Abstract
This article explores reverse mission as practised by African Christians in Britain. The main research question is what crucial role does African identity play in African mission in Britain and how does that lead towards developing African British theology? It is argued that such a theology will help African Christians in Britain be affirmed in their cultural identity whilst at the same time reach beyond African communities in their mission engagement. African British theology is related to Black British theology in that they both take the black experience seriously for theological reflection. However, African British theology is also distinct in that it seeks to understand African identity and mission in a postmodern multicultural British society. My research methods have been as an African Practical Theologian involving active participation as well participant observation. My approach has been interdisciplinary engaging the fields of practical theology, diaspora missiology, African theology and Black theology.
Keywords
Introduction
In this essay I want to investigate an emerging field of enquiry, namely African British theology. The area I want to examine pertains to the reverse mission of African Christians and churches in Britain. I want to consider to what extent is reverse mission taking place if at all it is happening? In the attempt of African Christians and churches doing mission in Britain, how important is the matter of African identity? How do African Christians who are involved in multicultural spaces negotiate their identity in a contested space? My methodology is as an African Practical Theologian employing the tools of ethnographic research as a participant observer. I have also carried out a qualitative research by interviewing African and Caribbean pastors in Britain. The term reverse mission as used in this essay refers to the mission attempt of Africans in Britain who were former beneficiaries of European mission. It is one example of mission, recognising the historical and geographical realities from which it emerges (Olofinjana, 2017: 34).
Research Methodology
The empirical data underpinning my research has been undertaken in two stages and in two countries, Nigeria and Britain. First, from 2000 to 2004, I conducted research in Nigeria by interviewing church leaders within the Nigerian Pentecostal movement. As part of my field research, I also attended and participated in conferences related to the subject of African Pentecostalism. Part of my field research included participant observation in different Nigerian Pentecostal churches in the cities of Ibadan, Oyo Sate, Ilesha in Ogun Sate and Benin city in Benin State and Lagos. As someone brought up within African Pentecostalism, I am not only a participant observer but also an active participant.
The second part of my research began when I relocated to Britain in 2004. This was an ethnographic approach involving living and ministering in two London boroughs in south-east London (Lewisham and Greenwich). These two London boroughs have a high representation and concentration of African churches and Christians. My research involved observing African Christianity and visiting different African and Caribbean churches in these two London boroughs as well as other London boroughs such as Lambeth, Southwark, Hackney and Waltham Forest. From 2009 to 2018, I started interviewing African and Caribbean pastors and leaders from a range of church backgrounds, and also senior leaders who were involved in the African Caribbean Evangelical Alliance (ACEA). I also interviewed some British missionaries who served on the continent of Africa. I attended, organised and spoke at a range of church and academic conferences that have better informed my understanding of the subject. Altogether, in Nigeria and Britain, I have interviewed 75 people and visited about 65 churches for my research work. These churches include Nigerian Pentecostal churches, African and Caribbean Pentecostal churches and African and Caribbean congregations within historic churches.
As an active participant in my research in the UK, I have been reflecting on my experience as a leader of multicultural churches and convenor of conferences on issues of reverse mission and multicultural churches. I have also been involved in gatherings of senior leaders from a range of Black Majority Church (BMC) backgrounds, listening and taking part in conversations relating to the role of African and Caribbean churches in the wider UK Church context, and the contribution of Africans to Christianity in the UK.
My Location and Context
As this is a paper in practical theology, it is important in proceeding to locate myself within the study and my context of ministry. In his book Respect: Understanding Caribbean British Christianity (2005), Joe Aldred declared that he was a ‘male Caribbean British Christian, a bishop in a Black-led Pentecostal church who currently works in the field of intercultural ecumenism and as a local pastor’ (2005: 28). Aldred made this declaration because of his understanding that we cannot divorce theology and the practice of ministry from our cultural background and experiences. In a similar fashion, let me declare here that I am a Yoruba man from south-west Nigeria and will describe myself as an African Christian who came to Britain as a missionary, now living and ministering as a Baptist minister in London. To locate myself and understand my ministry context, I will use these four headings to discuss my context. They are ethnicity and culture, spiritual and ministerial formation, church context and training missionary pastors.
