Abstract
In the past years, the Northeast people linked the BJP with the principle of Hindutwa (a Hindu way of life) that made it unattractive for them. In recent years, the Party surprisingly takes the area like wildfire by dictating who is to rule in many states. Now, switching from old history to that of a fresher one, a historian may significantly raise a question in this transition: “Is the Hindu way of life entering the region with the emergence of the BJP?” One perception which robustly stands against this question is that the native inhabitants view the coming of the BJP in the Northeast as “a politics of convenience and expediency” to boost up their deprived economic situations. They do not perceive it as a politic of conviction to and assurance for the BJP.
Introduction
There have been significant paradigm shifts in the socio-political sphere of the agrarian upland people of Northeast India as, for the first time in the history of this intriguing region, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has gained recognition by winning elections. In the past years, the Northeast people linked the BJP with the principle of Hindutwa 1 that makes it unattractive for them. It was considered to be the outsider in the avenues of Northeast India. In recent years, the Party surprisingly takes the area like wildfire by dictating who is to rule in many states.
Now, switching from old history to that of a fresher one, a historian may significantly raise a question in this transition: “Is the Hindu way of life entering the region with the emergence of the BJP?” One perception which robustly stands against this question is that the native inhabitants view the coming of the BJP in the Northeast as “a politics of convenience and expediency” to boost up their deprived economic situations. They do not perceive it as a politic of conviction to and assurance for the BJP.
With its arrival, the BJP brings challenges and new trends like disunity among church members etc. This paper explores the situation of the Church and Christianity and the opportunities the Northeast Christians have in the wake of the new scenario. As the pre-BJP era has gone, the future historiography of Northeast India (secular and Christian) will take a more twisting shape. There are two opposing ways in which the emerging picture may affect the future of Northeast historiography. The first is going with the flow of mainland nationalism. The second is writing history that stresses more importance to regionalism since most of the Northeast people perceive the BJP as a threat to their distinct identities.
This paper has its limitation as it traces the development of the BJP in three states of the Northeast only, which are Meghalaya, Nagaland, and Mizoram.
Hill's Resistance Vis-a-Vis Power Relations—Understanding Geographical Location and History of Northeast India
The geographical location plays an imperative role in understanding the Northeast since the region shares only more or less two percent of its boundary with India and the remaining ninety-eight percent with countries other than India.
2
It is joined to mainland India over a slender stretch of plains through North Bengal and Assam that is commonly known as the “Siliguri Corridor.” The swift-flowing rivers are encircled by big mountain ranges. The high hills are heavily woody and forested that enhance the unapproachability to the extent that tribal and racial groups, therefore, existed in entire seclusion from one another.
3
The significance of taking geographical location into serious consideration about the Northeast is, therefore, brilliantly described by Pradip Phanjoubam in the following words:
4
The Northeast cannot be understood solely within the parameters of Indian nationalist historiography, which zealously expect every historical urge and aspiration occurring within the geographical territory of the nation to be explained as emanating from intrinsic reasons born within the national boundaries only. That is to say, Peter J. Taylor's “the State as a container, from which nothing spills out, and conversely, nothing from outside spills in,” as Taylor himself notes, is no longer enough in defining a nation and its history…An understanding of the histories of Tibet, Myanmar, Bangladesh and Bhutan, at least to the extent they intersect with those of the Northeast, therefore, is vital.
One cannot cleanly ignore the perception that the Northeasterners are different from mainland India. The fundamental reason the BJP (which was supposed by the hill peoples to be meant only for the people of the plains) for a long time failed to win votes in the Northeast and the cultural, linguistic, ethnic and racial dissimilarity of the Northeastern people, according to James C. Scott, lies in the verity that they were never under the geographical and cultural influences of mainland India. 5 Thingnam Sanjeev also proposes that in terms of ethnographic mapping, the Northeastern states have more affinity to South East Asia rather than mainland India. 6 Scott expediently called the Northeasterners “Zomia” that refers to the mountain ranges of mainland Southeast Asia that has never been under the control of governments of the lowland Valley states. 7
Even after entering into the union of India, they are known for constantly resisting any threat that they presume would jeopardize their identity from outside. This opposition of the Northeastern hills may be fittingly termed as hill-valley friction or hill's resistance to threads from mainland India. Now, the main logic behind Northeast hill's resistance to the BJP also has been the fear of tarnishing and defilement of their religion, mostly Christianity and the fear of putting their distinct identity at risk. Observing the way the BJP gains political territory in Northeast India and how their distinctive identities are exposed at risk, Rev. Dr L.H. Rawsea remarkably comments, “The BJP has been leaving no stone unturned to wipe out our identity (in Northeast India) with political power as well as the power of money in their hands,” 8 that obviously generated redundant frictions between the lofty hills and the BJP from the plain.
