Abstract
The Republic of the South Moluccas Movement was responsible for some rebellious attacks a few years after Indonesia proclaimed its independence. This movement made significant impact upon Indonesia as a nation. This research aims to explore how Christian perspective can reconcile the nation with this regional movement. To answer this question, this research relied on mass media, online news, books, and journals. Qualitative method was used to analyse the data. The results show that remembering the past even if painful can enable not only a nation but also a regional movement to transform the present. Besides, forgiveness is a way to embrace past memories, so people are able to create better future together. The nation is not perceived as the oppressor, and the Moluccan regional symbols are acknowledged as part of the national identity without branding them as separatist. The outcome is the stability of the nation of Indonesia.
Introduction
The Republic of South Moluccas, well-known locally as the Republic Maluku Selatan (RMS) was a rebel movement that emerged after Indonesia declared its independence on August 17, 1945. In 1950, subsequent movements emerged, such as Darul Islam/Tentara Islam Indonesia (DI/TII) in Java, South Sulawesi, Aceh and Kalimantan, Westerling in North Sulawesi, and Andi Aziz Movement. Each of those local rebellions had their motives. For instance, DI/TII was supported by the willingness to have an Indonesian Islamic State, while Andi Aziz Movement aimed at having an East Indonesia State.
In December 1949, RMS proclaimed its desire for a state of its own). However, the Indonesian Army succeeded in suppressing this rebellion. RMS was consequently banned. According to the Regulation of Indonesian Administration number 77 of 2007, “The design of a regional logo and flag must not have similar meaning with prohibited organization, association, institution, separatist or movement within the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia” (Pemerintah, 2007). Therefore, based on this regulation, all symbols associated with a separatist movement became very sensitive in Indonesia. For example, April 25 is the date fixed for the Indonesian army to pay extra attention to the Moluccas. On this date, the Indonesian army was seen in every corner of Ambon City, as well as in some villages on the Ceram and Lease islands. The Benang Raja or RMS flag of four colors was suppressed by the army.
Many scholars have examined the history of this movement and its society due to the political and human rights interest. They have spent time studying the RMS movement. RMS has been researched by both Indonesian and international scholars. They studied this movement from different perspectives. Jusuf Fuar (Fuar, 1956), Richard Chauvel (Chauvel, 1990b), Firdaus Steijlen (Steijlen, 1992), G.H.J. Van Der Molen (Van Der Molen, 1958), and Hanna Yulia Hartati (Hartati, 2010), explored this movement from political perspectives. Fuar explained the RMS in its historical political context. Chauvel tried to understand the RMS in its past colonial context in the Moluccas, while Steijlen, and Hartati explored the RMS movement among the Molucans in the Netherlands. Van Der Molen paid attention to the RMS in the Indonesian context. Scholars such as Christian Herman de Fretes (Fretes, 2014), and Cayetanus Dharma Angwarmase studied the RMS movement in the social context after the riots in the Moluccas from 1999 to 2004 (Angwarmase, 2013).
These studies focused on how RMS should be understood in its political, social, and human rights context and how the state should overcome this regional movement. These studies did not explore the possibility of reconciliation between the State and the RMS. Therefore, based on a Christian perspective on reconciliation, this study argues that Indonesia and the RMS have to work together to reconcile with each other. Reconciliation is not a one-sided effort. The research question is “How shall Indonesians, both as a Nation and Moluccans, integrally work to heal the negative memories from the past?” In order to answer this, this article elaborates first, the social–political context of the RMS movement; second, recounts the past pain to transform the present lives; third, speaks of forgiveness as embracing the past pain so a better future can be created. The qualitative method was used for collecting the data besides the use of sources including books, journal papers, online news, and mass media for analyzing the data.