Ethnicity and Culture
My ethnicity starts with the understanding that I am a Yoruba man from Nigeria born and raised in a city called Ibadan. This means that I am black African, but that does not really say much about me as Africa is not a country but a continent. Nigeria is one of the countries in West Africa and Yoruba people from south-west Nigeria are one of the three largest ethnic groupings in the country, the other two being Igbo and Hausa-Fulani. Each has their own distinct language and culture. There are over 250 different indigenous languages in Nigeria, making Nigeria a multi-ethnic country (Falola and Heaton, 2008).
Yoruba people are rich in culture and tradition and we are proud of our identity. The Yoruba worldview is a religious one and religion permeates every aspect of our life. This means there is no divide between the sacred and the secular; therefore my faith and identity as a Christian is weaved into my everyday living and consciousness (Idowu, 1962: 5).
The question is often asked whether I see my identity as an African first and then a Christian or vice versa. It is difficult to answer this question but what I will say is this, when I was in Nigeria I saw my identity in Christ as much more important than my identity as a Yoruba Nigerian, but when I came to the UK, I went on a journey of seeing my identity first as a Yoruba Nigerian and then as a Christian. In essence, in Nigeria I took my identity as a Yoruba for granted because I did not need to think about it, but in Britain when that identity is questioned through various experiences and exigencies of life, it became very important in constructing who I am. Having now settled in the UK for more than a decade, I locate myself somewhere in between both views, that is, I can describe myself as African (Nigerian and Yoruba) and Christian contemporaneously. Kwame Bediako’s doctoral thesis explored how current theological issues on the continent of Africa and that of the Patristic era demanded an integral identity, being simultaneously thoroughly African and thoroughly Christian (1992). Adogame, speaking of the complexities of the identity of African immigrants, contended that they can be African and Christian simultaneously (2013: 69). This issue on African identity will be further examined as I construct African British theology.
A further part of my identity and ethnicity is that I am not only a black African, but now equally black British. Through my marriage to a white English woman, I have naturalised to become a British citizen. A further point to mention is the fact that Nigeria being colonised by Britain has English as her lingua franca, despite having over 250 indigenous languages. The unifying language for us is English. In concluding this section, I will describe myself as an African British who is negotiating what it means to be African as well as British. My marriage, being intercultural and inter-racial, prepares and helps me to be culturally distinctive while at the same time respect, embrace and engage with other cultures and ethnicities. It is this conviction that has led me to constantly seek to work in multicultural church context. How then has my culture and ethnicity influenced my theology?
What shapes my theological framework is underpinned by my spiritual roots, ethnicity and cultural worldview. This means I locate my theology within African theology. African theology as defined by John Pobee, one of the major voices within the discipline, ‘is the need to translate Christianity into genuine African categories. It is the attempt to couch essential Christianity into African categories and thought forms’ (1979: 18–19). Being an African evangelical and also a British Baptist has helped me to embrace, engage and interrogate British evangelical theology so that my theology is best described as an African British theology. As an African British theologian my research work and writing as it would become apparent in the pages below has been to reflect on the mission of African churches in Britain.
Spiritual and Ministerial Formation
While I am a Baptist minister, my spiritual and ministerial formation is located within African Pentecostalism. It started from an African Initiated Church and later continued through an African Newer Pentecostal Church. 1 My spiritual formation began with my mother’s spirituality. My mother was the first theologian I knew that introduced me to African Initiated Churches (AICs hereafter). AICs are also referred to as African Independent Churches, African Instituted Churches and African Indigenous Churches (Ositelu, 2002; Pobee and Ositelu, 1998). They are churches that started in Africa at the beginning of the 20th century through renewal and reacting against European Christianity that the Mission Churches introduced into Africa. They are churches that indigenised Christianity among Africans by developing African cultural forms of worship. My mother was an Aladura (people that love to pray) being a member of the Church of the Lord Aladura and later Cherubim and Seraphim. 2 I was born and brought up in a Cherubim and Seraphim church in Nigeria in which my mother had been actively involved as one of the senior women at the church.
At the age of 17, due to some internal crises in my life, I started attending Fountain of Grace Chapel, which can be described as an African Newer Pentecostal Church. These are independent African Pentecostal Churches that emerged from the Pentecostal and Charismatic renewal that developed from around the 1970s in interdenominational campus fellowships in universities and schools in Africa, especially West Africa (Anderson, 2001; Burgess 2008). I became actively involved in this church serving in various capacities. I attended the Bible College of the church taking a course, leading to certificate in ministry. I was also involved in church planting projects of the church and later worked for the church in a paid capacity as a church officer. The combined experience of being in an AIC and later an African Newer Pentecostal Church gives me an insider’s perspective on African Pentecostal Churches. In concluding this section, it is clear that my spiritual and ministerial formation is from African Pentecostalism and evangelical tradition. This is important for the purpose of this research on African Christianity in Britain, which is majorly Pentecostal and evangelical.