The pre-colonial time was gone and colonial administration came on the scene with modern states creeping in. Consequently, the State evading tribes now become State-aspiring ones in which the State and its territorial boundaries now act as castles where the indigenous people can still preserve and hang on to their identities. 9 They refuse to be governed by others, religiously and politically in their own acquired states. It is by nature and disposition that the people of this area not only resist any threat of their identity and their existence but also evade and stay away from any unwanted interference in their administration. That is evident in the 1951 Census of India wherein there was no single Christian registered in the state of Arunachal Pradesh as the indigenous people were unwilling to cooperate with the white missionaries of that time. 10 In fact, it is only after the missionaries from the sister Northeastern states began to pour in that the people of Arunachal Pradesh started following Jesus Christ 11 as their Saviour.
The question of why the freedom loving people of Northeast India recently allow the BJP to take over their regions may appropriately be asked. There is no denying that most states of the Northeast fail to defend themselves against the sudden waves of the BJP in their areas. After failed resistance to the coming of the BJP in their own regions, they develop their own way of resisting the BJP. The first mode of resistance is accepting the fact that the BJP is gaining some sort of footing in their areas. The second approach of resistance is taking advantage of the BJP to develop their States with the promises the BJP has been giving them. This does not mean that the Northeast people pledge their heartfelt allegiance to the BJP. 12 The matter of fact is that the people in the region use the BJP for their convenience's sake.
Changing Political Scenario
The Meghalaya metamorphosis
The BJP is institutionally frail in the state. It did not hope to come to power completely on its own. However, it finished up as one of the kingmakers. We may raise the following two issues concerning the new government. Firstly, where is the Chief Minister, being a staunch faithful Christian, leading the government? Is he determined to uphold the freedom of Christians and followers of other living faiths in the state? Secondly, will the two members of BJP in the Assembly, sitting in the ruling party, make use of their space upon other MLAs, thereby opening up new and promising ways for the Hindutva ideology to creep?
Nestling in Nagaland
Nagaland has never been a BJP-dominated area before. However, the BJP became the king in the political arena overnight as it won 12 MLAs in the 2018 Nagaland Legislative Election. Even though this number seems scanty and meagre to form a government, the Nationalist Democratic Progressive Party (NDPP) invited it to extend its support to form the government in which the latter eagerly accepted. A government was formed with 18 NDPP MLAs, 12 BJP MLAs, 2 Janata Dal (United) and an independent MLA. 13
Mizoram—The last bastion that BJP cannot penetrate in
The bid to defeat the BJP's “final frontier” made the Party invest profoundly in Mizoram. The way the BJP in Mizoram tries to capture votes is more strategic than it seems, which may be compared to a tip of an iceberg whose surface only is visible, whereas there is a lot more buried under the water. The peace-loving and serene Mizo community was aggravated by the alleged puppets of the central BJP government, Mr. S.B. Shashank, who was then Mizoram Chief Electoral Officer (CEO) and Dr. Arun T, who was the District Collector of Kolasib District in Mizoram. These two officers purportedly carried out the illegal enrolment of Brus outside Mizoram in the Mizoram Electoral Roll. That is against the emotion of Mizo society. The rationale behind these two officers in doing so is viewed by Mizos as part of the BJP Government's preparation for the then-upcoming Mizoram Legislative election, 2018.
S.B. Shashank sought a deployment of 40 companies of Central Armed Police Forces for the then-upcoming election in the state that was not accepted by the State's NGO Coordination Committee, who termed Shashank's seeking of Central Armed Forces as “foolish.” 14 He turned his deaf ears to the fact that “Mizoram, since 1948 has no poll-related violence.” 15 The Mizo society has been provoked already by this move.
