Cultural Interpretation as a Theological Task in Northeast India

Abstract

Recently, there have been attempts to develop contextual (tribal) Bible reading. While giving priority to these efforts, there appears to be neglect for the cultural interpretation of tribal communities in Northeast India. In light of this reality, as an exegete, I would argue that there is a need to learn to interpret culture to relevantly interpret and translate the text in each context/society. As a case in point of cultural interpretation, an attempt will be made to read the presence and emergence of the Tangkhul confessing community as a text analogue and also as a point of reference for reading-interpreting culture.

Keywords

Cultural interpretation culture confessing community theological task Tangkhul northeast India

Introduction

In the late twentieth century, some tribal scholars made an intentional effort to read the Bible from a tribal perspective in Northeast India. Before this, Bible reading took a Eurocentric approach (i.e., the dominant voice) which allegedly failed to relate to the culture-context of the tribals. Responding to this captivity, some of them began to develop a reading of the Bible that is contextual (Keitzar, 1982: 293; see also Wilson, 1982: 323–332). Their interest (and long-term goal) was to inculcate an approach to Bible reading that is founded on the context and experience (i.e., thinking and practice) of the tribals in Northeast India and since then, there have been efforts to read the Bible from their perspective (see Thanzauva and Hnuni, 2002: 243–258). Their concern is to reread or reinterpret the Bible taking into consideration ‘the context of identity crisis’, that is, the tribal ‘alienation from their land and culture, exploitation and economic dependency’ (see Thanzauva and Hnuni, 2002: 351). Such attempts are seen as crucial to bringing out a relevant tribal biblical interpretation.

These efforts of contextual Bible reading are well appreciated (in academia) (see Vashum, 2011; Takatemjen, 2014; Angami, 2017; Iralu, 2018).¹ However, what seems to be a neglected subject is the cultural interpretation of tribals in Northeast India. As an exegete, I would argue that there is a need to learn to interpret culture to relevantly interpret and translate the text in each context/society. As a case in point of cultural interpretation, an attempt will be made to read the presence and emergence of the Tangkhul confessing community as a text analogue and also as a point of reference for reading-interpreting culture (John, 2019).² Though the presence of confessing communities in other Naga communities will be referred to, the focus will be to study the presence and emergence of the confessing community of the Tangkhul community, that is, read-interpret the confessing community in the pre-missionary (before 1896), missionary period (1896–1950s), post-missionary period (1950s–1980s), and contemporary period (1980s–).³ This attempt at cultural interpretation can be seen as a theological task as it tries to ascertain what is being confessed in each chronological period within the Tangkhul community.

Cultural Interpretation of Confessing Community

Reading-interpreting a culture or ‘cultural text’ can mean more than one thing (Sleasman, 2007: 133–134).⁴ Yet, it also holds that there are human experiences that are echoed across communities and beyond geographical regions. One such experience, I would suggest, is the experience of a confessing community – a confessing of the existence and presence of a higher power – in a communitarian society. It is further suggested that an interpretation of this significant aspect of a culture anticipates an understanding of shifts in thinking and practice within that society. In this case, it means understanding ‘where [we have] come from,’ how our culture became ‘what it is’, understanding the current ‘cultural context’ (Crouch, 2021),⁵ and coming to terms with how we can engage Tangkhul culture. Only then, I would suggest, will we be able to appreciate the significance of the presence and emergence of the confessing community in the Tangkhul context.

The Pre-Missionary Period: The Old Confessing Community

As we try to understand traditional or folk religion, we also try to come to terms with what was being confessed by the Tangkhuls in the pre-missionary period.⁶ As an attempt is made to understand traditional religion, we need to remember two key factors. First, we need to consider the element of communication gap or miscommunication in the recording-writing process of traditional religion by the Western missionaries-ethnographers (that is, the etic views). In addition to their struggle to comprehend the local language-dialect the Western missionaries-ethnographers came with their cultural biases on the culture of indigenous communities. Second, we also need to consider that when locals write about their old faith retrospectively (that is, the emic views), they might inadvertently bring in elements of their present faith (that is, Christianity) into the old one (that is, the traditional religion); as such they remain captive to the colonial framework while writing about traditional or folk religions. They might also be defensive of their own ethnic and cultural background.