Social-Political Context of the Republic of South Moluccas
In spite of the political controversy in Indonesia involving RMS, it is well-known that on April 25, 1950, the Republic of South Moluccas or RMS had been proclaimed as an independent state (Chauvel, 1990a:357). In his article, Chauvel wrote that RMS was proclaimed just a few months after the formal transfer of sovereignty in December 1949. The proclamation was made in a political atmosphere of great uncertainty caused by the Western-led Angkatan Perang Ratu Adil (APRA) revolt in West Java and the Andi Aziz affair in Makasar. The principal forces behind the proclamation were some politicians under the leadership of Ir. J.A. Manusama, Dr Chr. Soumokil and a group of rajas, with the “reorganization” of the colony army (Chauvel, 1990: 21). It seems that other movements in Indonesia inspired the RMS movement. In the very beginning of the new Indonesian State, every region tried to establish its own state. According to Chauvel (1990:18), the political situation in the Moluccas was created mostly by the colonial army: With the emergence of the Indonesian nationalist movement, Ambonese Christians, particularly émigré's, were confronted with a dilemma. They were among the first Indonesians to enjoy the fruits of western education and the opportunities of social mobility that education provided. They quickly realized the possibilities of further advancement to be gained through the establishment of their own social, and later political, organizations….Moslem Ambonese were not confronted by this dilemma. In the Moslem community only the raja had a vested interest in the colonial status quo and felt to a degree dependent on the Indies administration for their own status.
Chauvel continues to assert that the Moluccan local leader felt insecure when he realized that Jakarta could take over control. Therefore, Moluccans tried to establish their own power over their own society through their political movement (Chauvel, 1990: 21). Chauvel argues further that RMS was mainly supported by Koninlijk Nederlandsch-Indisch Leger (KNIL), the Royal Netherlands Indies Army, who were mostly Christians. It did not mean that all the RMS supporters were Christians. There were also the Moluccan Muslims supporting this movement (Chauvel, 1990a: 348–355). In order to fulfill their political ambition, religion came to be used as an issue. Johanes Leimena, a Moluccan Indonesian politician, remarked that a negative issue emerged among the Moluccans after the Republic of Indonesia came into being, namely that the new state would eliminate all Christians in the Moluccas. Therefore, there was no other way to escape the danger than to fight back. Speaking about religion is touching a very sensitive aspect of the Moluccan identity and soul (Leimena, n.d.: 12). Religion became an important issue in gaining support of the RMS movement. It was also noted by Johan Saimina in his dissertation that “Soumokil, the key person of the RMS, provoked Moluccans that once the Indonesian army arrived in the Moluccas, Christians will be killed and churches replaced by Mosques” (Saimima, 2020: 182–183). Nevertheless, another reason for the local people in Ambon islands for supporting RMS was the treatment they received from Tentara Nasional Indonesia (TNI) (Saimima, 2020: 240).
Thus, religion was used as an instrument to provoke the Moluccan Christians to act toward a political goal. The propaganda succeeded because many supporters of RMS were Christians. Leimena (n.d.: 11) underlines this: Supporters of the “R.M.S.” are officials who until the transfer of sovereignty, were paid by the Netherlands Indies Government such as civil servants under the former Netherlands Indies Government, soldiers and ex-soldiers of the K.N.I.L., persons in the employ of the churches. They are mostly Christians. The teachers, however, though for the greater part also Christians, are in favour of the Republic of Indonesia.