Church Context
I am currently the pastor of Woolwich Central Baptist Church in the London borough of Greenwich, but before elaborating on my involvement at local and national level within the Baptist Union of Great Britain, I will explain how I moved from African Pentecostalism to British Baptist. I came to the UK in 2004 to further my theological education by doing a master’s degree in theology. At the same time, the leadership team of my church in Nigeria, Fountain of Grace Chapel, asked whether I would be interested in planting a branch of the church in Britain. The stated aim was to gather some of the church members who reside in the UK and start a church ministry. I agreed as I felt God was calling me to the UK. On arrival, I started observing as stated in my research methodology different churches including African Pentecostal churches. I discovered that some of them portray an international image through their names, flags and church materials, but in reality they were mono-ethnic churches, that is, churches with one dominant ethnicity or nationality. I started reflecting on what my church planting strategy should be.
It was at this stage I reasoned that something had to be done differently therefore decided to abandon the church plant and joined the Baptist denomination (Olofinjana, 2013). Part of my reflections was that if God has called me to Britain as a missionary, then leading a Nigerian majority church defeats that purpose. I joined the Baptist church close to my home. It was culturally diverse and had people of all ages as well. It served as my induction and placement to minister in a multicultural context. I went through some of the Baptist ministerial formation and later became the first African and black minister at this church in its 100-year history in 2008 (Olofinjana, 2013).
In 2011, I left this Baptist church to lead an independent Charismatic church. This was a white majority church with Africans and Caribbeans in the minority. At the beginning of 2014, I was called to be the pastor of Woolwich Central Baptist Church, a multicultural, multi-ethnic intergenerational church. 3 The church can be described as a black majority multicultural church reflecting the demography of Woolwich.
As a Baptist minister, I am also involved in the regional and national bodies within the Baptist Union. Regionally, I am involved as one of the district ministers with the London Baptist Association (LBA), an association of about 300 Baptist churches in London. Nationally, I am currently part of the nominations team whose role is to ensure that our leadership and governing structures reflects the diversity of our Union.
Training Missionary Pastors
I am involved in running an interdenominational training initiative called Centre for Missionaries from the Majority World (CMMW hereafter). 4 CMMW was formed in 2013 with three other African missionaries to equip and train pastors and missionaries from the Majority World in Britain, in order that they are able to contextualise their mission appropriately. It appears that many pastors and missionaries from Africa, Asia and Latin America lack intercultural training and are therefore not well prepared to deal with the complexities of the context of mission in postmodern Britain. While theological degrees in a UK-based Bible college or university can provide forms of preparation, we wanted a reflective practitioner’s approach to our training. Trainings are done through short-term mission conversations (3 months course) to help people reflect on their ministry in conversation with other mission practitioners. We also organise training conferences to address relevant subjects and topics.
One of the issues that have become apparent through my work at CMMW is the lack of theological reflective resources written by African pastors and leaders. This question has led me to produce materials to help resource the African missionary movement as it is unfolding in Britain. This has led to book publications, chapters in academic books, online materials and articles on the mission of African Christians in Britain.
Reverse Mission: An Introduction
The phenomenon of reverse mission should be rightly situated and understood within the context of reverse migration. Andrew Walls identified two migratory patterns, the first been the Great European Migration, which saw Europeans at the end of the 15th century to the middle of the 20th century moving into other parts of the world such as Africa, Asia and Latin America. The second, is the Great Reverse Migration, which has brought people from Majority World to the West (2017: 49–51). It is through this second migratory shift that Christian missionaries from the Caribbean, Asia, Latin America and Africa have come to the West to do mission.
