Contemporary Prophetic and Deliverance Ministry Challenges in Africa

Abstract

This paper contends that in Africa, the belief in the reality of the spirit world is a persistent phenomenon, which occupies a significant place in their religiosity. By building their theologies around the existential needs of the African people, the prophetic and deliverance ministries represent a contextual approach to Christianity in Africa. Nevertheless, an examination of the strengths and weaknesses of these ministries reveal that their approach may fit well into the African cultural milieu, but their emphasis is a threat to the progress of Christian discipleship in Africa and among Africans in the diaspora. Despite their rapid numerical growth, the deliverance ministries cannot bring the African out of the fear of witchcraft and other supernatural powers. The paper concludes that to be able to mitigate the challenges of these ministries, pragmatic solutions being discussed at the academic levels must be made accessible to grassroots prophets.

Keywords

prophetism deliverance African spirit world witchcraft Pentecostalism

Introduction

Even though the growth of Christianity in Africa has been characterized by different success stories, it has also been beleaguered by different challenges that need to engage the attention of both church leaders and scholars. One such challenge is the abuse of prophetic and deliverance ministries, especially among Pentecostal churches. Whether positively or negatively, it has been argued that prophetism and deliverance are key to ministry among Africans (Asamoah-Gyadu, 2015: 96; Onyinah, 2012a: 85). It must be noted that the belief in the reality of the spirit world in Africa does not belong to antiquity. It is a current and ongoing phenomenon, which occupies a significant place in African Christianity. Claudia Währisch-Oblau contends that the beliefs in demons, spirits, witchcraft and sorcery should ‘no longer be understood as backward superstitions to be shamefully hidden in international exchanges, but as a topic worthy of research, reflection, and pastoral action’ (Währisch-Oblau, 2018: 178). This paper is an attempt to analyse the prophetic phenomenon in sub-Saharan Africa, from a Ghanaian perspective, pointing out the strengths and weaknesses of contemporary prophetic and deliverance ministries in African Pentecostal churches. The paper draws attention to the fact that scholarly discussions that propose ways of mitigating the challenges of these ministries should be simplified and made accessible to church leaders and prophets at the grassroots levels for practical application among African Christians both at home and in the diaspora.

African Spirit World

The African spiritual world begins with the belief in a hierarchy of spiritual forces in which all the spirits derive their ultimate source and power from the Supreme Being. The Supreme Being has different names among the various tribes in Africa. For example, the Akans (Ghana) call Him Onyankopong, or Onyame. In Yoruba (Nigeria), He is called Oludumare or Olurun whilst the Igbos (Nigeria) call him Chukwu. Mende (in parts of Liberia and Sierra Leone) call Him Ngewe and the Ewes (in parts of Ghana and Togo) call Him Mawu. The Ngombe people of Congo identify Him as Akongo, whilst the Baganda people of Uganda refer to the Supreme Being as Katonda. He is referred to as Leza in some East African countries, including Zambia, Tanzania and upper Congo (Anim, 2017; Asante and Mazama, 2009; Mbiti, 1970; Onyinah, 2012a). All these names portray the Supreme Being or God as one who is greater than all. He is the Creator, the only supplier of grace. He is the final arbiter of justice. It is also conceived among some tribes in Africa that people’s sins compelled the Supreme Being to withdraw from the reach of humans. This implies that He is transcendent rather than immanent. As a result, it is believed that the Supreme Being has delegated his powers to the abosom (Akan name for the lesser deities), which are believed to inhabit inanimate objects like rocks, mountains, water bodies and trees (Dickson, 1984: 55–56; Onyinah, 2012a: 33–34). There is also the belief in fetishism, nature’s power, forest monster, dwarfs or fairies and ancestors. These beings and forces were originally not considered evil in Africa. The lesser gods, for example, were considered as servants of the Supreme Being and could be consulted for protection, prognostication and divine guidance. Fetishes were also used for protection, fertility and productivity, whilst the ancestors were considered as custodians of the land of the living (Onyinah, 2012a: 36–41).