Because of the propaganda, Leimena asked the Protestant Church in the Moluccas or Gereja Protestan Maluku (GPM) many times (Leimena, 1955; Leimena, 1967) to clarify this propaganda. From Leimena's perspective, as a religious institution, the church had a great theological responsibility to encourage the Moluccan Christians to be good Christians and good Indonesian citizens at the same time (Leimena, n.d.: 13). They could not separate and confront these two as opposite to one another. Specifically, the GPM was reminded by Leimena about its important task to encourage the Moluccan Christians to accept Indonesia as their state where they would create their future without any fear. He tried to encourage the Moluccan Christians not to perceive the Indonesian nation as a threat. Their existence as Indonesians did not go against their existence as Christians. Facing the RMS movement, the GPM in its Synod Assembly on April 21, 1955 had made a clear declaration about its position in Indonesia. In this declaration, the GPM stated: The GPM has the responsibility to build a responsible society in Indonesia, especially in the Moluccas. The insecurity brought by the conflict has produced fear and restlessness in society. It obstructs economic life, as well as the church activities in the Moluccas and in Indonesia. The government and its instruments must try to overcome this condition. The Synod wants the Indonesian state to be a national and democratic Legal State which respects human rights, including religious freedom. This state is not based on certain religion (Leimena, 1955: 25–26).
The church as an institution took a clear position on the Indonesian nation and asked the nation to work together for its stability and to respect human rights.
In order to fight the RMS “rebellion,” the TNI troops landed at Buru Island and expected to occupy Ambon Island in 3 or 4 days. However, it took 2 months before the entire island was under their controlled (Chauvel, 1990a: 387–391). In the battle between the RMS supporters and the TNI troops, it was estimated that the numbers of Indonesians killed was between 4000 and 5000, while among the civilian population between 5000 and 8000 died, and on the RMS side 4000 volunteers and 1000 were killed (Chauvel, 1990a: 391).
Because of this historical heritage, RMS was a focal issue raised in the notable social-religious conflict that emerged in the Moluccas in 1999 to 2004 (Iwamony, 2020). In his study about the social-religious conflict in the Moluccas in 1999, Quoting Aditjondro, Christian de Fretes (2016: 47) wrote that there was also a conspiracy to revive the RMS by the Moluccan Christian elites under the auspices of the Protestant Church in the Moluccas or GPM through conflict, so as to create an Eastern region of Indonesia controlled by Christians along with West Papua.
In short, for the Indonesian nation, RMS was and still is an ongoing symbol of rebellion. Thus, even though there is no RMS army, Indonesia tends to cope with all associated symbols with this movement militarily. Some cases to justify this statement are described below.
On June 29, 2007, there was a Commemoration of National Family Day in Ambon City. Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, the president of Indonesia at that time, took part in the event. Some Moluccans performed Cakalele, a Moluccas traditional dance. They brought along with them Benang Raja, the flag of RMS when they were performing the dance. Because of this performance, some of the dance performers were sentenced to 20 years imprisonment (Purwanto, 2008). They were considered traitors of the State.
On Thursday, April 23, 2020, CNN Indonesia reported that 200 police in Ambon resort were sent to Haruku and Saparua Islands to anticipate the annual celebration of RMS movement on April 25, 2020 (Sai/Kid, 2020). The head of the police of Ambon City and Lease Islands, Sr. Comr Leo Nugraha Simatupang said that the dispatch of fully armed troops were deployed in every village considered vulnerable to raising the flag of the Benang Raja which is usually conducted in celebrating the RMS anniversary. These cases reflected that Indonesia still associated the Moluccans with RMS. The past pain memory of the RMS shaped how Indonesia saw the Moluccans. Therefore, Indonesian historical wound needs healing in order to create a reconciliation between the Indonesian nation and the Moluccas, one of its regions or provinces.
Remembering the Past Pain to Transform the Present Lives
Two cases described above show the different perspectives of the Indonesia state and the Moluccans in perceiving the symbols of RMS. Symbols of the RMS are April 25, the date of the RMS proclamation, and the Benang Raja, its flag. How Indonesia deal with these symbols reflects that for the State, RMS was and still is a rebellion. As a rebellion, it caused a wound that still exists in the memory of Indonesia. In contrast, some of the Moluccans celebrate the date and honor the flag. How the Moluccans behave toward these symbols implies that they have strong connections to these symbols historically and emotionally.
