Theosis in the Ethiopian Tradition: A Preliminary Assessment

Defining the Term

It will quickly become clear how difficult it is to provide an overarching definition for the concept of theosis. This is due in large part to the varying strands that have been contributed at different historical periods. For instance, before and (to some extent) during the Christological Controversies, thinkers were more focused on the divine dimension of theosis. Afterwards (and especially after the Enlightenment), attention naturally shifted more towards the human dimension. Nevertheless, an overarching view of theosis is helpful to hold in mind so that each period of unique development can be situated vis-à-vis the others. Russell attempts such an overarching definition:

Theosis is our restoration as persons to integrity and wholeness by participation in Christ through the Holy Spirit, in a process which is initiated in this world through our life of ecclesial communion and moral striving and finds ultimate fulfillment in our union with the Father—all within the broad context of the divine economy (Russell, 2009: 13).

In this definition, at least three crucial components can be discerned. First, this process is aided by God—it cannot occur by human effort alone (although human effort is essential). Second, this process must take place in connection with the other Christians—it cannot occur in pure isolation (although that is sometimes the impression of monastics who ‘achieve’ theosis). Finally, this process simultaneously involves imitation of and union with God. The final point has been the subject of considerable debate and is one of the main reasons why it can prove so difficult to define theosis. Can humans actually become divine or can they only become like the divine? The historical witness suggests that the answer to this question is: ‘Both’. The following pages will attempt to shed more light on just how that can be.

In light of these various components, we can construct a working definition for the purposes of this study: ‘Theosis is the Spirit-empowered process by which humans become like God.’ Hopefully, this simple definition can allay concerns that theosis is somehow ‘heretical’. It is also hoped that this definition can provide meaningful distinction from various terms that are often compared with theosis. Such terms include apotheosis, sanctification (or ‘entire’ sanctification), Christian Perfection, and Christification (Russell, 2009: 36–37). Although a full comparison of these terms with theosis lies beyond the scope of this paper, we can briefly highlight the reasons why none of these terms should be equated with theosis. Apotheosis has its origin in the ancient world and refers to the instance of a mortal human being ‘elevated’ to the status of an immortal god due to extraordinary feats. ⁶ Although distinct from theosis insofar as the element of human effort ‘earning’ the divine exaltation, it bears the strongest resemblance to theosis and many Church Fathers had no qualms about appropriating the basic concept (more on this below). Over the past several decades, sanctification has been related to theosis by many in the Wesleyan tradition. The key difference here is that sanctification as normally understood does not involve actual union with God. ⁷ Christian Perfection is essentially a less-common Wesleyan synonym for ‘entire sanctification’. Christification is a more recent term that has found favour among some scholars, but is problematic in summarizing theosis because of its obvious emphasis on only one person of the Trinity.

Finally, in addition to our working definition, it is constructive to outline quickly the main tensions contained within theosis. This is especially fitting considering the divine-human tension that is so central to theosis. ⁸ Indeed, theosis can always be approached from either the divine or human perspective. It is simultaneously anthropological and Christological (Nellas, 1987: 40), ‘realistic’ and ‘ethical’ (Russell, 2009: 17). Theosis is the vehicle and the destination; both an ongoing process and an eternal goal. Perhaps most important to emphasize for Western readers is the fact that theosis is both a journey for the individual and also the cosmic intention of God. On this point, Russell is keen to situate theosis within God's ‘divine economy’, which is ‘God's saving plan for the human race. The divine economy, realized in the incarnate Son, enables us to become partakers of the divine nature, to be fulfilled as human beings transformed by the power of God’ (Russell, 2009: 23). God's eternal plan has always been to welcome all Creation into intimate union with Godself. From God's perspective then, theosis describes the process of full salvation.