T.C. Hodson, one of the early ethnographers to study Naga society, suggests that the Naga ancestors had ‘a certain capacity’ to recognise the existence of ‘some Personality capable of being influenced by gifts of good cheer and strong drink’ (1911: 124–125). In their perception of reality, they were aware of the presence of ‘the consciousness of power, mysterious, immanent in the world around them, and manifested by dangerous activity’ (such as earthquakes) (Hodson, 1911: 125). Their expression of the existence of a higher power is expressed in a dedicated place of prayer or offerings, in the valleys with arrangements of stones, and in the hills with heaps of rice, leaves, flowers, tobacco, etc. (Hodson, 1911: 125). Such perception is further expressed in their offering of sacrifice, rite, or prayer. However, while trying to ascertain the nature of the said higher power, Hodson struggled to find a clear description from their end,

The only instance where I got a definite description of a deity was in a Tangkhul village, where I was told that there were two deities, Uri and Ura, who had four arms and four legs each… A Tangkhul once assured me that no one had ever seen a Lai [Deity]… In his view a Lai was a mere hypothesis, an explanation of some phenomenon or occurrence which baffled their knowledge of causation (Hodson, 1911: 126–127).

This is the description of a mysterious creature, not of a superior being or God.

One other aspect of the traditional religion is Hodson's observation that religious activities (like rites, sacrifice, etc.) were associated with social (secular) activities and events. While quoting Irving King, he suggests that their religious practices or activities were ‘social’ (Hodson, 1911: 124; see also King, 1910: 88). The pre-missionary religious beliefs were seen as deeply connected with the everyday social activities of the people. This makes sense as tribals were an agricultural society, and their social activities have a close affinity with nature or the environment.

We begin to see a clearer picture of tribal religion when locals begin to write about their indigenous beliefs. One significant contribution comes from the works of Jonathan H. Thumra. The writer observes that the tribals believed in a ‘Supreme Being’ who is the creator and sustainer of the universe, the created beings (Thumra, 1988: 45–76). Such belief was a common understanding to all the Nagas. The Tangkhuls call the creator of the universe Kasā Ākhavā or Varivarā, the creator of earth Reisangchonme, and the god of heavens Zinghungleng (Thumra, 1996: 44). Thumra further adds that they understood benevolent spirits who bless them and malevolent spirits who cause bad luck and suffering. The supreme being is believed to be benevolent, and as such, sacrifice and prayer are not offered daily (Thumra, 1988: 49). However, during the time of an unprecedented crisis (that is, when all seem to have failed), they approach the supreme being who is ‘the final court of appeal’ (Thumra, 1988: 49). Such practice is affirmed by Yangkahao Vashum who further adds that the Supreme Being relates to human beings and creation through the benevolent spirits which are associated with the house, fertility, and ancestor's spirits (Vashum, 2008: 27).

Along with an understanding of the presence of superior beings, contemporary Tangkhuls scholars observe that their ancestors had a perception of life after death (Shimray, 1985: 229–231; Ruivah, 1993: 132–144). This is reflected in their belief in the existence of Kokto, who is the deity or God of Kazeiram, the land of the dead. R.R. Shimray narrates how a local healer or priest can fall into a trance and travel to the land of the dead and communicate with the souls of the dead (1985: 196). Such perception of eternal life or a life after death and how the living relate to death is also recorded in their folk stories.⁷

Thumra suggests that Nagas had a ‘holistic worldview’, that is, there was no dichotomy between ‘secular’ and ‘sacred’ (Thumra, 2003: 54). Since their ancestors were predominantly an agricultural community, their religious activities were interconnected with their social events. As indicated earlier, their social events revolve around agricultural activities and their experience of nature. Consequently, their religious activities (like rites, sacrifice, etc.) are strongly associated with social activities and agricultural events. This is also to suggest that their religious activities were functional in nature. Their day-to-day affairs and socio-religious activities were carried out with a sense of deep affinity with the spiritual world, which was closely tied to nature or the human environment. At this point, it is also important to note that when religious activities are carried out, at a formal level, an important aspect of the tribal religious tradition or practice can be seen in offering sacrifice and invoking prayer to the deities/spirits or kameo by the ‘religious functionaries’ or sherva (priest) on behalf of the village or community (Thumra, 1988: 68). At an informal level, there is an offering of sacrifice by individuals to appease the malevolent spirit and to receive favour from the benevolent spirit.

