. One native asked, ‘Are these books for sale?… Don’t be angry, Sir; for I am a Gowar (illiterate), and know no better: my reason for asking was, that they are exposed as for sale: besides, never were books brought to this Mela before, either for sale or distribution’. ⁶⁷ However, Allison has also rightly pointed out that ‘because these people had never seen a printed book before, they supposed it had come from heaven’. ⁶⁸

The Satnami Sadhs were also fascinated by the enchanting personality of Messeeh. Such was his charismatic persona that, when he was posted at Karnal, the Sepoys assembled to hear him and requested him to preach again. ⁶⁹ This Messeeh had acknowledged. He reports, ‘They all [the village Sadhs] shewed [showed] me great love, and exclaimed, “you must always stay with us, and dwell in our villages; teaching us the worship of Jesus; and we will learn …’ ⁷⁰ Fisher also confirms their fascination for Messeeh, ‘they all appeared delighted at having Messeeh settled among them’. ⁷¹ Though, Messeeh often paid regular visits to the Sadhs, he could not pay exclusive attention to them because of his engagements in Delhi. Then he was shifted to Karnal and later for a short while posted at Meerut till he was finally ‘disconnected’ from the society. ⁷²

While associating with the ‘Sahebs’, the longing for status, social justice and freedom from exploitation cannot be ruled out. Voices of their degradation at the hands of the local elites do recur in missionary representations. Fisher provides an account of one of the horror tales of the atrocities committed by a zamīndār (rural elite; superior right holder) upon a Sadh. He reports that at village Jainpur (district Karnal, Haryana), Jysingh ‘Rajah’ (must be a local zamīndār) of the area was so cruel that he had the body of one poor old Sadh ‘smeared over with inflammable matter, and set him on fire, to extort money from him’. ⁷³ At another place Fisher recounts the story of their oppression by the state vis-à-vis the local officials. Messeeh reports clashes in one Sadh village which was under the jurisdiction of the king of Delhi:

A dispute having arisen about some money payments, the king’s people killed three villagers, and wounded seven. Notwithstanding, these villagers did not kill any of the king’s men: but, having brought their dead, came to Mr. Macdonald and Mr. Tomkyns, who were very glad to see them. The Sardar said: ‘So it appears that you are our brother: take us out of the hands of this Mussulman King, and let the Company have our village. This will be a good thing, for then we shall be at ease’. ⁷⁴

It is difficult to ascertain whether the Satnami Sadhs actually looked at the missionaries as their ‘saviours’, nevertheless their oppression by the local magnates was beyond doubt. At the same time the missionary designs to emphasize upon destitution, deprivation and malice cannot be ignored.

People aspired for ‘privileges’ and ‘opportunities’. They thought their closeness with the ‘sahebs’ would help their fortunes. Bishop Heber during his north India tour in 1824–25 remarks how people strived hard to get recommendations from him for governmental benefits. ⁷⁵ Fisher also hints at their aspirations for tangible economic ‘concessions’ and eagerness for want of numerous ‘benefits’ from the company. Though he has not elaborated the point further, one cannot rule out the possibility that they were inclined towards getting some financial ‘benefits’. Fisher gives an account of two Hindu women who looked for a secure future in Christianity. They desired to settle down in the Christian village where they wished to earn their bread (khānā) by making stockings and when they will die they wished ‘you will put us into the earth’. ⁷⁶ This points towards the looming uncertainties and probably commoners looked at the missionaries who could ensure them the essentials of life. The rural Satnami Sadhs of Haryana, Delhi, Meerut and the surrounding areas were not financially well off. Missionaries have reported them as poor, humble and lowly. ⁷⁷ Probably it was the new canal that brought prosperity to them. ⁷⁸ The affluence of the Farrukhabadi Satnami Sadhs began once they started exporting their products to European companies in the third quarter of the nineteenth century. Their interest was in getting orders from them for their products. Writing in late 1920s Allison mentions that when Dr E. Stanley Jones visited Farrukhabad and tried to facilitate Allison’s work, the Sadhs were interested in getting from Dr Jones ‘the names of several American merchants who would be willing to order Sadh products’. ⁷⁹