Ancient Perspectives

The longing for immortality is arguably as old as humanity. This longing can be related to the central impulse of theosis and may indeed represent fertile soil for interfaith dialogue. ⁹ More to the point, the desire to become divine has a long history in the ancient world. One of the earliest and best-known accounts describing this quest is the Epic of Gilgamesh, which likely influenced many other successive epics, such as the Iliad and the Odyssey. The Greek term apotheosis (ἀποθέωσις) is thus coined in Greek mythology (e.g., for Heracles) in order to describe a phenomenon that was already well-known in the Ancient world (e.g., in Mesopotamia and Egypt), and continues to be applied to Roman emperors. Additionally, it is worth mentioning Plato's influential axiom in this vein: The philosopher's chief task is to become like God ‘as far as possible’. ¹⁰

As common in the theology of the early Church Fathers, apotheosis is seen as a valuable concept that could be ‘Christianized’ and placed in the proper light of the Incarnation. Interestingly, it comes to be disdained not because of its application to humanity per se but because of a Christological accusation—the term ‘apotheosis’ is used by Nestorius to accuse Cyril's Christology as heretical (Russell, 2009: 50). Much more recently, the idea of apotheosis was condemned by Protestants: ‘In 1901, Adolf von Harnack's influential History of Dogma vociferously attacked deification as evidence of the corrupting effects of Hellenization on Christian truth in the early church’ (Rackley, 2020: 10). Russell unequivocally contends that Harnack's is ‘not a view that can be maintained today’ (Russell, 2009: 40).

However, when applied to humanity, apotheosis actually bears closer resemblance to the Christian understanding of theosis than some other competing terms. Obviously, the aspect of human effort ‘earning’ deification would not be approved by the Fathers, but the aspect of divine powers ‘granting’ deification is indeed an important component of theosis. Adam and Eve's desire to become ‘like God’ is often viewed in a negative sense because it is associated with their sin, but this desire to become ‘like God’ is actually at the very heart of Heilsgeschichte (as we will see below).

Biblical Perspectives

The word ‘theosis’ itself is not found in the biblical corpus. Nonetheless, this does not mean that the term itself is ‘unbiblical’. ¹¹ The most important biblical texts for the development of theosis are Psalm 82:6 (I say, ‘You are gods, children of the Most High, all of you;) and 2 Peter 1:4 (Thus he has given us, through these things, his precious and very great promises, so that through them you may escape from the corruption that is in the world because of lust, and may become participants of the divine nature). In Christian history, Russell states that these verses ‘were consistently interpreted as referring to deification from the beginning’ (Russell, 2009: 40). Crucially, Psalm 82:6 is explicitly quoted by Jesus in John 10:33–36, which made it the most important verse supporting the doctrine of deification among the Church Fathers.

The Church Fathers were not alone in their interest in these passages. Russell tells us that early rabbinic tradition interpreted Psalm 82:6 as words originally addressed to Adam and Eve in the Garden (Russell, 2009: 41). This interpretation helped to cement human ‘divinity’ as the original status of Adam and Eve to which humanity can now return because of the salvific work of Christ

With the foundation of divinity as humanity's ultimate telos, ¹² various Scriptural themes relating to theosis become evident. One of the most prominent is that of adoption as children of God, especially in the writings of Paul. In one sense, it is taken for granted that all humans are ‘God's offspring’. ¹³ But in another sense, the earliest Christians recognized that we could become legitimate ‘heirs’ of God in such a way that enables us to cry ‘Abba, Father!’. ¹⁴ Obviously, the precise mechanics of theosis are not worked out completely in Scripture, but that did not stop the biblical authors from painting a picture of hope and yearning: ‘Beloved, we are God's children now; what we will be has not yet been revealed. What we do know is this: when he is revealed, we will be like him, for we will see him as he is. And all who have this hope in him purify themselves, just as he is pure.’ ¹⁵ Additionally, any passage that speaks of our intimate involvement with God can be construed to fit within the overarching paradigm of theosis: ‘I am the vine, you are the branches’ ¹⁶ and ‘We are fellow workers with God.’ ¹⁷