The past pain was experienced by both sides during the RMS rebellion; many TNI troops were killed by the RMS supporters, and many innocent Moluccans were persecuted by TNI. Because of their different orientations, the TNI troops and the RMS supporters committed violence against each other. The Indonesian state claimed the Moluccas as one of the Indonesian provinces, so the RMS was a rebellion. On the other hand, the RMS supporters tried to establish their own state. Thus, TNI perceived RMS supporters were a threat. According to Fromm (2000), human beings will commit violence when they see something as a threat. Thus, as one nation, Indonesia and the Moluccas, should work together for reconciliation.
Remembering the past pain of the RMS movement is difficult because there is a historical gap between the event and the contemporary people of Indonesia and the Moluccans. It is already 72 years ago, more than one generation gap. Thus, all evidence about the history is largely through stories and anecdotes which can be misinterpreted. In addition, memory of the past is related to the historical heritage which shapes their identity. Indonesia as the nation acts also in the same way. Indonesia has been an independent nation, but still reacts to all RMS symbols as the TNI troops did in responding to the RMS movement in the past. Thus, both the Moluccan new generation and the Indonesian nation similarly understand their identity (Ricoeur, 1991: 73). Indonesia as the nation still applies a military approach to the Moluccan new generation. Thus, both sides contribute to shape their attitudes toward the past events and make the memory of past pain worse at the present time.
The natural aspect of a collective memory is its dynamic. The members of the society and the group itself reshape their understanding about the past memory in order to reclaim its impact on their present life. According to Goldstein (2015: 159–180), the dynamic process of the collective memory of the group is associated with the extent the process is controlled by the elites and the extent it is impacted by popular and spontaneous grassroots movements. Goldstein spoke in the Israeli context, but how Indonesia perceives the RMS justifies his point. Indonesia as the state or its elites had the power to control a collective memory of the RMS rebellion. In Indonesian history is merely mentioned as a rebellion. There is no academic exploration to understand this rebellion was only in its past context.
Collective memory refers to memories that are shared by a group that are of central importance to the group's identity (Abel et al., 2018). According to Dudai (2002:51), collective memory can be used to refer to three distinct components, namely a body of knowledge which is relatively static, an attribute which concerns the image of people, and a process. These three components are interconnected. The second component can be recognized in how the Indonesian state perceives the Moluccans. In the Indonesian collective memory, some of the new Moluccan generations are supporters of this past rebellion. Therefore, the Indonesian army pays more attention to the region when the date of April 25 is approaching. On the other hand, the Moluccans get the impression they are treated unfairly by Indonesia, they own nation.
Thus, some in Indonesia perceive this past movement as a separatist rebellion while the others see it as a freedom movement. Consequently, the terms used to point to this movement is also different. Because of the different perspectives, as a nation, Indonesians need to shape their collective memories together. Together as a nation, they have to understand the past pain in a more opened-minded way. It means that Indonesia as a nation should encourage the Moluccans to work together for maintaining national security and stability. In doing so, the collective memory contributes to the nation's social life. Quoting Eyerman, Tzarina Prater (2013) stated the following: Collective memory orients and unifies a group through time and over space by providing a narrative frame, as well as a story, associated with the individual's narrative to attain mobility” …. A memory is analogous to a bead on a thread, and a sliding nodal point, with efficacy in line with the development of resistant strategies. This is dependent on lack of fixity, its ability to be moved, turned, reimagined, and re-contextualized.
Prater's point stresses that collective memory has an impact on the life of a society. Therefore, this memory needs to be shaped periodically and contextualized for each generation, especially when it is painful. The new generation has no experience of the past rebellion. In order to reshape a collective memory, the nation must tell the truth about its history. As a nation, fairness to form the collective memory is needed because the nation can manipulate it (Goldstein, 2015: 161). In fact, national security becomes the state's argument for taking control over the Moluccans because of the RMS’ past. The collective memory of the Indonesian Communist Party or Partai Komunis Indonesia (PKI) was shaped by “ORDE BARU” administration and is another example of how the state shaped a collective memory.