The Missionary Period: the Emergence of a New Confessing Community

The arrival of Western missionaries brought with them a shift in thinking and practice. It also fundamentally changed the way they see themselves (that is, their ethnic identity) and the world around them (that is, their understanding of reality). This can be seen in different areas of life, such as education, medicine, literature, religion, culture, etc.

Before we trace the emergence of a new confessing community in the missionary period, I suggest that we read the narrative of tribal cultural shifts critically. It means that we appreciate the advancement in socio-religious life that came with the arrival of Christianity in the Northeast region and recognise that it came with colonial influence. Christianity came to the Tangkhuls through the diplomatic influence of the British Empire and with the comity system of the Protestant mission of the nineteenth century. Missionaries were placed in each mission field as directed and decided by the empire and the birth of a certain Christian denomination in a particular region was determined by the comity system (Downs, 2001: 61). For instance, William Pettigrew and his wife Alice Goreham came to Manipur to work with the Meiteis. But because of some conflict of interests with the British empire, he was asked to confine his mission work in the hill areas (that is, Ukhrul) to avoid confusion and conflict between missionaries (Moore, 1895: 4–5).

Pettigrew began his mission work in Ukhrul by opening a school (1897: 526). Pettigrew found that most of the students did not speak Manipur (the language he was familiar with), so he had to learn the local dialect. It was seen as conventional to take a vernacular approach to primary education to effectively communicate the gospel to the locals (Hooper, 1963: 11). Consequently, while seeing himself as participating in the great commission, he also contributed to the development of education and literature of the Tangkhul community (see Pettigrew, 1918; Singh, 1996: 7–13).

After five years, 12 students accepted Jesus Christ and they were baptised in 1901 (Shimray, 1996: 16; see Kapai, 2019: 358–367). In the following year, a church was planted in Ukhrul (known as Phungyo Baptist Church). This was the birth of a new confessing community of Christian faith. It was a kairos moment where a shift in thinking and practice in the Tangkhul community became tangible. Their number continues to grow, and through their witness, the congregation continues to expand (Shimray, 1996: 15–16). This is particularly evident in how they respond to God's call or direction in their everyday affairs; and be confronted and comforted by God when faced with human reality (Webster, 2005: 71).

What was taught by Pettigrew and Alice (and other Western missionaries), I would suggest, was reinforced by a vision seen three hundred years before the arrival of Pettigrew. In the vision, the headman of Ukhrul saw a certain white man who told him that ‘he was coming to give them light, and when the people receive the light, the leaves of the trees will speak and their day-to-day needs would be met from their pockets’ (Prongo, 1996: 5). This dream-like vision was passed from one generation to another. This vision helped the Tangkhuls receive the gospel light It helped them see the missionary (that is, William Pettigrew) as ‘a real messenger of God to give light to the people in darkness’ (Prongo, 1996: 6). The colonial and comity-denomination factors and emphasis on the importance of the Bible cannot be denied – but what was foretold in an oral culture could not be ignored either. In terms of practicality, it means that the headman, Raihao, remembering this vision, saved the life of Pettigrew when he reached Hunphun (Prongo, 1996: 6). As someone who is favoured by the headman of the community, it also paved the way for Pettigrew to expand his mission work.

In May 1921, a revival took place among the Tangkhul Christians through the work of two local evangelists, Miksha Shimray and Thisan Luikham, resulting in a mass conversation movement (Shimray, 1996: 17). There was a record of 295 baptisms, with 200 of them on the waiting list. In the next two years, there were more than a thousand baptisms. After the revival, there were three mission centres, and ‘all the churches and schools had become self-supporting’ (Shimray, 1996: 15, 17)^. The new confessing community was now permeating the key parts of the society, including the taking over of the old faith.