While reverse mission could appear as if it is only African Christians that are engaging in the process, this is not however the case. The Caribbean migration of the Windrush generation saw the planting of Holiness and Pentecostal churches in the period 1940s to 1960s. Roswith Gerloff’s extensive writings and research on black Pentecostalism in Britain has produced some influential work on the social, cultural and missiological significance of the African Caribbean diaspora contribution to the Christian faith in Britain (2010). South Korean missionaries have also been sent to Britain since 2004. 5 For further study on Korean diaspora and reverse mission, see Hun Kim and Wonsuk Ma’s book, Korean Diaspora and Christian Mission (2004). There is also a Latin American Pastors Fraternal that meets in London bringing together in fellowship Latin American pastors and mission thinkers. On the Latin American involvement in mission in Europe, see Samuel Cueva’s book Mission Partnership in Creative Tension (2015). Lastly, there is South Asian Concern (SAC), which seeks to engage in mission the South Asian diaspora. For further study of South Asian diaspora, see Diaspora Mission: The Story of South Asian Concern (2014). The shift in the demography of Christianity from the North to the South has meant that Latin Americans, Asians and Caribbeans are all involved in the sending of mission agents to the West to proclaim the gospel.
If reverse mission is happening within the context of reverse migration, what then is the relationship between reverse mission and diaspora mission? In order to understand this connection, we have to examine briefly some preliminary definitions of diaspora mission and what we mean by reverse mission.
A classic definition of diaspora mission is ‘Christians’ participation in God’s redemptive mission to evangelize their kinsmen on the move, and through them to reach out to natives in their homelands and beyond’ (Wan, 2014: 6). Perhaps a more robust definition offered by the Lausanne Diaspora Leadership Team (LDLT), which later gave birth to the Lausanne’s Global Diaspora Network (GDN), is that ‘diaspora missions is a strategy in response to the reality of the demographic trend of diaspora in the 21st century. Diaspora missions includes missions to the diaspora, missions through the diaspora, and missions by and beyond the diaspora’ (Tira and Yamamori, 2016: 542). Both definitions capture clearly migration as an important factor in mission. What about reverse mission? A classic definition of reverse mission is offered by Matthew Ojo, ‘The sending of missionaries to Europe and North America by churches and Christians from the non-Western world, particularly Africa, Asia, Latin America, which were at the receiving end of Catholic and Protestant missions as mission fields from the sixteenth century to the late twentieth century’ (2007: 380). While Ojo’s definition highlights the intentionality of mission sending from the Majority World, it did not mention migratory factors that contribute to reverse mission. Here is my own provisional definition of reverse mission.
Reverse mission is one contextual approach to mission recognising the historical and geographical realities from which it emerges. Reverse mission stems from gratitude acknowledging that those of us from the former mission fields are directly or indirectly the spiritual fruits of European mission therefore are intentionally sent or through other migratory factors (economic, political, social) to minister to indigenes as well as those considered foreigners (2017: 34).
Perhaps one commonality and conclusion we can draw from all these definitions on diaspora mission and reverse mission is that through people movement or people on the move mission appears to be taking place. One major area of divergence is that while reverse mission lends itself to be geographically and historically constrained in terms of Majority World Christians responding or reversing the direction of flow of mission, diaspora mission takes on a wider implication of mission through the global scattering of any people. In essence, the language of reverse mission is limited while that of diaspora seems more overarching. Perhaps on this note, it is worth considering reverse mission as a significant example of diaspora mission. Important because it takes seriously the two important elements of diaspora mission, that is, the intersectionality of migration and mission.
One of the significant questions arising from the limitations of the language of reverse mission is that in the recognition of reverse mission being an offshoot of Western mission movement in the past, it begs the question sociologically when for example Africans are only reaching Africans in the European context? To put the question in another term, what is being reversed? This is what the Lausanne Diaspora Leadership Team refers to as mission to the diaspora. Is mission happening through and beyond the diaspora?
Arguments for and Against Reverse Mission
A key debate among scholars is whether reverse mission is really happening. Many have argued and concluded that reverse mission is not taking place when Africans are leading African churches in the European context. A key voice on this is that of Paul Freston who suggests that reverse mission is reversing the direction of colonisation (2010: 155). This raises the question whether reverse mission is reverse colonisation? In essence, is African mission in Britain seeking to convert people to some form of Afrocentrism or Jesus? Here it is important to point out that African missionaries in the West do not have the privileges that European missionaries enjoyed in Africa such as colonial powers working to aid missionaries. It is rather the opposite as African pastors are coming as economic migrants and refugees from developing economies. Samuel Escobar refers to this as missionaries from below, that is, missionaries who do not have power, prestige or money (2003: 18).