Longing for education and hope of social mobility also possibly fascinated them towards the missionaries. Sheer closeness with the ‘whites’ must be enough to raise their status in the society. Apparently their position in the society was not very high. Fisher mentions them belonging to the ‘poorer and (of) lower order … The Brahmins have always hated them, and have persecuted them with unrelenting vigour’. ⁸⁰ When Jysingh was made in-charge of the Christian school at Henrypore in December 1817, a privilege that was until then exclusively the preserve of the Brahmans, Brahmans vehemently resisted his appointment. Fisher reports,

Some Brahmans in the neighbourhood have expressed displeasure; considering the selection of the Saadhs as Teachers, to the seclusion and neglect of themselves, as a very unfair and ill-judged preference; since the communication of the rudiments of learning should, in their opinion, have remained their exclusive prerogative. ⁸¹

Jysingh must have felt elated having received the honour of a teacher, which was a Brahmanic preserve. Probably the doors of education were also not open to them easily and that is why both the Satnami Sadhs and the Jats (the Satnami Sadhs of this region largely derive their strength from the Jat community) showed eagerness for building the school. Brahmans spread the rumours that ‘unworthy and interested motives have prompted this plan of education; and that, so soon as the children may be found qualified for their destined occupation and employment, the parents will be forcibly deprived of them’. ⁸² The Satnamis and the Jats were populated in the new Christian village with one of the Jat zamīndārs (?), Tumeendu, initially providing the shed for the school. In 1821 Mr Metcalfe, a resident of Delhi, allotted a plot of twenty-five bighas to erect the school building. ⁸³ In addition, the zamīndārs of Heracolly granted ‘a piece of waste adjoining ground; and a little hill, commanding the slope marked out by Mr Metcalfe, and the site of an old village’. ⁸⁴ The construction of the school was considered an important event. Fisher informs that ‘to ensure to it prosperity and permanency, the inhabitants had, previous to Messeeh’s arrival, consulted an astrologer, that the commencement of the school might be under the auspices of a happy conjunction’. ⁸⁵

It is difficult to assess the impact of the missionary school and missionary education on the community in the absence of data. Apparently they looked interested in education. They thought missionary schools could fulfil their aspirations. Therefore, there seems to be no visible resistance to Jysingh’s conversion; rather they did send their children to the schools for education. Fisher, during his visit to Kowabee, had an interesting conversation with the Sadhs and the Jats of the region about the benefits of education. ⁸⁶ But nothing much is known in this regard. Jysingh initially had eight children at Henrypore/Kowabee/Kowali. However, from the very onset Fisher was not satisfied with their progress. ⁸⁷ Allison, writing in 1920s, mentions that Farrukhabadi Sadhs (urban Sadhs) had a higher rate of literacy than their counterpart Sadhs. They possessed a working knowledge of English and ‘several Sadh boys attended the Farrukhabad Missionary High school’. ⁸⁸

Missionaries/missionary education does not seem to have brought about cultural transformation. The impact on Satnami doctrines and on their day-to-day religious observances turned out to be very negligent. Fisher found their socio-religious practices very much akin to the Christian faith. He has compared their monthly gatherings at every full moon day (pūno) with the Sacramental feast. ⁸⁹ Fisher even imagined that Jogee Das, the so-called founder of the sect, ⁹⁰ was a Christian. He writes, ‘Is not this idea probable legendary misrepresentation of the information communicated to the Saadhs, in the first instance, by Jogee Das, who, if he was a Christian, as I think by no means improbable, would teach his disciples the doctrine of Christ’s Divinity…’ Allison quite rightly rejected Fisher’s argument observing, that ‘Jogi Das was most probably not a Christian, but may have been as much a Christian as he was either an orthodox Hindu or Muslim’. ⁹¹ Fisher compared that similar to the Christian belief they also had faith in the ‘Day of Judgement when their body and soul will be united’. ⁹² J.N. Farquhar has also acknowledged that the Sadhs ‘show Christian influence in one point at least, viz. in the strict injunction of monogamy’. ⁹³ W.L. Allison, though otherwise rejected Fisher’s argument, identifies three areas of Christian influences: (a) monogamy (b) Sunday worship, or weekly worship and (c) the Sacramental meal, prasad. ⁹⁴ H.H. Wilson has summarized their teachings as ‘Twelve Commandments’. ⁹⁵ When Dr Robert E. Speer, Secretary of the Presbyterian Mission, New York, during his visit to Farrukhabad saw the Satnami Sadhs reciting shabd (word of God) he was surprised and said, ‘whether he (Satnami) got it from his own teaching or from his lessons in the Mission High School’. ⁹⁶ The missionaries also quite often equated the Satnami Sadhs with the Quakers. Trant was particularly fascinated by the amazing resemblance of the Satnami Sadhs with the Quakers, the Society of Friends. ⁹⁷