Africans also knew what ‘evil forces’ were and dealt with what they considered life-threatening forces before Christianity was introduced to them (Akrong, 2000: 2–4; Iorkighir, 2015: 113; Onyinah, 2012a: 59–74). The belief in spirit forces, including witchcraft, is reflected in various aspects of life in the African society, including the celebration of festivals and observance of rites of passage. It is also reflected in their economic life, leadership formation, governance and religion. These beliefs are communicated in music, stories, myths, poetry, proverbs, prayers and day-to-day activities. It was generally believed that the traditional priest or native doctor was able to prepare fetishes in the form of talismans, charms or other traditional medicines that can be given to a person to drink or rub on the body to strengthen the spirit of a client who seeks to be protected from evil (Onyinah, 2012a: 58–59; Tsekpoe, 2018: 144). In Ghana for example, the Odomankoma (giver of grace) group and subsequently the numerous anti-witchcraft shrines such as Tigare, Tongo, Kankamea, Kune, Kwaku Firi, Kwasi Kukuro, Mframa, Abirewa, Hwemeso, Akonedi, etc., were places where people could go for protection, productivity, prosperity and spiritual power (Onyinah, 2012a,b: 47–74). These shrines, as well as the priests who were in charge, were revered and respected by the African until Western Christianity challenged the legitimacy of the African’s gods and their priests (Onyinah, 2012a).

Cosmological Basis of Prophetism in Africa

At the beginning of modern Christian mission in sub-Saharan Africa, it was apparent that both Western missionaries and scholars did not have adequate understanding of the African spirit world and, as a result, they were unable to provide a theological framework for addressing the concept of spiritual powers in Africa. Rather, they attempted to dismiss the belief in witchcraft and such evil forces and explained them as superstitious (Ngong, 2014: 80). The missionaries, however, introduced the biblical concept of Satan and demons to African Christians. They also presented indigenous beliefs in lesser deities, fetishism, forest monster, dwarfs and ancestors, as demonic. These, therefore, increased the fear of spiritual powers among the people of Africa. Meanwhile, the missionaries were unable to provide authentic solutions to these life-threatening fears and, as a result, indigenous Christians found a way of integrating the belief in spirit forces, from an African perspective, into their Christian beliefs and practices, in culturally relevant ways (Onyinah, 2012a,b: 93–107).

Current trends in sub-Saharan African Christianity makes it clear that Western missionaries’ approach to spiritual powers was unable to dispel the belief in the existence of witchcraft and other spirit forces in Africa. Rather, it reinforced the belief and increased the fears of the African people. Describing the situation in Ghana for example, Rev. Fr. John Kirby, a Catholic priest and anthropologist, asserts that ‘violence emanating from witchcraft beliefs permeates Ghanaian life. Despite a Christian presence in northern Ghana for more than a century, witchcraft accusations persist there and, by all accounts, are increasing’ (Kirby, 2015: 19–22). Kirby asserts that, unlike in the West, one of the things considered most threatening in Africa is the threat of witchcraft (Kirby, 2015: 19–22). Kirby’s assertion is tenable because the perception of witchcraft in other parts of Africa seems to be similar to that of Ghana. For example, Stephen Rasmussen observes that ‘witchcraft accusations are a fatal epidemic in Tanzania, leading to an average of ten murders per week’ (Rasmussen and Rasmussen, 2015: 12). On his part, Robert Priest contends that ‘thousands of Kinshasa’s orphans have been accused of causing the death of their own parents through witchcraft, the accusations frequently endorsed by pastors, and the accused children often abandoned to the streets’ (Priest, 2015: 3). The situation in other African countries is not any different from these nations mentioned above. In Nigeria, for example, a popular Pentecostal preacher physically slapped a young girl in church for denying that she was a witch (Iorkighir, 2015: 114). Opoku Onyinah therefore posits that all classes of people in the African society seek protection from witches. These include the rich, the poor, the illiterate, the literate, ‘pagans’ and Christians (Onyinah, 2012a,b: 58).

