Abstract
Paul Michael Garrett is a trenchant commentator on neoliberalism, the welfare state and social work with children and families (see, for example, Garrett, 2003, 2009). He provides the lead essay in this book and focuses on such developments in England and the Republic of Ireland. As such he charts social work’s development under New Labour’s reform and ‘modernisation’ agendas as well as under the ‘Big Society’ of the current coalition government. As far as Ireland is concerned, ‘economic meltdown’ and the ‘dismantling of the social state’ are covered, together with the Ryan Report into child abuse in Industrial Schools and related institutions. Such commentary sets the scene for responses from academics (though sadly no practitioners) who, for example, examine neoliberalisation in Belgium, Canada, Scotland and Wales.
For example, Rona Woodward looks at developments in Scotland. She points out that although the neoliberal change agenda promotes rationing, bureaucratisation, individualisation and de-professionalisation, the situation differs in different countries. Scotland, and Wales for that matter, has more commitment to public services and hence social work, so perhaps practitioners here are better placed to work progressively with children and families. However, the point remains that social work has never been completely benign and in neoliberal times it has increasingly taken/been forced to take an authoritarian turn. For example, parents can be told to change their lives and lifestyle with only minimal help/support from public services including social work, or face the threat of having their children removed; arguably surveillance and control are to the fore rather than care.
I also liked Roger Smith’s contribution which argues that there are four ways social workers can ‘make a difference’ even in today’s very adverse circumstances. First, by generating wider awareness of the injustice and harm they come into routine contact with. Second, despite individualising tendencies within current social work, they can engage with groups and communities so as to support solidarity. Third, they can resist oppressive and potentially harmful impositions on service users. And fourth, they can work to transform practice and re-shape services. It is easy to see how practitioners, dominated by the constraints of managerialism, might see this as ‘pie in the sky’, but after nearly four decades of practice, I am of the view that some opportunities do remain (see Rogowski, 2013).
Garrett’s concluding remarks begin by acknowledging that all the responses are ‘erudite, knowledgeable and generous’ (p. 81), before addressing some of their issues. For instance, Stanley Houston, Mark Drakeford and Ian Butler imply that some assertions in his initial essay were too gloomy, but he correctly points out that it is difficult to see a ‘progressive shift of the trajectory of social work in England’ at least at the current time. In addition, however, by noting that the neoliberal project remains a battleground, with possibilities for working towards a more progressive, socially just and equal society remaining, Garrett is not all ‘doom and gloom’. Indeed, he ends positively by referring to the role of the Social Work Action Network (SWAN) and how it might contribute to ‘another social work’.
Overall, this is an excellent introductory text about what has happened to social work with children and families over recent decades. This book strengthens critical and radical social work thought, and discusses new ideas, innovations and debates at the cutting edge of the profession. It is essential reading, therefore, for all social work students as well as qualified and more experienced practitioners. Policy makers and managers should also check it out, even though most will probably find it an uncomfortable read.