In order to offer a way to create reconciliation between RMS the Indonesian nation, Volf's concept about the three kinds of healing memory is useful. According to Volf (2004: 1), “there are three (3) ways to heal a wounded memory, namely (1) to remember truthfully, (2) to remember and be healed, and (3) to remember in order to learn.” The act of remembering truthfully is difficult. However, this is mandatory because deceptive memory destroys people and their relationships. Therefore, it is important to remember in order to heal the past. The purpose of honestly remembering the past events is to ask the parties involved to work together to recognize objectively what each encountered in the past. They both have their own position where one cannot assume that the one is the victim and the other is the perpetrator. Based on the real past context, they both are victims and perpetrators. Thus, in order to heal and be healed, each has to heal oneself first.
Healing one means one has to look inwards to count each victim whom one has hurt. This especially must be done by the state and the Moluccans in order not to play the victim card since both had their own logical and understandable reasons. It is an alternative way to reconcile with the party who for a long time had been blamed as the perpetrator. Based on the past pain context of the regional rebellion just after Indonesia declared its independence, Indonesia should not perceive all as rebels. For the Moluccans, they must understand that it was the state responsibility to work for national security. In that time, the Moluccas were considered as an integral part of this new nation. It is important to remember rightly because a wounded memory tends to significantly affect the relationship of those involved in a traumatic event and the life of their new generations.
There are two basic elements in remembering the truth of the past, namely the contexts and the actors of an event or movement. The original context of the RMS movement was totally different from the contemporary Indonesian context. The proclamation of RMS was also influenced by an unclear political situation in some regions at that time. The context of this movement was unstable politically and socially, with a 5-year-old state; therefore, the instability of the political situation was understandable. On the other hand, many regions tried to have their own authority because they were unable to determine their future with the State. The founders of RMS were unable to imagine life with people from Java or Sumatra. Andi Azis and DI/TII did not see that the East had the ability to share life with the West. Therefore, each region and religious community tried to have their own authority, which enabled the Moluccans to keep their own regional identity alive.
Moreover, the actors of this movement were also different from the new generation of the Moluccans. The founders of the RMS were mostly army educated. Thus, their perspective in perceiving the new state was colored by their military sense. These two basic elements—the context and the actors—must be recognized by the State and the Moluccans in remembering the truth of the RMS past movement. All rebellions need to be understood in their context. The state cannot automatically relate the motivation of those rebellions to the new generations living in a different political situation. The Moluccans who connected to RMS symbols mostly are members of civil society. They have no power to fight Indonesia. In other words, identifying the Moluccans with RMS and the State as the oppressor is unfair.
As an independent nation, Indonesia needs to develop its national identity without denying regional identities. This multicultural national identity has been accommodated in its symbol Bhineka Tungggal Ika which means unity in diversity. This symbol recognizes the multicultural varieties of its people. Therefore, as a state, Indonesia needs to strengthen its national identity in an open and dynamic way. There is also the need for regional symbols and identities in the Indonesian imagination. All regional entities must be seen as expressions of the national identity. This includes the Moluccan regional flag. It should not be perceived as a threat to the national identity.
Considering the connection between identity and memory, the state has to deal with the painful memories of RMS. Struzziero Maria Antonietta (Struzziero, 2019: 13) described the connection between identity and memory as follows: The relationship between memory and identity is problematic because “memory” and “truth” are unstable and destabilizing terms. Therefore, a direct correspondence cannot be assumed between the past experience and the strategy used to presently remember the process. Memory is slippery and tends to distort or misrepresent events, especially when the psyche is dealing with trauma. Its system of representation tends to fail or resist the enormity of the shattering truth that the subject is trying to recollect.