The case of witchcraft accusation and the concept of the spirit world among Africans in the diaspora seem to be similar to those in their home countries. Esther Acolatse contends that ‘Witchcraft seems to be the all-pervasive supernatural force affecting all facets of African life today. Whether at home or abroad, Africans are pre-occupied with this evil phenomenon and its effect on them’ (Acolatse, 2014: 44). The rise in cases of witchcraft allegations and persecutions in the UK has been attributed to the activities of African churches in the country (Ezeamalu, 2015). One of such cases was the murder of Victoria Climbié. She was born in Cote d’Ivoire and brought to live with her great-aunt, Marie-Therese Kouao in the UK. An inquiry report reveals that two pastors supported the claim of Victoria’s aunt that the girl was possessed with evil. One of the pastors, Alvaro Lima, of the Universal Church of the Kingdom of God, offered to fast on Victoria’s behalf and pray for deliverance from the possession of spirit. Victoria however died few days later after incurring multiple injuries arising from ill-treatment and abuse. Kouao and her boyfriend, Carl John Manning, who abused the girl, were found guilty of murder and jailed for life (Laming, 2003). Another case is the abuse and murder of Kristy Bamu, a 15-year-old boy who stayed with his sister Magalie Bamu and her partner Eric Bikubi from the Democratic Republic of Congo. Kristy died on 25 December (Christmas Day) in 2010 after being tortured and drowned in a bath. He was accused of casting spells on a younger child. The report indicates that ‘Kristy was singled out after wetting his pants and his siblings were starved of food and water for three days and nights while praying for “deliverance”’. The report further indicates that ‘His sisters, aged 20 and 11, were also beaten but escaped further attacks after “confessing” to being witches’ (Bahunga, 2013; Dearden, 2018).

Girish Daswani’s experience with The Church of Pentecost in London is another example. He indicated from observations and conversations he had with members of London Pentecost International Worship Centre (PIWC)¹ that ‘The biggest witches and wizards are to be found in the church.’ He narrated an incident he witnessed during the ‘celebration of a church elder’s baby’. He recounted:

I was curiously surprised when some women politely refused to eat any of the food that was served. The new mother looked uncomfortable but did not say anything and, instead, turned on some Ghanaian gospel music. People got up to dance, helping to break the awkward silence. Later when I asked a church friend why these women had not eaten any of the food, she whispered back in a hushed manner that some church members suspected that our host, the baby’s mother, might be a witch (Daswani, 2015: 58).

It is obvious that, whether at home or abroad, African Christians are very sentient of witches and demons. Even though this belief is deeply embedded in the various African worldviews, it continues to be fuelled by other sources, including the teachings of some Third Wave theologians and other demonologists, such as Peter Wagner (1996), Charles Kraft (1993), Derek Prince (1987), Watchman Nee (1977), Rebecca Brown (1987) and Iyke Nathan Uzorma (1993). In recent times, confessions of people who claim to be demon possessed during deliverance services² as well as African movies, especially those of Nigerian origin, have also become sources from which some African Christians derive their belief in demons and other spiritual forces. It is generally believed that demons are fallen angels who ‘assume a hierarchy of powers, with greater and lesser ranks, having specific geographical assignments’ (Onyinah, 2012a,b: 178). One therefore needs to engage in spiritual warfare to be able to break from such spiritual powers and be set free.

To be effective in spiritual warfare, some churches and parachurch movements in Africa have set up prayer groups to deal with these life-threatening forces (Onyinah, 2012a,b, 2014). Some of these prayer groups have developed into prophetic or deliverance ministries and prayer camps in some mainline historic as well as some Pentecostal churches. All these groups aim at fighting spiritual powers that are believed to work against the progress of individuals, organizations and societies. Birgit Meyer observed that Pentecostals ‘share an elaborate discourse on the Devil and demons, and offer rituals during which these powers of darkness manifest themselves and are exorcised—a practice called deliverance’ (Meyer, 1998: 321). Onyinah compares prayer camps in Africa to divine healing practices in special healing homes, which were developed in the mid-nineteenth century in Europe and America, and Prayer Mountains in South Korea (Onyinah, 2012a: 151, 187).

To contextualize the African concept of witchcraft and demonology, Onyinah coined the word ‘witchdemonology’ to ‘describe the beliefs and practices of deliverance and prophetic ministries in Africa’. Witchdemonology is viewed as a synthesis of the practices and beliefs of African concept of witchcraft and Western Christian concept of demonology and exorcism (Onyinah, 2012a: 172). This term fits better into the African concept of evil powers than the use of ‘witchcraft’ or ‘demonology’ in isolation. This is because, while Africans have formulated their own concept of witchcraft, they have also accepted the Western concept of demonology, and these terms are sometimes used interchangeably. Thus, the term ‘witchdemonology’ better describes the Africans’ understanding of evil powers, which occupies a significant place in their prophetic ministries (Onyinah, 2012a: 171–172).