Some have preferred to identify specific words in Scripture that support the doctrine of theosis. One term of notable attraction among certain Christian traditions is ἁγια´ζω (‘to make holy’), ¹⁸ which suggests that Christians are in a God-directed process of becoming holy just like God is. ¹⁹ Another favourite is μεταμορφο´ω (‘to transform or change into’), especially as it is used in the context of 2 Corinthians 3:18 (‘from glory to glory’ ²⁰ ). If we add the concept of light (a later component of theosis to be reviewed shortly), Scripture becomes positively replete with its support of theosis. Like the doctrine of the Trinity, none of these passages or words provides a watertight explanation of theosis, but instead contribute to a rich tapestry that motivated the writing of so many Church Fathers.

The more one understands the doctrine of theosis in its historical development, the more passages in Scripture one can find that relate to it. Thus, an exhaustive listing of Scriptural passages becomes a subjective and even futile task. ²¹ Strong proponents of theosis are likely to ask where theosis is not found in Scripture. Once again, this is why it is possible for some to claim that theosis encapsulates the entire purpose of Creation (Russell, 2006: 262).

Patristic Perspectives

Numerous Patristic writers explored the idea of theosis with vigour, even though the exact term itself did not appear until Gregory of Nazianzus ‘invented’ (Russell, 2009: 14) it in 363 AD. ²² Russell claims that it was mainly ‘Clement of Alexandria, Hippolytus of Rome and Irenaeus of Lyons’ (Russell, 2009: 14) who are responsible for developing the idea of theosis in the second century. It can be argued that Clement actually used a different form of the word theosis: theopoiein (‘to make god, to divinize’) (Medved, 2019: 22). A formal ‘definition’ is finally provided for theosis in the sixth century by Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite: ‘the attaining of likeness to God and union with him so far as possible’. ²³

The early Patristic thinking about theosis took place amidst concerted formulation of Trinitarian theology more generally. Thus, it is no surprise that the idea of theosis was significantly impacted by the Christological Controversies. Nonetheless, the Fathers almost universally recognized that their statements about Christ deeply affected what they could say about humanity—Christology and anthropology were inextricably connected. Consequently, it is possible to find various nuanced versions of the ‘Exchange Formula’ (Russell, 2009: 27) scattered throughout Patristic authors. Norman Russell lists nine examples (in chronological order) in Fellow Workers, which we reproduce here since they provide such an excellent and broad sampling of this important theme across Patristic thought:

The Son of God ‘became what we are in order to make us what he is himself’. (Irenaeus, Against Heresies 5, pref.)

Medieval and Modern Perspectives

It was Gregory Palamas (1296–1359) who revived the doctrine of theosis and made the significant modifications that are now inseparable from the prevailing view present in Orthodoxy today. His reasons for doing this were deeply connected to contemporary theological debate, namely the Hesychast Controversy (c. 1337–1351). At stake were the profound personal prayer experiences of various monks and holy people, during which they claimed to see an intense and holy light. The central problem was twofold: If the light was an illusion, what did that say about the increasingly popular methods of hesychastic prayer in monasticism? If the visions were genuine, how could they be reconciled with the traditional Byzantine understanding of God's distance and separateness? Palamas’ opponent in the debate, Barlaam of Calabria, defended the traditional view of God's distance, and discounted the ‘emotional’ (Krausmüller, 2006: 112) methods of the hesychasts in favour of a more informed intellectual approach. The debate leads Palamas to draw the famous distinction between God's essence and energies. This distinction preserves the idea that God cannot be known in His pure essence, but opens up the possibility that God can in fact be known and encountered in His energies. ²⁴ Palamas ends up grounding his argument in the biblical account of the Transfiguration, which demonstrates that the disciples did, in fact, experience the divine, ‘Taboric Light’. ²⁵ For Palamas, this seals the argument, for if the light radiating from Christ was anything less than divine, it would also make Christ ‘less than God’ (Russell, 2009: 72).