Struzziero's point is that a memory of the past can often be false because of the lack of information and the distance in time. Therefore, there is need to be open to other data and perspectives through exchange and mutual dialogue. National Independence Day was the best moment for a dialogue between the nation and all provinces. In this dialogue, the Moluccans and the State are in an equal position. In this atmosphere they share without being afraid.
Prater (2013: 328) argued that in facing an oppressive system, a memory can transform it. Memory is an intellectual activity of both the individual and the community not only to recall and recollect a history, but also to assemble and reassemble the narrative in order to promote forgiveness. By the ability to transform and to promote reconciliation, the memory can also shape the historical narrative into more positively. Prater's notion implies that memory is an intellectual process that has a certain intention regarding past events. Memory is not a neutral intellectual activity. It can be positive or negative. The meaning of a past event is perceived individually and collectively by every person and community in this present time. They are the decision makers of the meaning of a past event in their present lives. It implies that in remembering, the integrity of people is an important factor. They have to take a position for humanity. Therefore, in the context of reconciliation among the State and RMS, humanity should be the primary principle.
When humanity becomes the core principle in remembering, the past painful events will not be the reason to blame and punish the descendants of RMS. From a Christian's perspective, new generations must be treated fairly based on the notion that each generation has a responsibility for their own behavior and attitudes. When the Jews were in exile, they tried to see their current condition as a punishment for the sins of their ancestors. The prophet Jeremiah came with the theological notion that each has responsibility for one's own life (Jer. 31:29). It means that every person has a responsibility for their own behavior. The new generation cannot be blamed and punished for the wrong-doing that was committed by their parents. The founders of RMS had their own political position. Therefore, blaming the present Moluccans because of their parents’ past political position is unjust. From this perspective, the Moluccans should reject the assumption that they are still in an unstable political situation in Indonesia. As a state, Indonesia is trying to establish a secure nation. Thus, the State needs positive support from all Indonesians, including all the Moluccans.
In remembering, it is important for the Moluccans and the nation to give a present meaning to their memory of the past. In doing so, they are able to control the negative impact of the past pain on their present and future. Cooperation is needed in order to heal their memory. The past rebellion was not in their control. However, it tends to affect their present and future. Therefore, they have to control their present and future by giving a new meaning to their past pain. In this context, telling the truth is one important aspect of remembering. The basic Christian principle that inspires this process is reconciliation where the Moluccan Christians play a healing role. As Volf (2010: 49) said, “We justify the unjustifiable, reconcile ourselves with the un-reconcilable, project our evil onto others, and punish them for our sin.”
The process of remembering rightly is essentially connected with forgetting. Literarily, the word “to forget” has a contrary meaning with “to remember.” The act of forgetting is associated with the inability to remember something. However, the formation of the word “forget” (for + get) depicts get something back. Therefore, when people forget, they do not lose; rather, they get back something important.
Forgiving as Embracing the Past Pain to Create a Better Future
The act of forgiving is a very difficult decision that people need to take in their lives because it is related to the pain or suffering they previously faced. Therefore, people need more than law and psychological considerations, such as spiritual or religious perspectives, to reexamine their past pain and suffering. According to Everett Worthington (2003: 15–17), forgiveness is a religious notion. It challenges human beings to open up their heart, including their pain, to hear the voice of the Almighty. In the Christian understanding, forgiveness is the way the Almighty God in Christ opens up a new relationship with human beings (Ephesians 2:13–22) (Stott, 2015: 19) and the entire creation. It is the way Christians should perform their daily lives as their response to their real world. For Christians, forgiveness is an integral part of their existence, as their understanding of the new relationship between God and the entire world is based on God's action to forgive them. God in Christ takes action to renew His relationship with all of His creation through the cross. Thus, God takes all pain in His hands and offers righteousness to His creation, including human beings. Based on this spirit, Christians are asked not to take revenge. It is imperative for Christians to take the suffering of Christ as a mirror for them to see their pain. Therefore, in accordance with the gospel, they are mandated to develop the act of forgiveness as their way of life.