In her doctoral thesis on ‘reverse mission’ in Britain, Rebecca Catto also highlights the problems associated with the idea of reverse mission, noting that there are sweeping geographical generalisations that do not map onto reality (2012: 91). 6 If the term reverse mission is problematic and mission as articulated by Bosch (2014) originates from God, does the directional flow really matter?
Developing the idea, Escobar stated in the Lausanne Covenant that ‘missionaries should flow more freely from and to all six continents’, grounded the idea in Scripture to articulate the global nature of God’s mission (2003: 18). The implication is that God’s global vision of different people is being realised and fulfilled as the church from everywhere are crossing boundaries to minister to anyone. Escobar notes that the churches in the Southern Hemisphere by which he meant Latin America, Africa and Asia are now the new global contributors to world mission particularly in the West (2003: 15–16).
This idea of mission of any Christian to everywhere adds to our understanding of mission as one implication is that we now have missionaries from the South in North. This is why I have defined reverse mission as one example of mission; therefore, it is one contextual approach to mission recognising historical and geographical realities from which it emerges.
Freston’s article (2010) concluded that reverse mission is certainly not happening with diasporic mission churches founded by immigrants serving migrant communities. Added to this is what Freston articulated clearly that one of the reasons why African immigrants are finding it difficult to evangelise the West is the perception Westerners have of Africans as economic migrants who want to exploit the benefit system. My own observation is that it is very difficult for people shaped by the Enlightenment worldview to accept the gospel from Africans who still believe in the world of spirits and demons. Freston’s conclusion is that diasporic mission especially by Africans in Europe and North America is still a rhetoric in search of reality.
Perhaps a factor Freston and other Western commentators on reverse mission do not fully understand is that African Christians face a double challenge in evangelising Europe. The first is the European worldview that no longer believes in God or institutional religion. The second is how African Christians are viewed by Europeans. In order to minister to the first challenge, we have to build a good reputation that can confront the second challenge. Take, for example, an African church in south-east London that disturbs its neighbours with loud music and taking up lots of residents’ parking on the streets. This sort of difficulty fuels the already perception that African Christians are not here for us but for themselves. This is because if the narrative already suggests that Africans are here only as economic migrants living on benefits, disturbing the neighbours through what is considered noise pollution, albeit understood as praise and worship to God by the church is not going to help the reputation or mission of African churches. African churches therefore need a two-way approach in their mission strategy and engagement. The first is to build bridges into their communities as good citizens who have come in peace to bring shalom. This bridge can be built through genuinely caring for the communities where their churches are located. One example will be to join local groups that gathers together neighbours looking into issues of safety or welfare of the community. This can then allow for them to engage the second challenge of aggressive secularism that says God does not exist or at least not relevant.
Another factor affecting the mission of African churches is that unlike the Western missionary movement that had mission societies and agencies sending people collectively and in a co-ordinated way, African Christians and churches are coming as individuals responding spontaneously to migratory pressures. This means there is not necessarily a co-ordinated effort. The effect of this on the mission of African churches is that individuals and congregations are planting churches without being aware of each other. From my field research, I have come across five or six African churches congregating in one single abandoned warehouse or industrial unit. This raises the question whether this is mission or competition?
While Freston’s conclusions may be valid to some extent, it appears that he was judging reverse mission on the number of indigenous converts attending African Newer Pentecostal Churches. While majority of these churches have few white British indigenes in their churches, their social and community services are having a wider impact on British society and they are also attracting British Africans as argued by Burgess (2011).
Similar to Burgess, I have argued in my book, Partnership in Mission (2015) that if reverse mission is measured only by the mission of African Newer Pentecostal Churches then the conclusion is likely to be that it is rhetoric, but if we consider the ministry of Africans in para-church agencies, historic churches, independent British evangelical churches, then certainly reverse mission, while not fully realised, has moved beyond rhetoric. In addition, if we measure reverse mission only in terms of evangelism and church planting, it will be found wanting, but viewed in terms of holistic mission, the social initiatives of African Newer Pentecostal Churches makes reverse mission more than a discourse in search of reality.