The missionaries assumed that their theological task was to spread the gospel and enlighten the unreached community with the truth of the Bible: fundamental to such a missionary task was to make the Bible available in the local dialect (see, for example, Pettigrew, 1927). Theologising was done with the assumed universality of truth found in the Bible and they approached the indigenous culture from the perspective of their supracultural view (Pettigrew, 1909: 37–46). The message of the Bible was delivered with the assumption that the Tangkhuls needed to hear the truth that the person and work of Jesus Christ offers. Such urgency was well intended, but it also came with the usage of derogatory terms, such as ignorant, superstitious, primitive, heathen, and evil spirit worshipers (Pettigrew, 1996: i-xxiv). In addition, the traditional religion of tribals was seen as needing conversion into ‘a higher religion or culture’ as their beliefs or traditional religion was seen as superstitious or animistic (Horam, 1996: 47).

The Post-Missionary Period: the Retrieving of Cultural Heritage

When the last Western missionary left the state of Manipur in 1954, missionary-evangelistic tasks, education, and translation work were carried forward by the locals. They were those who studied in the mission school and who were associated with the Western missionaries. They still had a marked interest in and productivity of indigenous literature, such as Bible translation, the teachings of the Bible, developing Tangkhul literature/language, etc. (Phanitphang, 1954–55: 64–65). In general, their task was to continue what had been established by the Western missionaries. It also means that missional tasks were carried forward with a strong Western missionary influence and with a sense of urgency to cater to the growing needs of the church.⁸

One of the immediate tasks of the locals was to provide a complete Tangkhul Bible translation. They hoped that the availability of the Bible in each home would help nurture their spiritual life. Their concern to translate the Bible into the local language (that is, Ukhrul-Hunphun dialect) also came with the urgency to spread/preach the gospel (Rungsung, 1977). As they aimed to learn and hold on to the orthodoxy of the Christian faith, there was an inherent expectation to spread the gospel within the community – and beyond. Yet, such tasks were taken up with the influence of the denominational values and practices of the Western missionaries – and perhaps, with some elements of the contextual needs of the local church. This is evident in how, in addition to the elevated position of the Bible (Thanzauva and Hnuni, 2002: 343–358), the singing of English hymns is added to the favourite ‘things-to-do’ list of the church (Pettigrew, 1907). Church ministry (including administrative work) is carried forward with the signature of the missionaries. Since converting to a new faith means denouncing ‘earlier habits, ways of life and social practices’, it also brought social stratification between ‘the Christians’ and ‘the non-Christians’ (Horam, 1996: 48). By this time, the primary theological task revolves around the discussion of preaching and teaching the Bible and catering to the spiritual needs of the believers. The new converts had to learn to maneuver around their newfound ecclesial society, and its conflict with the old one. As they locate themselves in the ecclesial setting, their theological discussion moves towards a newly established society – and quite literally by establishing a mission compound. Such discussion sits not just in the ecclesial setting, but within the Christian community – and with it, a certain adaptation of the pre-missionary culture into the new confessing community (see Ragui, 2021).

However, by the end of the twentieth century, a certain change in thinking or doing theology began to take shape (see n.a., 1961; n.a, 1962; Thomas and Taylor, 1965).⁹ Holding on to the assumption that the Christian message has not yet been able to relate fully to tribal life, the theological task was now carried out with liberation concerns (Wilson, 1982: 232–232). Christian practices in the tribal churches were now recognised as an imitation of the Western church (Keitzar, 1995: 19). They were seen as living in the hangover of the colonials – in this case, the Western missionaries. Hence, they began to engage with the tribal heritage and the contemporary socio-political concerns to liberate them from colonial captivity and contemporary socio-political concerns.¹⁰ Influenced by the liberation theology of Latin America (and such similar movements), a distinct tribal theology emerged catering to the socio-political concerns of the tribals in Northeast India. The theological task then is to develop a constructive engagement with the tribal culture-heritage and contemporary concerns of the tribals (that is, socio-political concerns) (see, for example, Shimray: 2003). This can also be seen as the birth of a confessing academic community that draws theological insights, both from Christian tradition and tribal tradition. Part of its theological task reacts to the dominant voice (that is, Western missionaries and their legacy and Indian Christian theology) which failed to take into consideration the voice of the minorities. The other part, while responding to the situational concerns of the tribals, recognises ‘context’ as an important theological category. This is a predominantly academic phenomenon. Such tribal theologians hold that the Western missionaries failed to constructively engage with the culture and worldview of the tribals and to adapt the Christian gospel to the Northeast Indian culture (Keitzar, 1995: 19). Similarly, when Indian Christian theology emerged in the mid-twentieth century, its proponents neglected the traditional or folk religion of the tribals (Longchar, 2005: 57–58). While prioritising the dominant religious traditions in their theological discussion, they failed to acknowledge the significance of the religious traditions of the tribals.