These two points, viz. the illegal enrolment of Brus outside Mizoram and the request of as many as 40 companies of Central Armed Police Forces were questioned by Lalnunmawia Chuaungo, a Mizo IAS officer as well as the Principal Secretary of Home. That led Shashank to blame the Home Secretary. He cited that the latter intervenes in the smooth functioning of the Election procedure. That led to the immediate transfer of the Mizo IAS 16 from Mizoram to New Delhi on 2nd November, 2018.
No sooner the news of the surprising transfer of a Mizo IAS officer was heard than the Mizo civil society began to raise doubts about the association of the BJP in the transfer menace. The question rightly raised by the Mizos stands, “Has the Central BJP government instructed the CEO to act against the Mizo sentiment?” “All these outrageous moves,” according to Dr. Lallianchhunga, an Assistant Professor of Political Science in Mizoram University, “are nothing but the concerted, resolute and meticulous attempts of the Central BJP government to enroll the non-Mizo voters in the electoral roll so that these non-Mizo voters can cast their votes in favour of the BJP in the upcoming Mizoram election.” 17 Lalremliana Pachuau also writes, “In order to win the coming Mizoram election, a staunch advocate of BJP was posted to be the Governor of Mizoram in the person of Kummanam Rajasekharan, and every possible way is made use of to let the BJP win in Mizoram.” 18 That goes in line with the sentiment of the Mizos. In reality, the Mizo sentiment was hurt. And that automatically led the indigenous people to assume that the Central Government has no heart for the Mizo community. That was very much regretful.
Why Do the Northeast People Give Vote to the BJP?
First, the ambitious plans and campaigns of the BJP to woo the tribal people are some of the major causes of the BJP's success in the area. Influential people like Sunil Deodhar and the like who have fluency over Bengali and tribal languages were sent to Northeast India who destroyed Congress cadre with their door-to-door strategy. 19 The concerted effort of the BJP pays.
Second, a strong anti-incumbency wave in the Northeast worked in favour of the BJP. The Congress and Left Party failed to reach out to the common people, leading to the loss of trust in these two parties. 20 The many broken promises of the previous rulers made the people seek more dynamic leadership in BJP.
Third, development projects of the BJP persuade some voters of the region to give a vote in their favour. The people now are well convinced that a party that has no clout in Delhi is not worthy to give a vote. 21 In other words, the money matter really counts for the people when giving their precious votes as the Northeastern people largely rely on the Central Government for money.
Observation of BJP's Overwhelming Win in Northeast India 22
From the point of view of political history
If we look at the present political scenario in Northeast India, the gaining of political power by BJP is just one political development in the area. In the past, Indian and Northeast Indian politics have been controlled by the Congress Party for quite a long time. During Nehru and Indira Gandhi's reign, it seemed that their political power can never be turned upside down. With the passing of time, Congress has been losing its political stability 23 and it began to be weakened which was followed by a system of government which has the tendency towards a coalition government where not only one party but two or more political parties form a government together.
Even though the BJP has been gaining political power throughout India, its actual strength tends to be over-rated and glorified. It needs to be noted that the BJP has a majority only in 18 of the 29 Legislative Assemblies in 2019. 24 What is clear is that the BJP has been making use of social media like facebook, twitter, whatsApp and others to blow its own trumpet and that it projects itself as the sole party which can be trusted by the general masses. What is obvious from this observation is that political parties may come and go and that BJP, with its Hindu ideology, may eventually be thrown aside in the upcoming elections.
Observation from the eyes of party politics
There are two ways from which the existing political parties in Northeast India may welcome the coming of the BJP in the area. 25 The first alternative is embracing the BJP with open arms. That means that by co-operating with the BJP and working hand in hand with them, the existing parties can strengthen their resources. By taking advantage of the whirlwind of the BJP, other parties can fly higher in the Northeast Indian political atmosphere. That will necessitate the projection of the BJP as identical with the other national parties and the forgetting of the BJP's inclination towards uncompromising RSS and the Hindutva movement. The second preference is resisting the coming of the BJP as the Party tries to outmaneuver the previous political parties. That entails the idea of attacking the BJP as a political rival and projecting them as enemies and foes of Northeast Indian Christians.
