Abstract
In Dissenting Social Work it is argued that, within the troubled global context in which we find ourselves, there has never been a more pressing and urgent time for social work to become more dissenting (p. 3). Dissenting social work (DSW) can, therefore, be understood as an approach that requires ‘developing critical habits of self-questioning’; an interrogation of ‘dominant ways of understanding within the social world’ and a ‘pushing back against moves to limit the field of possibilities for educators and practitioners’ (p. 4). Whilst Garrett notes that DSW cannot be reduced to a set of techniques or an arid ‘action plan,’ he provides principles that represent key aspects of the approach. DSW is ‘aligned with, energised, replenished and sustained by the oppositional activity generated 'on the ground' within trade unions, activist social movements, community organisations, progressive coalitions, ‘user’ networks, marches and campaigns’ (p. 5). Infused with a tone of restless urgency, the book aims to champion forms of dissent congruent with the values of the International Federation of Social Workers with ‘social work being a part of the struggles aspiring to bring about the 'liberation of people' whilst adhering to the principles of social justice and human rights’ (p. 7). Compellingly, Garrett then draws attention to the ‘big picture’ explaining why dissent is essential and inevitable in relation to neoliberalism, global capitalism, global warming, the displacement and migration of large populations, the rise of the populist right and the impact of the global COVID-19 pandemic. Setting the scene for discussing our current social landscape as a ‘place imbued with great uncertainty’, it is explained that each chapter aspires to expand the understanding of dissent, critically drawing on the ideas of various critical thinkers (p. 28).
Chapter 2 calls on readers to call into question the world of ‘appearances’ by recollecting Marx’s perceptions. Garrett explains that he has chosen Marx for his ‘ongoing relevance’ in critiquing capitalist society and his insistence on critical consciousness - the relentless ‘challenging [of] the “self-evident”.’ (p. 34). Chapter 4, perhaps our favourite chapter of the book, draws on the work of Shoshana Zuboff in elucidating the frightening impacts of surveillance capitalism. Garrett discusses how technological developments have enabled and considerably enhanced the surveillance capacities of states and corporations. Many global examples populate the chapter to illustrate key points (p. 75). As Garrett disturbingly observes, for Zuboff, surveillance capitalism creates a ‘new frontier of behavioural surplus where the dark data continent of your inner life… is summoned into the light for others’ profit (p. 80). He deepens his analysis with a concise and illuminating discussion on wearable devices, such as fitness trackers etc. Garrett cautions that in social work, algorithmic technologies appeal especially to ‘neoliberal policy makers, planners and managers; delivering new capacities to predict ‘need’ and intervention, ‘better targeting’ of ‘limited resources’ and reduced costs (p. 86). Such technologies also detrimentally contribute to the ‘proceduralisation of social work’ spoken of by Bauman over twenty years ago (p. 87). Garrett also argues that uncritical collection and use of data can create the sort of ‘decisional blindness’ that actually harms human service users. Moreover, he argues that data collection related to global pandemic can become ‘weaponized’ against minority communities. Crucially, however, Garrett maintains that DSW is ‘not against surveillance techniques per se, but we need to ‘be alert and creative in using technology to further defend oppressed communities and to further progressive social and economic aims’. We could not agree more.
Chapter 5 focuses on equality and illuminates the contribution of Jacques Rancière. Garrett begins the chapter by quoting Rancière’s observation that ‘dissent is what makes society liveable’ and politics is the ‘organisation of this dissent’ (p. 100). Central for Rancière, is an understanding that equality is not simply a future aspiration, but is something must be verifiable in the present. Garrett articulates that Rancière emphasises the ‘local, the micro and the particular’ as sites where equality can always potentially occur (p. 101). In this chapter, readers will also discover a lengthy, but lucidly intricate explanation of Rancière’s ideas aimed at disrupting elitist hierarchies.
Chapter 9 focuses on the contemporary relevance of Frantz Fanon, in the context of the Black Lives Matter (BLM) movement. Fanon was an activist ‘intent on defeating colonialism and racism’ who argued that for many Black and colonised people it was ‘becoming impossible to breathe’ (p. 181). Noting Fanon’s background as a psychiatrist, Garrett discusses his exploration of the psychological impacts of colonization and racism. He notes that Fanon recognised that revolutionary violence might be unavoidable, although simultaneously acknowledging the psychological harm that violence causes for both victim and perpetrator. The chapter concludes with a reaffirmation of the vital and enduring relevance of Fanon’s contributions to DSW, particularly in contemporary contexts where ‘the wretched of the earth’ continue to be exploited (p. 200). Importantly, Garrett also emphasizes the utility of Fanon’s ideas on the dangers of ‘encasing’ users of health and social work services by situating them in reductive categories (pp. 201–202).
Chapter 10 draws on Antonio Gramsci’s insights, particularly in relation to his hegemonic apparatus concept, to better explore the ‘re-appearance’ of social work in the People’s Republic of China (PRC). Having spent a short while in Shanghai, he rejects the sterile Sino phobia, so prevalent now, but goes on to argue that the growing ‘political project to promote social work in the PRC is analytically inseparable’ from the wider patterning of social governance associated with state capitalism (p. 207). Perhaps unsurprisingly, therefore, given the recreation of the profession is a wholly top-down initiative, social workers fulfil narrowly defined roles tending to exclude dissent.
In the final chapter, Garrett returns to his analysis on the impact of COVID-19 and maintains that ‘a social work commitment to safeguarding human rights is even more vital on account of the global pandemic’ (p. 233). Significantly, he emphasises that the ‘virus did not arrive into an empty social and economic space; rather, the COVID-19 crisis evolved in a world with a ‘pre-existing condition’: this is a ‘condition’ largely ordered, structured and driven by the imperatives of the global ruling class (pp. 223–224). In seeking to analyse this shifting terrain, Dissenting Social Work is certainly one of the first books to take a critical, extremely well theorised look at some of the implications of COVID-19 for social work and, more generally, social policy. In inspiring hope, and particularly drawing on Marxism and other critical theories, Garrett refers to mass mobilisations and public protests on a range of issues over recent years and reiterates a commitment to a structural/critical approach. Briefly, he also sets out some ways forward for DSW. In bringing the book to a close, Garrett comments: ‘our conjuncture illuminates afresh that we live in an interconnected world that can only be economically and relationally sustained if we are collectively committed to socialist ethics and values rooted in interdependency, mutual caring and solidarity’ (p. 230).
A key feature of this book lies in the author’s renowned capacity to draw out and apply insights derived from critical social theory to social work and social policy. Much of work of the thinkers he analyses is often dense and difficult to navigate, but the Garrett renders this theory accessible. This is done, not in a derivative way, but by building on and enhancing the concerns of diverse contributions of the theorists discussed; in this instances with each chapter considering the emancipatory potential of a particular theorist’s contribution and how it may (or may not) help activate dissenting forms of social work. To be sure, the book is not light reading or for the faint-hearted, but it provides substantial nourishment for dissenting practitioners and educators seeking a more advanced and scholarly, rather than merely introductory, engagement with critical social theory. Overall, the underpinning critical analysis results in impeccably crafted arguments that provide strong validation of the need for dissent.
To sum up, Paul Michael Garrett is a leading global scholar in critical social theory with a creative and encyclopaedic mind, and much of this is on display in this book. Once again, therefore, he has succeeded in making a profoundly valuable contribution to the global social work academy. In short, by adding to the much-needed Leftist scholarship in the discipline of social work, Dissenting Social Work furnishes an intellectual feast that brings critical social theory and social work into a deeply serious and productive conversation.