Prophetism in African Christianity

As scholars like Christian Baëta (1962), Paul Gifford (2004), Asamoah-Gyadu (2015) and Joseph Quayesi-Amakye (2015) have observed, prophetism in Africa is not a new phenomenon. It is practiced differently at different times with renewed characteristics, to meet the demands of the time. It is obvious that prophetism was and continues to be key in the activities of various Christian traditions in Africa. These include what is known as African Indigenous Churches (AICs)³, renewal groups in the mainline historic churches, prayer camps within parachurch groups and other waves of Pentecostal renewal groups within the country (Asamoah-Gyadu, 2005, 2015). In contemporary times, prophetism has taken a centre stage in many Pentecostal services, especially the newer independent ministries that Quayesi-Amakye refers to as ‘New Prophetic Churches’ (Quayesi-Amakye, 2015).

Concerning the development of prophetism in The Church of Pentecost (CoP)⁴ in Ghana for example, Onyinah observes that although it began from the classical Pentecostal background, the visit of the Later Rain Team⁵ from the United States of America to Ghana revived ‘prophetism’ that was lurking within the psyche of Akan Christians. This led to the emergence of a healing and deliverance ministry within the CoP (Onyinah, 2012a: 171). Some of the activities of this healing and deliverance ministry, such as the blessing of water, handkerchiefs, crosses and crucifixes for clients as well as praying with one’s face to the east, among others, conflicted with the practices of the CoP. This brought a kind of clash between the leadership of the church on one side and the lay prophets and prophetesses on the other side. The leadership of the church thought that some unscriptural practices that had been accommodated within the prayer ministry must be stopped. On the other hand, the prophets also thought that they were not given due recognition in the church. As a result, the CoP severed relationships with some of these prophets/prophetesses who refused to change their methods (Onyinah, 2012a: 147–151). These prophetic approaches were not peculiar to the CoP but found their way into other Pentecostal churches in Ghana. For example, Francis Akwasi Amoako and Vagalas Kanco, who led prayer groups and later turned the groups into churches, were members of the Assemblies of God church in Ghana. It is observed that the inability of the these Pentecostal churches to contain the activities of the lay prophets or prophetesses in their fold was similar to schisms that followed the prophetic ministry in the mainline historic churches after the evangelistic activities of William Wade Harris along the coast of West Africa (Onyinah, 2012a: 173, 156).

Again, in the CoP the activities of lay prophets and prophetesses as well as the prayer camps were suppressed only for them to re-emerge later in the church. Onyinah therefore pointedly argues that until the churches have been able to absorb prophetism into their structure, and offer a theological framework for the operations of healers and exorcists in the African churches, the prophetic ministry will continue to be a major problem for Christianity in Africa. Departing from anthropological studies that suggest that the ultimate aim of deliverance ministry in Africa is to become modernized, Onyinah places prophetism or an inquiry into the supernatural and the search for meaning at the centre of current prophetic and deliverance ministries (Onyinah, 2012a). On his part, Asamoah-Gyadu observes that the ability to diagnose people’s personal predicaments and provide a kind of divine guidance or direction for solving such glitches is a critical feature of the African Pentecostal prophet (Asamoah-Gyadu, 2015: 86). Recent developments within Pentecostal/Charismatic Christianity in Africa, where prophetism has become a major characteristic of the faith, leading to healing, deliverance and exorcism—and in some cases exploitation of innocent people – has made Onyinah and Asamoah-Gyadu’s argument very important.

There are many ways in which they claim to be able to help their clients overcome their numerous predicaments. It includes interpretation of dreams, ability to diagnose the causes of people’s sicknesses and other forms of suffering, including poverty, infertility, miscarriages and business failures. Key among them is the ability to provide divine direction normally referred to in Ghana as akwankyere (literally meaning direction) to people, either to ward off impending danger or to pave way for their success in life (Asamoah-Gyadu, 2015: 86–87). To be able to do this, most of these prophets sell different kinds of prophylactics such as anointing oil, blessed water, mantels (handkerchiefs after the prophet has prayed over them) as well as pictures or stickers of the prophet. The oil and water, for example, could be drunk or added to one’s bathing water whilst the stickers could be pasted in one’s room, shop, market stall or on vehicles for protection and prosperity. These lead to a form of commercialization of the prophetic ministry. When these items have been prayed for, they normally become more expensive than one could get them ordinarily from the market. Also, to be able to see the prophet and get his prophetic direction, people are made to pay what is normally referred to as ‘consultation fee’. Again, some prophets charge registration fees before people could attend some of the miracle services.⁶