Palamas marked a watershed in thinking on theosis, which led to increased focus on themes of transcendence and ecstasy (ekstasis) in the context of divine experiences. Theologians in the 19^th and 20^th centuries added to these the concept of personalism, some of them emphasizing that ‘Theosis is a relation, not a thing’ (Russell, 2009: 100). Modern Orthodox thinkers such as Vladimir Soloviev (1853–1900), Vladimir Lossky (1903–1958), Christos Yannaras and John Zizioulas are largely responsible for the present formulation and popularity of theosis in Orthodoxy.

The revival of interest in theosis in Orthodoxy has spurred similar outside in other Christian traditions. Because the modern idea of theosis contains such complexity, theologians and scholars can make it fit a range of agendas. ²⁶ The recent discussion surrounding the doctrine of theosis is stimulating and challenging but must be recognized for the ways it differs from Patristic work on the matter. This does not mean that contemporary theosis is completely distinct from the Patristic notion, but it is important to maintain some degree of separation when considering historical influences and developments. This is especially important for us as we now turn to a consideration of theosis in the Ethiopian tradition.

Hagiography

Theosis has been strongly linked with monastic and ascetic traditions throughout history. For this reason, it seems that the hagiography of the EOTC is a sensible place to begin a search for themes of theosis. Overall, very little work has been done on systematizing the hagiography unique to Ethiopia. Thus, it is common to encounter several different versions of saints’ lives that contain conflicting details. Part of this is due to the historical status of Ethiopia under the Patriarch of Alexandria. Although much of Ethiopian Christianity developed in its own way, the church has nevertheless been strongly influenced by the Coptic Church. Thus, the Ethiopian Synaxarium is largely similar to the Coptic Synaxarium. Virtually all of the famous Desert Fathers are also held in common. Because of this situation, it seems prudent to select saints that are mostly unique to Ethiopia. ³⁰ Therefore, we will focus on the lives (gädlat) of Yared, Gabra Manfas Kedus, Takla Haimanot. It should be noted that the term gädl (ገድል) itself means ‘contending, [spiritual] struggle’ (Uhlig et al., 2003: 642), which is somewhat distinct from the Greek and Latin terms. Additionally, even though some of the Ethiopian saints come from places outside Ethiopia (i.e., Gabra Manfas Kedus), he is held in greater reverence within the Ethiopian Church than in the Coptic Church.

In the hagiography of Egyptian Desert Fathers (Geronticon / Apophthegmata Patrum), numerous words are used to describe the human dimension in the journey of theosis (Migne et al., 1864). ³¹ Prominent terms include various forms of ἀγωνι´ζομαι, ³² and πολεμε´ω, ³³ and κοπια´σωμεν ³⁴ . These are variously translated as ‘struggle’, ‘strive’, ‘fight’, ‘labour’, ³⁵ often in the context of demonic forces or λογισμοι´ (‘evil thoughts’). Thus, it is not surprising that the Ethiopian Synaxarium is also full of examples of monks and saints ‘fighting’ against evil forces. Additionally, there are several prominent instances involving visions and transfigurations of divine light in the lives of the Desert Fathers, although these occurred nearly a millennium before Palamas conducts his theological defence of such experiences. ³⁶

St Yared (ቅዱስ ያሬድ) lived from 505–571 and is thought to be one of the earliest native saints of Ethiopia. The hugely influential Dəggʷa (ድጓ) or hymnody is traditionally attributed to him, and he is also known as the ‘spiritual harp’ (መንፈሳዊ አርጋኖን) who invented the unique musical notation of Ethiopia (Lee, 2011: 28, 2017). His gädl or life contains a well-known story of a caterpillar struggling up a tree, which ultimately inspires him to invest the effort required to achieve God's purpose in his own life: ‘he mortified his flesh exceedingly, and finished his strife’ (Budge, 1928: 504). Curiously, the metamorphosis of the caterpillar is never directly compared to the metamorphosis that Yared himself experiences, although it seems to be implied. The other notable feature of Yared's gädl is an instance during which he experiences a mystical vision/ascent, but rather than experiencing an ‘eschatological’ vision of Christ he visits Paradise. Although this is clearly different from an experience of Taboric Light, it strongly conveys Yared's intimate connection with God. Ralph Lee argues that this experience may be sensibly connected to Jewish Merkabah (מרכבה) mysticism, which emphasizes the divine Glory of God (כָּבוֹד) rather than divine Light (Lee, 2011: 27).