My book, Turning the Tables on Mission: Global South Christians in the UK (2013), employing autobiographical case studies of reverse missionaries from the Caribbean, Latin America, Asia and Africa argues forcefully that reverse mission is happening in certain church contexts. Some of these church contexts will be the ministry of Africans within historic churches. On this point, Freston argued similarly to Catto’s work on global south missionaries doing mission through mainline churches (Catto, 2012). Freston called this type of mission non-diasporic mission, that is, Global South missionaries working in traditional churches or traditional northern agencies recruiting southerners. He commented that too much research attention has been given to diasporic mission churches founded by immigrants (2010). I agree with Freston that there is too much attention on African Newer Pentecostal churches at the expense of their counterparts in historic churches.
Reverse Mission and Black British Theology
If my argument that reverse mission is happening in certain contexts are valid, then, it is imperative that we move from reverse mission to reverse missiology, that is, theological reflections on reverse mission. This means understanding the theology of reverse mission as part of the unfolding development of African Christianity in Britain, what I have designated as African British theology. Building on the scholarship of Black British theologians like Robert Beckford and Anthony Reddie, I am arguing somewhat different, as it would become apparent, that reverse mission should not be studied in isolation but rather be considered as part of African British theology (Olofinjana, 2017: 37–46). But the question is, if we do have a thriving Black British theology, why do we need African British theology?
In answering this question, we must start with the understanding that in the British context, African churches are regarded as part of what is known as Black Majority Churches (BMC). Therefore, any research or study on African churches in Britain have to consider to some extent studies on BMC. While there has been a lot of research investigating BMC since the 1970s, a significant theology that has emerged from within these churches is Black British theology. What then is Black British theology? As defined by one of its exponents, Anthony Reddie, Black theology is the specific selfnamed enterprise of re-interpreting the meaning of God as revealed in Jesus Christ, in light of the existential experiences of Black people. This approach to engaging with the Christian tradition is not unlike other forms of liberation theologies in that its point of departure or starting point is the existential and ontological reality of those who are marginalized and oppressed. In the case of Black theology, one begins with reflections on Blackness and the Black experience, which is juxtaposed with an ongoing dialogue with ‘Holy Scripture’ (2008: 50).
This definition puts emphasis on the black experience in formulating a theological framework not just only for BMC but for the black community in the UK. However, it is fair to say that while we do have a thriving Black British theology community in the UK, it appears that it is distanced from some BMC because of differences of purpose and approach. On this point Joe Aldred, has this to say, “There is in Britain a thriving Black Theology community that operates at arm’s length from the Black Pentecostal church” (2010: 225).
My own observation is that some BMC in Britain do not have a sense of ownership of Black British theology – they are not involved in the formation processes of such theology. This will be the case with many African Pentecostal churches. On this, Anthony Reddie stated: In looking at the different typologies of black churches in Britain, as a sight for liberative praxis of Black Theology, I am seeking to outline the inherent fault lines that give rise to various forms of anti-blackness. It should be noted that there are other manifestations of Black Church in Britain, particularly those that would be defined as “neo-Pentecostal” churches. The latter were not founded within the Windrush epoch, but date to a later migration of predominantly African people (as opposed to Caribbean) to Britain in the 1980s. Prominent churches in this grouping include Kingsway International Christian Centre (KICC), Glory house and Ruach. I have given little attention to these churches as they have played a negligible role in the development of Black Theology in Britain (2014: 14).
Here it is clear that Reddie understands that African churches in Britain have not played a formative role in the development of Black British theology therefore the distance from it.
If Black British theology sits well with some aspect of Caribbean British Christianity because historically it was addressing the needs that arise from the Caribbean migration of the Windrush generation, then it is important that African British Christianity owns and articulates a theology that resonates with their experience. This means that BMC will be richer for having two contextual theologies that cater to the existential realities of African and Caribbean people. I want to suggest that these two theologies, while not similar, are not opposed to each other. They can certainly enrich and learn from each other as Black British theology is very strong on the issues of race while African British theology is strong on the issues of culture. Black British theology also understands and therefore emphasises mission through the lens of racial justice. African British theology emphasises mission through evangelism, discipleship and church planting. What then is African British theology and what are the tasks this theology seeks to fulfil?
Towards African British Theology
African British theology as an African theology is a contextual postcolonial theology considering the existential realities of Africans living in a multicultural British society. In this task, it is related to Black British theology, which takes seriously the black experiences of Africans and Caribbeans for theological reflection. This means that African British theology is a subsidiary of Black British theology. African British theology is also a practical theology seeking to improve on the practice of mission carried out by African churches in Britain. This is because as observed by Swinton and Mowat one of the tasks of practical theology is to remind the Church and ensure that its practices remain faithful to the script of the gospel (2006). It can also be considered as a diaspora missiology as it relates to the diasporic identity of Africans and how that shapes their mission practice in the diaspora. Diaspora missiology in this sense being understood as an emerging missiological discipline that studies the various aspects of missional thinking and strategies for reaching the diaspora people groups around the world (Tira and Yamamori, 2016: 542).