Quayesi-Amakye argues that even though the genuineness of some of these prophets is in doubt, reports from these prophetic ministries cannot be treated as a farce. To him, the challenge with the prophetic and deliverance ministries is how to prevent the more susceptible people in society from falling prey to prophetic charlatans. More problematic, he noted, ‘is how to identify the spurious from the genuine, since there is a thin line between truth and falsehood, and many will go for anything anyway’ (Quayesi-Amakye, 2015: 172). The South African theologian Kgatle Mookgo chronicled some disturbing practices that necessitate attention within some Pentecostal churches in some Africa. Examples include Prophet Daniel Lesogo of Rabboni Centre Ministries who ordered his congregation to eat grass and Prophet Penuel Mnguni of End Time Disciples Ministries who asked his congregants to eat snakes and rats to prove that nothing is impossible for God. Others include Pastor Lethebo Rabalago of Mount Zion General Assembly who sprayed his congregants with Doom insecticide and Pastor Paseka Motsoeneng of Incredible Happenings Church who is alleged to be in the habit of fondling the private parts of his female congregants while praying for them (Kgatle, 2017: 1–8). This is not to say that the prophetic ministry in Africa is unimportant. Rather, it is a call to pay much attention to this ministry by examining its strengths and weaknesses. This is particularly important, taking into consideration Johnson Kwabena Asamoah-Gyadu’s observation that it is impossible to have a successful Christian Ministry in Africa unless one takes spiritual forces, including witchcraft, into consideration (Asamoah-Gyadu, 2005).

Contribution of the Prophetic and Deliverance Ministry to African Christianity

The prophetic and deliverance ministries seem to find a connection between African indigenous worldviews and biblical narratives of spirits, healing, exorcism and prophetic guidance (Asamoah-Gyadu, 2015: 87; Jenkins, 2007: 148–149). This provides the opportunity for people to mediate between African traditional and Christian beliefs and practices, where perceived life-threatening fears could be dealt with through prophetic utterances, healing and exorcism. Here, people are able to express their fears in witchcraft and other life-threatening forces and seek protection from them. The prophetic ministries’ belief in the demonstration of power, such as casting out demons and healing diseases, make the movement appealing to many African societies, where evil spirits are considered life-threatening forces responsible for destroying people’s lives (Asamoah-Gyadu, 2015). By attempting to contextualize the Christian message into African worldviews and respond to what the African considers life-threatening, contemporary Christian prophetism in Africa is a demonstration of a local theology that responds to the needs of its people and thereby attracts many Africans to Christianity. For those who think that ancestral spirits, witches and demons are hampering their progress in life, they have the opportunity to be ‘exorcised’ or ‘delivered’. Some people see this way of ‘deliverance’ as cheaper than the expenses incurred in counselling that will be offered in the Western concept (Onyinah, 2012a: 222). Quayesi-Amakye indicates that

In a country where access to professional counsellors, psychologists, psychiatrics and medical personnel is often unavailable or unknown, the prophets provide the needed stopgap services. Clients/seekers resort to them in times of troubles and difficulties for what they consider to be spiritual support. Actually, in many cases, prophetic assurances provide psychological support that helps to calm down confused minds to embrace the future with confidence (Quayesi-Amakye, 2015: 173).

Beyond the argument of cost and availability, it is believed that even what professional counsellors and psychiatrics could not handle, the power of the Holy Spirit is able to breakthrough and bring healing. The prayer camps and the prophetic ministries in Africa therefore become a means by which many people of different statuses and classes in society become Christians (Onyinah, 2012a: 223). In a brief description of deliverance services at the Kimara Lutheran Parish, Dar es Salaam in Tanzania, Claudia Wahrisch-Oblau indicates that the prayer and deliverance ministry of Rev. Willbroad Mastai and his team attracts people from different Christian traditions and Muslims. He observes that ‘Muslims who have experienced deliverance at Kimara are regularly baptized in this church’. Wahrisch-Oblau concludes that The Kimara parish has grown strongly since the inception of its deliverance ministry: Sunday worship attendance has more than doubled and collections quintupled (Währisch-Oblau, 2018: 181). Also, the visibly large numbers of adherents of the prophetic ministries, which are observable in their services, are all indications of how prophetic ministries in Africa effectively attract converts to Christianity and gets them to accept the Lordship of Jesus Christ, our Saviour.⁷