The next figure is Takla Haimanot ³⁷ (ተክለ ሃይማኖት) who has been called ‘the brightest luminary of Ethiopian monasticism’. ³⁸ Takla Haimanot (1215–1313) is largely remembered for contending with traditional ‘magicians and diviners’ in Ethiopia (Budge, 1928: 715). In addition to various miracles (walking on water, resuscitating dead people), Takla Haimanot was known for his perseverance in prayer and ‘innumerable bowings to the ground’ (Budge, 1928: 715). His ultimate feat in this regard was to construct a narrow cell with spikes on the walls to prevent him from moving from a standing position. Eventually, one of his thigh bones breaks, so he proceeds to stand upon one foot for seven years (this is how he is depicted in his iconography, surrounded by spikes). Although Takla Haimanot does not experience a mystical ascension like Yared, he does receive a special vision/visitation, after which his intimate relationship with Christ is guaranteed:

‘Jesus Christ came unto him, with our Lady Mary, and with the prophets and apostles, and the righteous, and the martyrs, and Michael and Gabriel, and He said unto him, “O My beloved, thou dost resemble Me in My suffering, and I will make thee My equal in My kingdom”’ (Budge, 1928: 716).

The final and most important saint for our purposes is Gabra Manfas Kedus ³⁹ (ገብረ መንፈስ ቅዱስ), who died around the year 1382. His gädl occupies nearly 10 pages in the Ethiopian Synaxarium and is filled with many miraculous elements, including the facts that he lived for over 300 years and could ‘fly in the air’ (Budge, 1928: 437). Like Yared and Takla Haimanot, Gabra Manfas Kedus also commits himself to intense striving ⁴⁰ and experiences visions of / ascents to heaven:

‘He devoted himself strenuously to prayer and fasting, and bowings, and to innumerable and ceaseless vigils by day and by night until at length his body dried up, and his skin became stretched tightly over his bones. He had no food except, at times, the fruit of trees, or roots, or plants, and sometimes the grass and berries whereon the dwellers in the desert feed. He took no care whatsoever to provide for his body in anything. The angels used to visit him, because he was like unto them in his speech and acts’ (Budge, 1928: 435).

God instructs him to ‘beseecheth Me with great labour’ (Budge, 1928: 436), and Gabra Manfas Kedus is twice described as ‘embracing’ and ‘kissing’ Trinity (Budge, 1928: 434, 439). After a certain period of intense prayer, Gabra Manfas Kedus expresses an earnest desire to ‘see God’, making an allusion to the visions of the Apostles on Mount Tabor and perhaps to the vision of Stephen at his martyrdom (Budge, 1928: 435). Then, an amazing vision occurs:

‘And our Lord appeared, and the archangels, each one according to his rank, sitting upon his holy throne, in his own person; and the Three were seated—Father, and Son, and Holy Ghost; and he saw Three Persons and Three Beings, and all the angels and archangels in their hosts were praising Him. When our father Gabra Manfas Kedus saw this, he was afraid and trembled’ (Budge, 1928: 436).

Eventually, right before Gabra Manfas Kedus departs Egypt for Ethiopia, God says that he may look upon the ‘Holy Trinity’ whenever he wishes, implying that intense prayer is no longer a prerequisite for this particular privilege (Budge, 1928: 437). Thus, visions of transfigured, divine light of the Trinity occur several more times in his life. ⁴¹ The final event to note in this gädl is the way that Gabra Manfas Kedus was famous for praying continually (Budge, 1928: 439), ‘with every breath’ (Budge, 1928: 441), which bears strong resemblance to the Hesychast style of prayer. ⁴² Although any sure correlations depend on vastly more research, it is interesting to observe that the record years of Gabra Manfas Kedus’ life coincide with the Heyschast Controversy.