The so-called incorporation of certain Christian symbols like congregational worship, etc. by the Satnami Sadhs appears to be an articulation of the missionaries. It is doubtful that, in actual practice, under Christian influence, such practices were incorporated. Fisher hardly got a chance to have a look at their religious scripture. The congregational worship, sacramental feasts (langars; bhandārās), were very much part of the community rituals much before their interaction with the missionaries. These practices were integral elements of the bhakti tradition. Weekly congregations (Friday prayers) were an established norm among the Muslims. However, Allison believes that it (weekly congregation) was ‘almost certainly derived from Christianity’. ⁹⁸ But much before the Christian influence when Fisher visited Sadh villages he found congregational worship was conducted at Rohat, though in other villages ‘they seemed to use private prayer’. ⁹⁹ Fisher tells us that Jogi Das had fixed Saturday ¹⁰⁰ for their meetings but,

the Saadhs, however, being principally poor labouring men, hardly bestead for daily bread, found that so frequent an interruption to their means of support for themselves and families could not be conveniently submitted to; and, therefore, in the course of time, a monthly meeting was substituted for their former weekly one and they now assemble only on the day of every full moon day. ¹⁰¹

Thus, the concept of congregational worship was there much before their interaction with the missionaries. Even if we accede to Fisher’s argument regarding the shifting of the congregation to Sunday, this was not done by the Satnamis under Christian influence. Instead it was more of a financial consideration. ¹⁰² We also do not come across any reference to ‘Twelve Commandments’ in the Satnami scripture or otherwise as attributed to the Satnamis by Wilson. Probably, it was Wilson who, at first, summarized their major precepts into ‘Twelve Commandments’ in tune with ‘Ten Commandments’. Bhawani Das did approach Trant for completely ‘spiritual motives’. Trant has mentioned Bhawani Das’ interests in The Old Testament, particularly aspects relating to the creation of the world. There was no desire to ‘convert’ instead he was probably keenly looking for peculiarities of the new faith vis-à-vis his. ¹⁰³

Allison has quoted one interesting verse where Christ’s name is mentioned:

By the power of devotion, Lakshaman escaped from weapons, Prahlad escaped from the fire, Mira Bai escaped from the poison, but Mahatma Yisu (Jesus) did not escape from cross… Mary, Jesus and Mohammed were all ordinary people…The Vedas, Puranans, Quran and the Gospel are words of men; the true secret of devotion came from the Guru. ¹⁰⁴

I have not yet come across any such verse in currency among the Satnami Sadh community. Even the content of the verse also does not indicate Christian influence, rather it emphasizes the superiority of their Guru (Baba Uda Das) over other faiths, including Christianity.

Contestation and Contraposition

No perceptible change appears to have occurred as a result of missionary endeavours. Evidently they did not discount Christianity, but the instances of conversions and subsequent apostasy were few. It is doubtful whether the converts at all had that inner conviction. Probably, an acceptance of the Christian title was the ‘only’ distinguishing mark. It entailed only a titular transfer of religious identity and apparently no assimilation and cultural transformation took place. During their very first encounter Fisher looked at them as ‘promising blossoms of hope’ ¹⁰⁵ and ‘exceedingly teachable’. ¹⁰⁶ But as early as 1818–19 the Corresponding Committee had apparently admitted to the overenthusiasm of the missionaries:

When First seen by Anund, sanguine hopes were entertained that they were a people already well prepared for Missionary Laboures, by their previous knowledge and observance of the Christian Scriptures. But from a recent and well authenticated account of these people, lately received from Mr. Fisher, it appears that they are merely a sect of Hindoos… ¹⁰⁷

Fisher, who once planned to station a regular missionary among Sadhs with Messeeh’s assistance, was soon disappointed. He confessed:

I perfectly coincide with him (Mr. Principal Mill), that these people, however interesting, and however promising of a productive harvest if the reapers were among them, are sadly too much entangled by peculiarities and fancies of their own, to possess sufficient simplicity and teachableness: although they cannot be considered equally indisposed as the rest of the multitudes of Asiatic Heresies and Superstitions, to the reception of the Truth; for they have renounced caste, and are curious to read and understand our Books: yet, it is obvious, they highly estimate their own creed; and are anxious to establish and to conciliate from us a concession to that effect, that there is a great RESEMBLANCE between Christianity and its Divine Author, and their own traditions and fabulous records of Satgur Uddeas’. ¹⁰⁸ (Emphasis mine)

Fisher acknowledged his ‘folly and unfruitfulness of indulging over-sanguine expectations’. ¹⁰⁹ He evidently realized that they were receptive and at the same time conscious of their own sectarian boundaries. But in spite of grave disappointment Fisher was still optimistic that ‘great good might be done among them, if a regular system of uninterrupted Missionary Labour was established, at least among those simple villagers whom I have seen at and around Kowabee’. ¹¹⁰ ‘I fear the want of regular visitor, and, above all, the want of a faithful and resident Church Missionary, will defeat our hopes in that quarter’. ¹¹¹ Even much before Fisher’s final withdrawal from Meerut (1832) prospects of converting the community at large appeared quite bleak.

The neophytes failed to affect social change or encourage the Satnami masses towards Christianity. Neither the baptism of Jysingh nor those of Prithi Lal and his aunt bore fruits. During the time span of 86 years (1816–92) barring these three Satnami Sadh converts, no one else could be brought into the Christian fold. Though Messeeh continued to be in touch with the community and paid regular visits, yet his efforts were probably no longer effective. Seemingly Fisher’s endeavours at Kowabee failed. Fisher was not satisfied with the progress of David’s school. He complained that Jysingh alias David used to attend the school very irregularly. The boys could read only Nagari characters and little arithmetic. ¹¹² Jysingh alias David, soon became an invalid on account of his blindness and as early as 1824 he was ‘no longer in the list’. ¹¹³ He was replaced by Joseph at Henrypore/Kowabee/Kowali. ¹¹⁴ It is reported that Messeeh ‘occasionally’ paid visits to Henrypore (Henreepore) from Delhi as late as 1824–25. ¹¹⁵ Gradually missionary focus shifted from the Sadhs; and day-by-day missionary activities among the Sadhs reduced significantly. With Messeeh and Fisher’s disappearance from the scene all the communications from Henrypore were largely broken and after 1826 reports of missionary activities from the region became more and more irregular.

At this point it will be interesting to comprehend why the missionaries met with such negligible success particularly when everything looked so promising? Could we then assume that the Satnamis were a self–conscious community and possessed pride in their religious beliefs and that the entire exercise to convert the Satnami Sadhs was a momentary attraction of the aspirations and disposition of specific members of the community? The Christian influence appears to be demonstratively vulnerable.

Conversions in India were largely ‘mass movement phenomenon’. ¹¹⁶ The neophytes moved as a group fearing social isolation. Messeeh’s conversation with one of the Satnami Sadhs does indicate a fear in individual Sadhs of getting isolated. The Corresponding Committee also expressed their apprehension that their separation from family members ‘is a serious obstacle to its (Christianity’s) extension’. ¹¹⁷ Among the Satnami Sadhs no such mass/group conversions occurred. We have only two isolated instances of conversions ¹¹⁸ and that too transpired after a considerable gap, both in terms of time and space. The first conversion took place at Kowabee in 1821; while the other materialized in 1892 at Farrukhabad.