Further, the numerous reports and testimonies of healing and deliverance within the prophetic ministries, have challenged the other Christian traditions in Africa to reconsider their beliefs and practices. Some of the churches that seem to have become complacent and do not care much about the existential needs of their congregants are forced to find ways of attending to these needs. Rev. Isaac Batome Henga, the then president of the Evangelical Church of Cameroon, is reported to have made a profound statement during the United Evangelical Mission (UEM) General Assembly in 2010:

I come from a church that prides itself of its theological sophistication. Our pastors are well trained in theology and historical critical exegesis. But when a member of their congregation comes to them and asks for help because they are being troubled by demonic forces, they do not know what to say. Some pastors take compassion. But if they pray for these people to be delivered, my church order forces me to have them suspended – deliverance is expressively forbidden in my church. Because of this, many people are running away to Pentecostal churches, or they will seek a fetish priest at night. This situation is untenable. I believe that the case of my church is not unique, and I ask the UEM to help us find a better way to deal with this situation (Währisch-oblau, 2014: 1).

This statement seems to reflect how the prophetic and deliverance ministries have challenged the mainline historic denominations to reconsider their theological understanding of the needs of the African people and respond to the needs of people who are won to Christ. It is worth noting that, in Ghana, some charismatic churches⁸ are also challenged by the activities of the New Prophetic Ministries in Africa. This is observable in the fact that some charismatic churches in Ghana, such as International Central Gospel Church (ICGC) and Action Chapel International have had to accommodate special prophetic services in their midst, in order to hold their church members from leaving the church (Quayesi-Amakye, 2014: 255–256). Also, some of the classical Pentecostal churches had to accommodate the activities of ‘prophetic figures’ at the prayer centres, for similar reasons (Quayesi-Amakye, 2014: 256). These ministries seem to succeed in attracting new converts into their fold and at the same time keep their church members from leaving to other churches. The activities of the prophetic ministries therefore serve as an important tool for evangelism in Africa since it seems to communicate the Christian message meaningfully to the African in a context they can understand.

Weaknesses of the Prophetic and Deliverance Ministries in African Christianity

Despite the positive impact of the prophetic and deliverance ministries in Africa, it is obvious that the ministry has given opportunity to charlatans and unemployed who have strong personalities to easily claim spiritual encounters and exploit innocent people. Allan Anderson observes that the message of power has become, in many instances, an occasion for the exploitation of those who are at their weakest (Anderson, 2004: 212). Roger Hedlund, therefore, calls Pentecostals’ attention to the need for critical evaluation of evangelistic ministries that lead to self-aggrandizement and financial gain of the preacher, often at the expense of the poor (Hellund and Hedlund, 2005: 87). The uncritical approach adopted by both proponents and adherents of this ministry encourage dubious people to deceive others with their exaggerated and sometimes fabricated testimonies. People who attempt to challenge some of the testimonies are branded as sceptics because the words of the prophet are considered to be God’s words and should not be questioned. The major problem with this is that such prophets can lead genuine faith seekers to destruction (see Kgatle, 2017: 1–8).

By their actions and utterances, many of the proponents of these prophetic ministries fail to recognize the sovereignty of God, which is demonstrated through His supremacy over all spiritual powers, including Satan and his cohort. Some deliverance ministers in Africa do not understand the place of misfortune in life, and as such, they give too much attention to the demonic. It is evident from the Bible that not all misfortunes are caused by demons and witches, as is being portrayed in these ministries (Onyinah, 2012b: 15–17). Onyinah agrees with Anderson’s observation that, in some Pentecostal circles, a theology of success and power is expounded at the expense of a theology of the cross. The Spirit is seen as a quick-fix solution to human distress and want. There is a tendency to belittle the role of suffering in the lives of those Christian believers whose needs seem to remain unanswered (Anderson, 2004; Onyinah, 2012a). Research has shown that some of the symptoms taken as witchcraft or spirit possession can be explained by medical sciences. For example, seizures may be symptoms for epilepsy. Personality changes can be psychological malfunctions or mental disorders such as hysteria, schizophrenia or paranoia. Habitual behaviours, such as sexual desire, anger tantrum and extreme quietness, may be temperamental traits or associated with past memories. In such cases repeated deliverance worsens the person’s condition (Onyinah, 2012a: 226).