African British theology is seeking to interpret the essence of Christian theology in a way that affirms African identity and worldview in order that African Christians can engage meaningfully and in a relevant way within postmodern secular Britain (Olofinjana, 2017: 11). There are two tasks identified here, which sometimes are in tension, but nevertheless complement each other. The first is the nurturing of African identity; the second is the engagement of African Christians with postmodern secular Britain. The nurturing of African identity is important because we have to be confident as Africans in a contested multicultural society bringing in our own unique cultural contributions. When Paul articulated that to the Jews that he became a Jew and to the Greeks he became a Greek so that he can win some to the gospel (1 Cor. 9.20–23 paraphrasing NIV), this does not mean a loss of Paul’s identity, but rather a matured understanding of who his dual identity in Christ. In verse 19 of that same text, Paul stated, ‘I am free and belong to no man’. In other words, Paul’s hybrid identity as a Jew born in the diaspora was secured in Christ. He was so confident in this transnational heavenly identity that he was able to adjust and be flexible with his dual identity as a Jew from Tarsus (Jewish and Roman citizenships) in order to contextualise the gospel to his audience. We see this confidence after his arrest and was confused by the soldiers with an Egyptian terrorist, Paul declared, ‘I am a Jew from Tarsus in Cilicia, a citizen of no ordinary city’ (Acts 21.37-39).
African Christians ministering in Britain must exhibit this sort of confidence in their cultural identity. There are situations where this has not been the case. Take for example certain African and Caribbean congregations within British Baptist. Sometimes some of them prefer to have a white pastor over a black pastor. While the excuse of such congregations is always about the cross-cultural mission of the church, one often wonders whether there is a subconscious colonial residue of seeing white as superior and by default better than black?
The second task of African British theology follows on from the first and that is to help African Christians and churches engage with postmodern secular Britain. One of the defining concepts and characteristics of a postmodern secular society such as Britain is multiculturalism. It is one of the realities of our mission context. This is one of the reasons why sociologically one can question whether reverse mission is happening if a Nigerian pastor is leading a Nigerian church in London. Added to this is the existential realities of second and third generation Africans and Caribbeans. While their parents might be content and secure to be in a mono-cultural church, the children question this because it does not match their experience at school, social network and general surrounding. How can they relate and integrate with people of different ethnicity, culture, nationality and social background from Monday to Saturday and then settle for one culture or nationality on Sunday? Our church has about 50% youth and children of whom some of their parents attend what would be described as a Nigerian or Ghanaian church. Speaking to some of the youth why they like attending our church, they responded that they like the fact that it is multicultural. Harvey Kwiyani in his recent book, Our Children need Roots and Wings, further the conversation on second generation Africans by proposing that if well engaged and discipled, second generation Africans could become the missional bridge for African churches to connect with Western culture (2018). Kwiyani’s point is valid because second generation Africans being born in Britain understand the British culture better than their parents.
African churches must understand that their mission context demands a rethinking rather than perpetuating and replicating church extension practices as opposed to church planting that engage the local people and community in which they are situated. Consider, for example, the Redeemed Christian Church of God (RCCG), their leadership and congregations are very mono-ethnic drawing mainly Yoruba Nigerian immigrants in Britain. This reflects the result of the mission strategy employed by many African Newer Pentecostal Churches in the 1980s and 1990s when pastors were sent to gather church members already living here as opposed to planting churches that reflect the demographics and context of ministry in Britain. This led to the rise of mono-ethnic churches perfected through the homogenous unit principle of church growth (McGavran, 1990) through the building of mega churches. Ukah, a Nigerian sociologist of religion critically investigated the mission of RCCG in the UK using data he collected from Nigeria as well as the UK and came to the conclusion that RCCG was not only Nigerian, but very tribalistic attracting mainly Yorubas so that non-Yoruba Nigerians feel like an outsider (2009: 113–119). If this analysis is correct then it challenges the notion of Nigerians leading a Nigerian church and whether this can be adequately termed reverse mission.