Liturgy

The Liturgical texts of the EOTC are mostly unique and understudied. Largely because of their understudied nature, Andualem Dagmawi has described these texts as a ‘gold mine’ (Dagmawi, 2009: 46) of information about the church's theology and asserts that the ‘deification of humanity’ is a ‘key theme’ of the Ethiopian liturgy (Dagmawi, 2009: 48–49). One strong instance reads as follows: ‘O our Lord and our God and our Saviour Jesus Christ, who hast raised us from the earth and lifted us up from the dust to set us with thy angels and with the princes of thy people’(Daoud, 1991: 14). Even more important comes from Eucharistic anaphora of St John Son of Thunder:

‘As with the mixture of this wine with water, the one cannot be separated from the other, so let thy divinity be united with our humanity, and our humanity with your divinity, and let thy greatness be united with our humility and our humility with thy greatness. Lord accept this our offering from us for a memorial of righteousness before thee’ (Daoud, 1991: 70).

This passage is an excellent example of the language used to describe both Christ's natures and also the broader Ethiopian thinking about the implication of Christ's nature upon humanity. Rather than speaking along the lines of the ‘Exchange Formula’ per se, the liturgy tends to speak about the two natures of Christ being ‘fused’ together. ⁴³

One of the most important is the Dəggʷa (ድጓ): ‘The simplicity and depth that spring from the hearts of the Ethiopian Christians are well reflected in Dəggʷa's contents’ (Uhlig et al., 2003: 123). Ralph Lee has persuasively argued that a prominent theme in the Dəggʷa is that of ‘divine immanence’ (Lee, 2011: 89). This theme is expressed through a multivalent schema of several mixed metaphors, some of which are heavily influenced by ‘Judaic’ notions of God's nature and glory:

‘Ethiopic and early Syriac sources express the paradox of the uncontainable, omnipresent, and consuming divinity being contained in the Ark as a ‘dwelling place of divinity’, and mediating divine presence to believers, in the form of the divine Word and manna emphasising the Ark's central importance in the Eucharist The comparison is also made with Mary and the Incarnation. The Dəggʷa notably blends Noah's Ark with the symbolism of immanence. The burning bush similarly symbolises the paradox of the fire of divinity not consuming Mary's womb. Mary is also compared to the chariot which bore the Ark, yet another symbol of the bearing of the divine to the faithful. Further symbols appear much less frequently, but all share the theme of divine immanence, an idea closely linked to the rabbinic concept of the shekinah’ [emphasis added] (Lee, 2011: 89).

For our purposes, these examples from the Ethiopian liturgy demonstrate human partaking in the divine not so much through transcendence or ekstasis (which is necessary when God is distant) but rather through normative participation in the sacramental life of the church because God is immanent.

National Epic Literature

Our final source for examination is the Kəbrä Nägäśt (ክብረ ነገሥት). This unique piece of literature recounts the foundational stories that gave birth to Ethiopia and serves to legitimize the ‘Solomonic’ Dynasty of rulers. ⁴⁴ It focuses heavily on the importance of the Ark of the Covenant and the way it facilitates the divine presence (and light (Budge, 2000: 12)) of God, a focus we have already seen in the Dəggʷa. Because the text largely operates on a national level, the nature of its visions are somewhat different from those found in the gädlat. Thus, Solomon has an important vision in which the sun departed from Israel and ‘lighted up the country of Ethiopia’ (Budge, 1928: 33). Furthermore, although the Kəbrä Nägäśt also speaks of human divinization, the concept is genealogical at root rather than ontological. As part of its efforts to legitimize the Ethiopian dynasty of kings, it relies on the account that Solomon and the Queen of Sheba produced a son, Menyelek, passing along the ‘pearl’ that would eventually reside within Mary. ⁴⁵ Because Solomon is an ancestor of Christ, the author sees Menyelek and Christ as kinsmen, and thus claims that Menyelek and all his descendants are divine. ⁴⁶