Just like Amos Yong (2005), who advocates a balance between Pentecostal experience and rationality, the Cameroonian theologian, David Ngong, identifies that the proclivity to place so much emphasis on spirituality in the African worldview at the expense of rationality or scientific imagination is a major weakness in African Pentecostal pneumatology. To him, ‘A worldview where the spiritual is less important than the rational is just as problematic as a worldview where the spiritual is more important than the rational’ (Ngong, 2014: 86). He argues that since spirituality and rationality are not mutually incompatible, there is the need for a holistic approach to African Pentecostal pneumatology, which should pay attention to both the spiritual and the rational (Ngong, 2014: 86). Also, Ngong argues that ‘African Pentecostal pneumatology will need to anchor the Spirit in the life of the Trinity’ (Ngong, 2014: 90). Grounding his argument on St. Augustine of Hippo’s contribution to the place of the Spirit in the Trinitarian economy, Ngong proffers that

The Spirit, in a sense, holds the Trinity together and brings creation and the church to participate in the life of God. The spirit is therefore uniquely present in the Trinitarian life of God as Father, Son, and Holy Spirit, but also present in the life of creation and the church (Ngong, 2014: 88).

Ngong’s submissions are important for responding to some of the weaknesses of prophetism in Africa because empowering the average faith seeker to approach all pneumatological claims holistically and critically will go a long way in reducing some of the spurious activities witnessed in contemporary prophetism in Africa. Also, if the African prophets themselves learn to see the experience and manifestation of the Holy Spirit from a Trinitarian perspective, this can provide a critical balance in our understanding of the sovereignty of God, Christ-likeness and the manifestations of the charisms of the Spirit.

Conclusion

The complex problems that one encounters in evaluating the prophetic ministry are evident after considering both the positive and the negative effects. Positively, it takes the culture of the people into consideration by dealing with related beliefs and life-threatening fears in their newly acquired faith through a synthesis of both old and new patterns. It represents a remarkable contribution to a paradigm shift in Christianity in Africa. In a way, it is a further attempt to contextualize the gospel to the African people (Onyinah, 2012a: 230). Nevertheless, the assessment of the negative effects makes this ministry very much alarming. The approach may fit well into African cultural milieu, but the emphasis is a threat to the progress of Christianity and Christian discipleship in Africa. Despite their rapid growth, by their approach, they cannot bring the African out of the fear of witchcraft and other supernatural powers.

Onyinah argues that the prophetic ministry in Africa cannot be suppressed. Rather, it is an incomplete ministry, which needs theological analysis of the spirit-world to complement it (Onyinah, 2012a: 231). The Gospels reports that

Jesus went through all the towns and villages, teaching in their synagogues, proclaiming the good news of the kingdom and healing every disease and sickness. When he saw the crowds, he had compassion on them, because they were harassed and helpless, like sheep without a shepherd. Then he said to his disciples, ‘The harvest is plentiful but the workers are few. Ask the Lord of the harvest, therefore, to send out workers into his harvest field’ (Matt. 9:35–38).

Events unfolding from the prophetic ministry clearly reveal that just as the Gospels report about the crowds in Jesus’ time, in contemporary times also the multitude of faith seekers in African Christianity are being harassed. They look helpless like sheep without shepherd. The need to still heed the call that the harvest is truly plentiful but the workers are few is still valid today as it was in Jesus’ time. There is the need for collaboration among church leaders and ecumenical Christian bodies to team up and protect such innocent people from manipulations.

Currently many scholars, including Onyinah (2012a), Acolatse (2014), David Ngong (2014), Rasmussen (2015), Quayesi-Amakye (2015), Kgatle (2017) and Währisch-Oblau (2018), have seen the need to respond to this critical challenge within African Christianity. Guidelines for African Pentecostal pneumatology in general and prophetism in African Christianity, in particular, are being developed whilst training for pastors, prophets and lay leaders have started in Tanzania, Cameroon, Ghana and elsewhere in Africa, south of the Sahara. These activities are, however, mainly at the scholarly level and within established denominations. Such discussions and training have not been made accessible to the prophets at the grassroots and their patrons. There is therefore the need for collaboration of both scholars and church leaders to dialogue, research and provide practical ways by which such vital discussions will be made available for all stakeholders of the prophetic and deliverance ministries.

Footnotes

Funding

The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship and/or publication of this article.

ORCID iD

Christian Tsekpoe

Notes

Author Biography

Christian Tsekpoe is a faculty of Theology and Missions at Pentecost University College, Accra and PhD candidate in Oxford Centre for Mission Studies, UK.

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