The ultimate goal of political parties is forming a government no matter what it takes. In other words, political parties do not hesitate to gain power at the expense of Christ and His Church. This holds true of the current political leaders in Northeast India since they do not feel reluctant to tie a knot with the BJP when it comes to the formation of government in the states. 26 A nationalist party in Mizoram, the MNF, who takes pride in championing nationalism in Mizoram and upholding Christianity in the State, has joined the North East Democratic Alliance (NEDA), that is a BJP-led movement.
From the perspective of development freaks
Northeast India is still backward in comparison to the other parts of India. The region has suffered so much neglect and apathy that it seems next to possible to catch up with the other parts of India. It is alleged that Delhi does not bother much about the region. Isolation of the region is another cause. There is no internal revenue generation worth the name in these states. Private enterprise is more an exception than a rule, and a majority of the population is dependent upon the government one way or the other. Most of other insurrections in the region are direct fallouts of this neglect of the area by the ruling class both in Delhi and in the region.
Generally speaking, the majority of the people in the area are desperately waiting for development to come in their hometowns. The pity is that politicians run after personal interests rather than the interests of the whole area. This gloomy fact causes some sections of the Northeast to think that any party—irrespective of its ideology, which has development as its main agenda—is to be supported during elections. This kind of people welcomes the BJP with open arms 27 as the latter promises numerous developments to boost the economy in the states.
Quovadis 28 Northeast Indian Christianity?—Trials and Opportunities
Trials faced by northeast christians
These are some challenges and trials that confront Christianity in Northeastern India:
Winds of Change
A real fusion of the old tradition and a new element is taking place in which one feels the creation of a completely different sort of reality. Even though tradition and cultural attributes are continued, the people desire to live the same life the outer world displays to them through media. 29 While the society moves progressively, “Christianity itself also is changing in this part of the Indian sub-continent which may be appropriately termed as the changing way of Christianity.” 30 It is in this shifting scenario that a review of Christianity in the area needs to be taken up so that mistakes, errors and tussles caused by Christianity may be addressed and corrected.
Christianity has been Challenged even before the Coming of the BJP
Even though the BJP looks as if it has captured the attention of the general masses overnight, there is the other side of the story to it. It is not that the people are convinced of the progressive achievements of the BJP, but that the BJP has crept in just when several members take religion and the Church for granted and when there is a tendency of looking at the church with contempt by many critics. The comments of Kerio Wetsah, about the scenario of Nagaland, holds true for all other Northeast states, “While Nagaland has incorporated “Nagaland for Christ” in its Constitution of the Federal Government of Nagaland (Yehzabo)…sadly today, the concept of Nagaland for Christ has been used as a cloak to cover various wrongdoings which need to be re-envisaged in the context of church and politics.” 31 It is this very distressing situation of the Church that the BJP takes advantage of. That has been the scenario of the churches in Northeast India even before the coming of the BJP in the region.
Competition between Asian Theological Association and Senate of Serampore College Graduates
One big challenge faced by the Northeast theologians and the Church as a whole, now is the contest, competition and challenge between graduates of the Senate of Serampore College (SSC) and Asian Theological Association (ATA). The rift has deepened as some church denominations or Synods 32 do not recognize the ATA. That birthed frictions and tussles between graduates of the two leading institutions in India.
Lalsangkima Pachuau believes that since both the ATA and SSC give prominence to the ministerial realm, it is good that they go together in the pursuit of higher theological education. 33 Commenting on the growing contention and friction between the two, he rightly said, “Instead of comparing ourselves, we need to have mutual understanding of each other. You cannot compare an apple to a banana. You need to look at the positive sides of the two institutions (SSC and ATA).” 34
A synthesis of both SSC and ATA would help especially if there is going to be a meaningful theology for the Northeastern people. Getting up and start working is crucial now especially for the Northeast Christian theologians as, in the words of V.V. Thomas, “Everyone will paint their own picture. What pictures are…theologians painting for the next generation to remember?” 35
For the Northeast, the contextualization of theological education, to deal with the realities and challenges of the people is an urgent issue. The theological education communicated in theological seminaries does not all the time train graduates to tackle with individual and community dilemma. 36 Identifying the question and concerns that need to be dealt with is an important issue.
Therefore, instead of engaging on arguments, Northeast Christian's leaders must engage themselves on developing a relevant contextual theology, taking advantage of its rich resources from the SSC and the ATA. In order to solve the tussle, positive steps like dialogue, discussion and conversation of Northeast Christian's leaders in a wider context would be a very much welcomed move. Exchange of faculty members in theological colleges, inviting ATA scholars in SSC institutions vice versa may be suggested.