Worthington points to the principle of understanding reconciliation among human beings. For Christians, there is no other way to escape from the mandate to forgive, even for a victim. Forgiveness creates a totally new relationship between the victim and the perpetrator as an expression of religious awareness and an acknowledgement of reconciliation. At this stage, a victim is able to manage all wounds and pain. The victim takes control of all pain and suffering they face. The victim does not let feelings be controlled by the pain. With forgiveness, the Moluccans do not take revenge on the State for persecuting their parents or grandparents during the rebellion. In the same perspective, the state is not going to punish and identify the Moluccas as a dangerous region due to the rebels’ past activity.
In this contemporary Indonesian context, a real application of forgiveness is in the principle of embracing, which ensures that the state is no longer afraid of past rebellious symbols such as the flag and the anniversary date. Abdurahman Wahid, the fourth president of Indonesia, applied this principle to Freedom for Papua Organization or Organisasi Papua Merdeka (OPM) when he allowed Papuans to raise the Bintang Kejora flag on December 1. He permitted Papuans to organize the second Papuans Congress, and this also led to the change in name from Irian Jaya to Papua. Currently, this region obtains more attention, and the approach changed from security to prosperity.
The strategy used by Wahid to treat the symbols of OPM had a significant impact on the Papuans. They were aware that the State was developing a new approach to Papuans. Thus, their intention to separate from Indonesia decreased. Therefore, assuming this is the state's perspective, it did not react significantly in facing Ambonese who performed a cakalele dance with the Benang Raja flag in front of Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, Indonesia's president, on June 29, 2007. The way Wahid approached the Papuans expressed his concept of power, including the power of the State. In his administration, power was not to have control over others. Power was to empower all society.
Moreover, forgiveness does not mean that the wrong-doing committed by RMS and the State was justified. On the contrary, one needs to condemn all kinds of violence and injustice. The State should condemn the military approach against those using regional symbols for certain ceremonial events. Forgiveness works in the heart and touches human feelings, emotions, and minds; it prevents the natural human need for revenge. Through forgiveness, a victim takes control over the pain or suffering and makes the sufferer free to look back at the perpetrator in a new way. Christians are healed through Jesus Christ's suffering. Jesus Christ acts as a mirror to see and understand one's pain and suffering. Therefore, through Christ's suffering, some Moluccans, who were badly treated by the Indonesian state apparatus because they brought the RMS flag while performing in front of the Indonesia’s president in 2009, are forgiven. With forgiveness, Moluccans can transform the way they see the state, and vice versa; together, they can work to establish national security.
The word “forgive” contains in it the idea of transformation. Forgive (for + give) means giving something important to another. Forgiveness forms relationships among the victims and perpetrators. Forgiveness is a means for coping with the historical wounds and a way of creating a new history for the present and the future. In understanding the function of the past to the present, Jaume Aurell (2018: 51) stated: We also have to establish a firm balance between the past and the present, the enduring and the transient, the essence of the texts created in the past and the disposition of today's readers, since durable texts “possess intrinsic qualities that endure, but possess also an openness to accommodation which keeps them alive under endlessly varying dispositions,” as Frank Kermode suggests. Nevertheless, we should also reflect on what is permanent in history, since we would otherwise be in danger of falling into the trap of devaluating what is really new in history as opposed to an adjustment or a result of the evolution of a paradigm, to borrow Thomas Kuhn's concept.
Forgiveness can enable the Moluccans, and the State not to use their past to shape their present and future. It can enable them to embrace their past pain and to create an opportunity to look at their past differently—as a source for learning. The supporters of RMS were victims of some of their army leaders who used religion as the provocative issue. In learning critically, every time people confront a political or religious issue, they know how to avoid being manipulated.