The Contemporary Period: Adapting with the Context

As suggested, this movement remains a distinctive academic engagement. It is yet to be embraced by all the shareholders of the church. In the contemporary tribal context, there is an evident tension between what is preached and practiced in the church and what is discussed in academia. On the one hand, tribal theologians/scholars argue that the tribal church is living on the legacy of Western missionaries. On the other hand, the church leaders/pastors critique that tribal theology is a syncretism of tribal tradition and Christian faith (Keitzar, 1995: 21). Tribal theologians argue that the church needs to update its theology to be relevant to the tribal context (that is, the socio-political concerns), while church leaders assert that tribal theology if it seeks to be relevant to the church, should address the spiritual and practical concerns of the church (Lalnghakthuami, 2010: 83–94; Tikhir, 2015: 9–10). Amid such discussions-tensions, tribal theologians (or at least, some of them) are beginning to recognise the ecclesial setting as a context to do theology – while still limiting it to academia. Similarly, tribal church leaders are also beginning to see their limitations: while they see themselves as adapting to the situations of the people, they still limit themselves to what is seen as the needs and concerns of the church.

I begin with the suggestion that the church's effort to adapt or relate to the concerns of the people comes with certain tendencies. For example, when the church writes or speaks about Christians in Northeast India, there is a tendency to be sympathetic towards Western missionaries and what they have achieved. Such colonial captivity is evident in more than one area or subject of study in the region. For our purposes and clarity, we look at three areas where such colonial captivity is apparent. First, Tangkhul church practices are not so different from the practices of the American Baptist churches (that is, the missionary body that they are associated with). Starting from the structure and arrangement of the church to musical instruments, they have retained most of what the Western missionaries taught, and they keep borrowing their values-practices as though theirs are superior to the indigenous ones. One strong example is evident in the continual use of the adapted English hymns that were introduced by Pettigrew (see Pettigrew, 1907). Second, when Tangkhuls writes about Pettigrew, most of the writers remain sympathetic to him and his work. With a strong sense of admiration, they tend to be uncritical of the works of the Western missionaries. Gangmumei Kamei suggests that their writing lacks ‘criticality’ as they are ‘overwhelmed by admiration’ (1996: i). This is to suggest many writers struggle to move past what was said and done by him. Pettigrew's derogatory references to Tangkhuls or indigenous groups, such as reference to women as the ‘weaker sex’, reference to the Tangkhul ancestors as ignorant, superstitious, primitive, heathen, worshipers of ‘evil spirit’, etc. remain hidden or silent when people write about Christianity in the Tangkhul context (Pettigrew, 1909, 1996: i–xxiv).¹¹ Thus, they remain captive to the colonial framework. Third, not many of them have written (or spoken) about Western missionaries from a postcolonial perspective. In indigenous works, there is a tendency to retain the dominant voice. Furthermore, many of the missionary practices continue in the contemporary context without critically analysing their significance. For example, the first mass convention of Christians in Manipur was held in 1928, followed by the second convention in 1931 (Shimray, 1996: 17). From the perspective of the missionaries, the purpose of this convention was to present reports and provide evidence of their progress in ministerial or evangelistic tasks. Across churches and church associations, similar gatherings like the ones organised by the Western missionaries are practiced even today – and without being critical of why such events are celebrated.

