Abstract
This book by Linda Milbourne is a theoretically informed and empirically rich study of how recent political and policy developments in England have affected the voluntary sector and how voluntary sector organisations (VSOs) are responding, adapting and in some instances, resisting these developments. Whilst it is primarily based on research conducted during the time of New Labour, Milbourne also examines continuities and changes in the policy landscape that have occurred under the Coalition government since 2010.
The author illustrates, in great detail, how the policy landscape is changing and examines the challenges faced by VSOs on a number of fronts including the substantial reduction in funding; growing privatisation of public services and contracting; and the continuing dominance and growth of a culture of managerialism with its emphasis on ‘performance management’. Milbourne draws on extensive field research conducted in England to demonstrate how VSOs are coming under increased pressure to show impact by providing measurable evidence of outcomes and to demonstrate efficiency. This emphasis on measurable outcomes and efficiency, she contends, is driven by the culture of performance management and more powerful partners (e.g. prime contractors, commissioning agencies) who determine what knowledge and evidence count and what activities and outcomes are deemed successful. It is argued that for VSOs, in particular smaller organisations, such coercive pressures can damage meaningful communications, devalue locally defined goals and even destroy trust. Yet the rejection of or non-compliance with such pressures is not necessarily an option and can lead to marginalisation, loss of funding or closure.
To demonstrate how VSOs have adapted to the emerging challenges, Milbourne constructs a typology and identifies three broad organisational types: entrepreneurs, resisters, and accommodators. There is overlap between types and they can also be further subdivided, but the main typology is important in that it illustrates the different choices VSOs make and the outcomes and consequences of these different paths. What is significant here is that, even in instances where VSOs have adopted supposedly resilient behaviours (entrepreneurs or accommodators), they remain under threat in that such directions can undermine the autonomous values and purposes leading to mission drift and loss of organisational coherence.
An important aspect of the book is that it not only focuses on emerging difficulties in the context of service delivery, but also examines the challenges for advocacy in a policy environment where the space for generating innovative solutions is shrinking. Milbourne discusses the processes of decontestation that have been promoted by recent UK governments which generate ‘cultures of policy consensus’ (p. 181) and examines the barriers to effective advocacy and constraints on independent action (e.g., resource dependency, etc.). On the one hand, while changing forms of governance have created opportunities for VSOs to engage in policy dialogue through consultations and meetings with policy makers, the emphasis has been on what Milbourne calls ‘hegemonic inclusion’ which privileges more institutionalised and elite forms of advocacy, while discouraging outsider tactics or direct action. Through case studies, it is demonstrated how such forms of advocacy can lead to incremental changes, while suppressing contentious political changes.
One of the strengths of the book is Milbourne’s use of theories of power and governmentality to analyse how different actors exercise power, shape knowledge, and determine which forms of data and evidence are privileged over others. Even while recognising the coercive pressures and unequal power relations, the author never ignores the agency of the different actors involved and analyses how VSOs make strategic choices and engage in deliberative processes and negotiations.
Milbourne concludes by signalling that hard times are ahead, but recognises that historically the voluntary sector in the UK has survived adverse conditions by adapting and interacting with diverse policy, political and organisational arrangements. She poses important questions for future consideration and asks, is it better to survive and continue services even if it means substituting paid professionals with unpaid volunteers? Or how far are compromises acceptable and workable without conceding the loss of independent purposes? Milbourne maintains there is a pressing need for greater recognition of the social and economic value of the voluntary sector’s contribution to welfare which may involve challenging the hitherto accepted depoliticised roles and reclaiming contested spaces. She warns that the voluntary sector in its current form may be eroded and in its survival path as service provider, it may come to be ‘relegated’ as a ‘corporate servant’ (p. 177) thereby losing its distinct and independent features and approaches, which have long been valued by communities and governments alike.
This is an important message and overall the book makes an informed and very readable contribution to the literature on the voluntary sector and critical social policy. It should become required reading for those who are interested in understanding how current political and policy transformations are affecting the voluntary sector and how, in turn, VSOs are responding to those changes and challenges.