Forgiveness has a meaning and impact on society if it orientated to performing reconciliation. Reconciliation is a stage that brings the perpetrators and the victims to meet, gather, have a dialogue, create their future life, and form a new relationship. In understanding forgiveness in relation to reconciliation, remembrance, embrace, forgiveness, and reconciliation are not merely a circle that comes around in the lives of a person, community, and Nation. It can be linear or circular. When a person or a community who was victim has willingness to start a new relationship with a person or a community who was perpetrator, the forgiving was the door that s/he opened first. It is a very basic principle in Christianity to reach the stage of reconciliation. Through reconciliation, Christians are able to create a new relationship every time since everyday lives of all human beings are full of pain and suffering. Worthington (2003) argues that forgiveness does not only fix or repair a broken relationship; rather it also liberates the victims from past pain and opens a possibility to an easy, stable, and everlasting reconciliation. However, one cannot say that forgiveness must come first. In a certain context, reconciliation must be the first, especially in the worst situation.
The word reconciliation depicts two situations, namely pain and joy. Conversely, it also reflects painful facts faced by two, three or more parties. The painful facts are related to losing a beloved one, a piece of land, home, and opportunities to enjoy one's life with children, parents, and family. It reflects also the joy and commitment of the involving parties to work together in running their daily lives. Therefore, reconciliation is related to a willingness to heal a painful history and to construct a better life. This means that reconciliation reflects the idea that people can only understand the meaning of joy when they know the meaning of pain.
Pain and joy are related to human beings’ feelings, which play a significant role in shaping their lives, such as points of view, attitudes, and conduct. Therefore, the feeling of pain needs to be healed to develop joy, which helps humans be positive in facing their daily lives. By positive thinking, people can see their problem more positively, that will become a power or energy for them to work hard without blaming others. These two meanings are the spirit and motivation for the State, and the Moluccans to work together to understand their histories.
Reconciliation is a celebration process through which two or three parties join with an open heart to identify their history. Indonesia already has one important ceremony that plays the role of a national reconciliation process—the Independent Day ceremony. This ceremony is important and strategic because the nation analyses the history full of pain during the process. They also reinterpret their memory of history. Indonesia as the nation and the Moluccas as one of its provinces must work together to give a new meaning to their history.
Conclusion
In order to establish a reconciliation between Indonesia as the nation and the RMS past movement, both have to remember the truth of their history honestly. The context and the actors of the regional movement differ from today's context and generations. All the past painful memories have a positive impact on the present lives, if the Nation and the Moluccans heal their painful memories. Healing memory of the past pain helps all to transform their present lives. Thus, all RMS symbols are perceived as Moluccan regional symbols; they are not symbols of a Moluccan nation. Besides, it is also important for the State, and the Moluccans to develop forgiveness in their present lives. Forgiveness is not easy. However, in a Christian perspective, Jesus Christ is the inspiration to perform forgiveness. Forgiving is a way to embrace the past pain. It creates a positive understanding between the Nation and the Moluccans. As an outcome, they will walk side-by-side and by hand-in-hand, together, they will create a better future.
Footnotes
Funding
The authors received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Author biography
Rachel Iwamony was born on Maret 2nd, 1968. She pursued and completed her fulltime doctoral program at Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam on June 8th, 2010 on the field of Intercultural Theology, especially on missiological studies. She is a staff member of the faculty of theology at Indonesia Christian University in the Moluccas or Universitas Kristen Indonesia Maluku (UKIM), and now serves as the director of Graduate Program at the same university. She has published three articles on international journals: Transforming Lord's Supper: Indonesian Protestant Responses to the Covid-19 Pandemic (Mission Studies, 39 (1), 27–49); Coping with Religious-Based Segregation and Discrimination: Efforts in an Indonesian Context (HTS Teologiese Studiese/Theological Studies, 76 (4)); and To Embrace and be Embraced: School “Pela” in Post-Conflict Ambon (Studies in Interreligious Dialogues, 29 (1), 83–101).