Generally, masses followed the leader. However, in the case of the Satnami Sadhs the impact of conversion of the leader appears to be quite negligible. Fisher reports Jysingh Sadh as the principal man of the Sadh community. But in spite of the fact that he did accompany Messeeh to various Sadh villages, we do not hear a single incidence of conversion in the region. ¹¹⁹ Why did leaders/principal men of the community once converted fail to ‘inspire’ fellow brethren? The plausible explanation seems that the community does not have any central authority of a guru or a mahant to ‘inspire’. All the fellow community members are treated as ‘equal’. There could be ‘respectable’, ‘knowledgeable’ and ‘prominent’ individuals within the community but they do not enjoy any customary ‘religious authority’ to influence’ or ‘dictate’ the community at large. It appears that even after the conversion Jysingh remained very much connected with the Satnami community and probably continued to live among his fellow brethren and no physical displacement took place. Jysingh continued to be associated with his past heritage. Thus, unlike other conversions here ‘severing of family ties’ did not occur. Since the converts stayed together with the fellow caste/sect men, in the case of Jysingh chances of going back to the original caste/sect were possibly more. We do not know what followed once Jysingh was abandoned by the missionaries as ‘redundant’—whether he died as a Christian or else was received back into the Sadh community and looked after by them once he became blind. We just get the report that by 1824 he was no longer on the rolls. ¹²⁰ It suggests that at least in the Meerut/Haryana region the impact of missionary endeavours was hardly enough to influence other members of the community to bring them into the Christian fold. Even the most effective technique of influencing the community through elementary schools did not work. The school hardly survived long once Jysingh disappeared from the scene. After Jysingh, Satnami association with the school probably, either severed or else the missionaries themselves withdrew the support and the school endured its natural doom. After February 1826 reports on Henrypore in the Missionary Register stopped coming. ¹²¹

Early in their encounters with the missionaries, initially the Satnami Sadhs showed enthusiasm and curiosity towards the new faith and eagerness to learn the Truth. But, probably, the thought of entering the Christian fold was hardly there. They never expressed any keenness towards the idea of conversion. Whenever the issue was discussed it was politely turned down. When Messeeh persuaded the rural Sadhs to visit Meerut where Christian Padri (Fisher) was stationed, they were just not interested, and ignored the offer—‘Now we must go home to the harvest… perhaps next year we may come to Meerut’. ¹²² The laity feared ‘excommunication’ ¹²³ the most and did not want to lose their identity vis-à-vis their community. Anxiety over supplantation from their religious fraternity always haunted them. When asked about the conversion there came the tacit response, ‘what will our Brethren say! What will the neighbours think. If all country (community?) will receive this Sacrament, then will we’. ¹²⁴

Could we then argue that the Satnami ‘eagerness’ towards Christian faith was more of a missionary projection. Missionaries were largely biased, prejudiced and possessed preconceived notion of ‘bearers of light amidst darkness’. They projected themselves as self-conceived bearers of the burden of ‘civilizing’ the ‘savage’. They had the notion of superiority of the Christian faith and cultural values and looked down upon ‘others’ as ignorant. Their intolerance and dogmatism often led to bitter arguments against the socio–religious ideas and institutions of ‘other’ faiths, particularly, they were critical of the caste hierarchies and Brahmanic dominance. At the same time missionaries undertook dedicated efforts to learn local customs and local languages, preached in local dialects and used Christian schools, imparting modern ideas and scientific knowledge as a formidable tool to attract the masses towards the Christian faith. But none of the above considerations drove the missionaries towards Satnami Sadhs. Instead, they looked at them as a community that rejected all caste boundaries and abhorred idol worship. Initially, they thought the community was ideally prepared for receiving the ‘truth’. They even equated them with the Quakers, the Society of Friends. ¹²⁵ But at no point did the community at large ever show its inclination towards conversion. The missionary emphasis on ‘distinctness’, ‘differences’ and ‘superiority’ of the tenets failed to impress upon the Satnamis who themselves boasted of the ‘distinctness’ of their religion. Perhaps, it was the extreme plural approach and the eclectic outlook of the community that kept their identity intact and washed away the ‘sanguine’ hopes of the missionaries!