However, it is important to mention that reverse mission is not only seeking to reach out to white British indigenes. Reverse mission is not only happening when an African pastor is leading a white British church, but it is also happening when an African pastor is leading a church full of African British, Caribbean British and Asian British. This challenges the assumption that to be British is to be white, which is not the case. Reverse mission cannot only be validated as authentic by whiteness as that would rely again on faulty narrower sociological definition of mission. Crossing cultures is an essential part of the gospel as Jesus encouraged his followers to make disciples of all nations, therefore African churches must seek to engage in mission not just to white British, but other types of British and nationalities that makes Britain a multicultural, multi-ethnic society. Brexit and post-Brexit debates are causing a lot of division and fragmentation at every stage of British society, thereby creating a language of us and them, or who is in and who is out. In such a climate, it becomes necessary for the UK church to model unity in diversity through intentionally building multicultural multi-ethnic churches. African churches like other churches in the UK have to respond to this challenge and create congregational spaces where different nationalities, classes and ethnicities can integrate mutually and meaningfully for the sake of God’s kingdom.
African Newer Pentecostal Churches are very good at practicing a biblical model of holistic mission as they are involved in evangelism and social action initiatives that benefit the wider society. For example, RCCG’s Victory Centre in Woolwich has a social initiative called Victory Resource Centre, which runs a Nursery, Victory Day Care. This service is used by different people in the community including white British people. While many of the people attending the day care might not attend the church, it is important that the church is providing a form of social services to its immediate community. Another example of an African Newer Pentecostal Church doing evangelism and social action is New Wine Church founded in 1993 by the late Tayo Adeyemi in Woolwich. The church every year gives Christmas hampers to the community. People of different ethnicities and cultures in the immediate community and from afar benefit from this initiative as people travel from different parts of London to receive these gifts.
While I want to commend these efforts of providing social services to the community, reverse mission cannot remain at evangelism, church planting, healing and social and community engagement; it has to address issues of structure that will bring lasting socio-economic and political change to society. This will mean shifting from just providing social services, which African Newer Pentecostal Churches do very well, to bringing changes that affect structures and institutions. Alfred Williams of Christ Faith Tabernacle in London speaking of the mission of BMC said, ‘Prayer without participation is not effective’. 7 Ade Amooba, co-chair of National Church Leaders Forum at the same gathering, said, ‘We have too many prominent ministers without influence’. He also said, ‘We need to tackle the issues of racism as it brings imperfection to our society’.
These are two African Newer Pentecostal Church leaders recognising the need to participate politically and influence change in society. There are several issues in our society that demands political action from the church and particularly from African Newer Pentecostal Churches. Examples of these systemic and structural issues include fighting institutional racism, tackling unemployment, poverty reduction, tackling under-achievement of African and Caribbean children in education, inequalities in the health system, immigration policies and system and the prison system. As articulated above, one of African British theology’s task is to engage with the postmodern mission context of Britain; therefore these systemic and structural issues are recognised as matters that African Christians must engage with because these are socio-political matters that affects three categories of people, although not exclusively: migrants, deprived ethnic communities and the white working classes. African British theology in this task of engagement can be enriched with the liberative praxis of Black British theology. Imagine, for example, African Newer Pentecostal Churches addressing the issues of institutional racism by using some of Robert Beckford’s black political Pentecostal theology (1998 and 2000)? The goal of reverse mission cannot just be to evangelise and plant churches, but must be to engage in prophetic actions that change structures and affect policies. While the African Church in Britain has not yet attained this goal, there are signs such as what was said by Alfred Williams and Ade Omooba that points in the right trajectory.
Conclusions
This essay has examined the discourse on the subject of reverse mission and particularly how it relates to the emerging field of African British theology. African British theology as an African theology is a contextual theology locating itself also within the field of black theology.
This paper has also argued that despite the limitations that the term reverse mission conjures and the fact that we still have many African congregations, which are very mono-ethnic, reverse mission is still taking place in certain church contexts. This is in places such as historic churches who now have many African Christians and ministers. As this is a work of practical theology, I have located my own story as a reverse missionary among British Baptist within that discourse. My final arguments have been that for reverse mission to be fully realised, it has to consider political action that changes systemic and structural issues in society. While this is a task readily recognised by African British theology, it can be further enriched by the liberative praxis of Black British theology.
Footnotes
Funding
The author received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