Contention between Charismatic and non-Charismatic Christians
Charismatic Christianity is the core of the new Christian development in the “majority world,” 37 whose vital characteristic of the movement is its grass-roots temperament embodied in the daily lives of new Christians in Asia, Africa, Latin America 38 and in Oceanic countries. Charismatic theology can be said to be arising out of the lived religion (even ahead of institutionalized, performed religion) of people in the margins. The central belief of this emerging Christianity is a belief in the spirit of God, who is dynamic, lively and controlling amid other spiritual beings.
Here lays the rift or fissure between the Charismatic Christians and the institutionalized Christians especially those who stick to old Western Christianity. Those faithful Christians who hold the belief that faith in God is a rational opinion that God lives and works redemptively find it difficult to digest the idea of Charismatic Christians that faith is also a conviction that God wants to heal, save and empower God's people in their present lives. For the latter, Jesus has conquered the malevolent spirits and Christians share his triumph by the indwelling of the Holy Spirit 39 in this life, here and now.
As Charismatic Christianity takes deeper root in Northeast India, people, irrespective of denominational affiliations, 40 have been affirming their faith in the line of charismatic theology. This may be attributed to the fact that roots of Indian Christian theology mostly derive their inspirations from the experiences of upper-class Christians which do not have any serious connection with the lived reality of majority Christians who are none other than Dalits and Tribal, 41 and that the indigenous Northeast people find the Charismatic Christianity more charming and appealing to embrace than the performed, institutionalized one.
Leaders of mainline Churches now need to understand the shifting scenario of Christianity in the region and take up the task of sincerely integrating the local, indigenous substances in the elements of worship services. That way churches may be free from colonial overshadow and move forward in the trajectory of a more indigenized, tribal form of worshipping God, who is also the God of tribal Israelites.
Globalization
Globalization can be said to be the most compelling power that emerged in Northeast India in recent times. It unveils the curtains of the hitherto land-locked Northeastern states to the world. One obvious consequence of globalization is a boom in visual media. That has a direct impact on the youths of Northeast India. Many youths have been much influenced by the Korean lifestyle that they observe from Korean serial films and movies. The movies they keep watching have a palpable impact on their dress and even on their way of approaching others 42 which is a very discoursing trajectory the youths of Northeast India have been taking.
Another outcome of globalization is the introduction of multinational companies (MNCs) in the regions which swallow indigenous merchants up and, leave the latter in powerless situations. Globalization also carries along with it, global food products such as those produced by McDonald, KFC, Dominos and the like. The pity is that all these new trends change indigenous food habits. The much-celebrated home-grown products have become tasteless to the new generation youths 43 thereby indigenous food system is obliterated.
Opportunities for christians in northeast India in the wake of the new situation
A New Kairos 44
The pristine states of Northeast India have been encroached by a new socio-political phenomenon that started the genesis of a new history in the region. In other words, the Northeast has entered a new kairos, which is critical, yet an opportune moment in its history. The present critical situation can land the region in a pretty much better position provided that Christian society looks at the present scenario as a chance to re-examine themselves and start working towards the regeneration of the Church.
Suffering as an Instrument towards Sanctity
Even though the present political scenario goes in favour of the BJP, and the Hindutva proponents leave no stone unturned to make India a Hindu nation, there is an opportunity for Christians in the sense that persecutions from Hindu fanatics will but purify Christianity in Northeast India.
There are no doubt, discrimination and persecutions all across India under the present BJP regime. In an answer given in the Parliament of India, the government record said that 2920 religious-related atrocities were causing 389 deaths and leaving 8890 injured during 2014–2017. 45
In this worrying situation, Christians have two major options: to retaliate or absorb the painful situation, thereby making use of it to regenerate them. Lalhmuchhuaka has a positive attitude towards the growing hounding of Christians and believes that enduring persecution in Christ's name would help Christians renew their faith in God. He continues to say, “The more pressurized we are, the more sanctified we will become.” 46 In the same vein, a mother of three told Union of Catholic Asian News, “The Hindu slant of the BJP has been an issue. But if Christianity could survive under communist rule, it can survive under the BJP and Narendra Modi.” 47
Freedom Struggle
Even though disadvantageous in some critic's eyes, the freedom struggles 48 in Northeast India boost the indigenous peoples’ sense of responsibility towards developing an indigenized Church. When the Chinese Cultural Revolution took place in 1966, foreign missionaries had to leave the country, and all foreign connections stopped abruptly. Miraculously, Christianity became deeply rooted in Chinese society and the Church has become inculturized. 49 Likewise, Churches in Northeast India see themselves molding towards a more indigenized structure because of the persistent movements for their emancipation in different parts of the region.