The Kəbrä Nägäśt contains another fascinating exploration of divine-human dynamics, but in a sort of reversed paradigm. In chapter 100, it reviews the basic features of the story of ‘rebellious angels’ originally contained in the Book of Enoch (another crucial text for the Ethiopian church). The angels’ forbidden copulation with the ‘daughters of Cain’ produces giants and sets up a two-fold movement of divine proximity. The rebellious angels who had originally enjoyed God's immediate presence are banished to Sheol while Noah and his family are granted intimate fellowship with God ⁴⁷ contingent upon their ‘sanctifying’ themselves and making their hearts ‘right’ (Budge, 2000: 162).

A final noteworthy feature is connected to the ancient story from Genesis 6, which sheds important light upon the Ethiopian view of Psalm 82:6–7 that was discussed in the first part. Curiously, the andəmta (አንድምታ) or) on Psalm 82:6 features no additional comment but only a rephrasing of the passage. However, the statements in verse 7 (‘And you will die like men, and like one of the princes you will fall’) is lengthy. The commentator links the ‘gods’ with the ‘giants’ from Genesis 6 (who in this version are descended from Seth rather than fallen angels) (Lee, 2014: 196–197). Taken together, the andəmta on Psalm 82:6–7 seems to function as a warning against wrongful human-divine interactions rather than as an encouragement towards correct human-divine progression (as the Fathers understood it).

Closing Remarks and Recommendations

We began with a working definition: ‘Theosis is the Spirit-empowered process by which humans become like God.’ The basic comparisons of this paper suggest that although the general concept of theosis is certainly present within the EOTC, it takes a particular, modified form. Our original conjecture that the concept of ‘seeing the Holy Trinity’ may be the closest analogue to theosis in the EOTC was proved at least partially correct, for divine visions involving the Trinity were certainly detected in our sampling. However, while the hope of ‘seeing God’ is a consistent thread in the EOTC, it appears to be unconcerned with the doctrinal details debated by Palamas and Barlaam.

Regarding the idea of union with God, we have observed several instances of substantial similarity to this aspect of theosis common in Orthodoxy more generally. The liturgical texts speak our human ‘mixture’ ⁴⁸ and ‘fusion’ with the divine based upon the way the church understands the phenomenon of the Incarnation. The influential Kəbrä Nägäśt also supports a specific understanding of the divine aspect of human nature, although it is explicitly linked with the kingly dynasty.

Finally, we may offer a tentative conclusion that God does not seem very distant in Ethiopian literature. To the contrary, His presence is strongly related to the Ark and Tabernacle in the midst of the people. This means that unlike other Orthodox traditions that have required individuals to transcend their humanity in order to experience God's divinity, the EOTC maintains that the tangible glory of God is accessible to participants in the common operation of the liturgical and sacramental rituals. Ultimately, if the Syrian and Judaic influence upon the EOTC is as strong as some have suggested, it makes sense that God's ongoing proximity would be emphasized above God's distance and that God's divine Glory (כָּבוֹד) would be stressed instead of the divine, Taboric Light.

This essay serves as only an initial foray into the exploration of theosis in the EOTC. It is clear that immense work remains to be done in order to establish a reliable understanding. Consequently, several recommendations can be made about how such study might be conducted. First, although some insights were gleaned from the Dəggʷa, scholarship is far from a comprehensive understanding. A critical edition of the hymnody would be highly desirable for serious study of the corpus. Similarly, the andəmta is also severely understudied and could potentially provide much-needed insight on the unique theology of the EOTC—it was recently called a ‘treasure-trove’ of unexplored insight on the EOTC (Lee, 2011: 28). Finally, a close study of Ge’ez translations of Patristic texts dealing with theosis would be highly fruitful (especially those of Pseudo-Dionysius and Maximus the Confessor), but these are presently not accessible to this author.