To cite an example, Mizos understand spirituality not only in terms of rituals of worship, because, following Joy L.K. Pachuau, there is very few Western Christian rites and ceremonies absorbed in Mizo forms of worship now. 50 This process of taking indigenized forms of worship in the Church, according to R. Zamawia, is an outcome of the Mizo Freedom Movement 51 that started in 1966.
R. Zamawia asserts, “Had the Mizos not started freedom struggle by taking up arms, Mizo young girls would have sung Hindi and English songs in the streets without any hesitation today. Prior to the fight for Mizo freedom (i.e. 1966), several Mizo young girls were seen clad in a saree, roaming the streets, singing Hindi songs melodiously. The Mizo freedom movement instilled in the minds of the people a deep love for Mizo nationalism which, in turn, gave rise to a Mizoised version of the Church.” 52 The Mizos perceive their identity to be necessarily intertwined with Christianity, and their elements of worship is grounded on Mizo frameworks, 53 which is predominantly the offshoot of the Mizo freedom movement.
More Space for Women in the Church
Few churches in the Northeast have ordained women as Pastors. Yet, full-fledged Pastoral ministry has not been given in these churches. How far these few women's resources are used in the Church may be questioned 54 since ordination is given them just for name's sake. It is high time that the Churches in Northeast India think afresh and make use of women's theological education. Lalnghakthuami is right when she says, “Unless we accept one another on equal footing, for instance, men and women created in the image of God, it is difficult to talk about the partnership of women and men in Northeast context.” 55 It is only after the male members acknowledge their female counterparts as being equal to them that more space would be given to women in the mainline churches.
Concluding Evaluation
Northeast India has geographical, cultural, historical and racial differences which lead to the psychological distinctness of the inhabitants. They are known for their persistent resistance to intimidation, threat and coercion that they sense could destroy their distinct identity. That is the main reason they are disinclined to embrace the BJP that they thought is meant only for the plain, mainland India.
With new development coming in as a result of the BJP's extensive win, the region's credibility of custody and safekeeping of the time-honoured traditional values is put to the test No sooner the BJP became the kingmaker in the area than it started strengthening its establishment, no matter what it takes. One key instrument in that regard is the provision of the litigious Citizenship Amendment Bill, 2016, passed in the Lok Sabha on 8th January, 2019, that could gradually eat the indigenous people up in due course. The Northeast people do not silently sit back and idly look at the pressing scenario. The Bill was protested with a bandh in the states which was followed by a boycotting of the Indian Republic Day on 26th January, 2019 across the Northeastern states of India. The strong sense of custody of the indigenous rights is being aroused and awakened again by this Bill. The Northeast people do need to sweat on this and take determined steps to safeguard the tribal values, land and resources from external infringements.
Whether they like it or not, the Northeast has now entered a new kairos in the midst of social conflicts. The Northeast tribal must take this as a challenge and find positive ways to welcome their new world. Developing a progressive Tribal Christianity in the midst of the strong force of Westernization, modernization and globalization may be suggested. In this picture, the Church needs to creatively invent a praxis-oriented theology where women and men work together as equals so that the potential of both the sexes may be tapped to the fullest Women's participation in the Church may be positively seen and encouraged. Without women's active participation, the churches will remain one-sided and bias as ever which will hinder the churches from becoming vibrant and dynamic ones.
Most Indian theologies come from mainland India and are typically useful for mainland Christians. These theologies have a propensity towards an ecumenical approach as against the evangelical conservative mindset of the Northeast tribal Christians. In this backdrop, an all-encompassing, comprehensive theology, which goes in agreement with the Northeast tribal's emotions and sentiments need to be formulated.
Footnotes
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Notes
Author biography
Lalfakawma Ralte is affiliated to United Theological College, Bangalore, India.