While colonial captivity is deeply operational in the Tangkhul community, there is also an element that suggests that the confessing community is adapting to the needs and context of the people. First, before Pettigrew left Ukhrul, he had only translated the Tangkhul New Testament. But over the course of time, the locals have been translating the Bible into the Ukhrul language. To date, there have been four revisions of the local Bible (Rungsung, 1977; Kaping, 2014; Solo, 2014). While translating the Bible into the local language, key theological terms and concepts are coined-translated to help the common people understand its meaning. Second, in terms of church worship, there are a few areas where church practices have been adapted from the indigenous culture. When Tangkhul Christians worship together, they engage in mass prayer where the congregation says the prayer together. Occasionally, the singing of traditional (folk) songs is incorporated into the worship service. In addition, wearing traditional attire to the Sunday service and other such gatherings is readily embraced by the Tangkhul community. Third, social service to the community, especially in times of need and crisis, is very much a part of church practices. This practice of reaching out to those who are in need was strongly evident in the pre-missionary period. Even though Tangkhuls are by and large not a well-off community, neighbours are looked after. In the covid-19 situation, this became apparent with churches providing hot meals to the care centres and essentials to families in need (see ; Salle, 2020; Salle, 2021). They have also been adaptive in terms of the medium of worship. Churches adopted various technologies of the digital world whereby services were held online or worship services broadcasted through social media and conferencing applications (web-based). Fourth, one of the remarkable adaptations is the practice of presence in the funeral service. At the passing of someone from the community, the church comes together and mourns along with the family. The church makes an intentional effort to be with the grieving family by way of community presence overnight or for a number of days. Sickness, marriage, and funerals are also three occasions where church-communities share their resources by way of providing financial support. Each family comes together to help meet the needs of the concerned person. Fifth, though the above adaptations are primarily positive, there are also areas where the church has made negative adaptations. The church has readapted the traditional practice of the headman system into the church where the decisions of the society are made by men. Using self-made bylaws of the church, the deacons who primarily consist of men make the decision of the church. As a result, they have been reluctant to employ women as the main pastors or ordain women for pastoral ministry. The key decisions of the church or church associations are still made by men in the community. The confessing community is still held captive by the patriarchal system of the pre-missionary period.

Cultural Interpretation as a Theological Task

The current exercise of cultural interpretation can be seen as a theological task as it attempts to ascertain what is being confessed by the confessing community in the pre-missionary, missionary, post-missionary, and contemporary periods in the Tangkhul context. The task needs to be carried out both constructively and critically recognising what is prescribed and practiced by the Tangkhul church and community.

In the pre-missionary period, the notion of the presence of a confessing community is not explicitly stated or available in the present context. In addition, when the colonials write, we cannot dismiss the gap in their understanding of the traditional religion, bringing their subjective understanding – whether of their religion or worldviews – into the understanding of traditional or folk religion. When the local scholars write, there is also the possibility of bringing elements of their newfound faith into the old confessing community. This is to further suggest that they bring with them elements of colonial captivity, whether at the conceptual or praxis level. Yet, what can be shown from the works of both colonial and local writers, are the socio-religious practices that implicitly take us to what was being confessed by the confessing community in the pre-missionary period. In a communitarian society, what was believed and practiced was collectively exercised and endorsed. Hence, as the community offers sacrifice or performs rites through sharva or priests to their deity or spirit, they do it with the recognition of the existence of a higher power that controls their environment. The outcome of their future events is believed to be influenced by their offering or rite, that is, the deity/spirit can be pleased or not pleased. Sacrifices, rites, or prayers are said and offered to the spirits to bless their future endeavours (e.g., cultivation) or to help avert natural calamity, disease, curse, etc. It can be said that they were confessing the presence of benevolent and malevolent spirits, but also with the recognition that they can reach out to the supreme being, Kasā Ākhavā or Varivarā. Such a confessing element of the community emerges from the experience of the people, especially in their interaction with nature or the environment.

In the missionary period, the Creator of the created order was associated with the bringer of light to the Tangkhul community. This is deeply associated with the dream (or vision) that was passed down to the headman from the previous generation. There was a sense of anticipation of the coming of a foreigner who would bring the gospel to the Tangkhul community. This gospel will be taught from a book – that is, the Bible – which will guide them into the ways of life. This light, however, comes with both colonial connotations and evangelistic priorities to spread the gospel. What was then shaped by the experience of the people is now being converted to scriptural religion giving them ‘a new identity’ (Thanzauva and Hnuni, 2002: 345–346). Thanzauva and Hnuni suggest that this distinctive change is directly connected with the availability of the Bible in the local language; people began to perceive the Bible as possessing an ‘impersonal supernatural power’ (2002: 346).¹² In addition, what they confessed is now directly associated with the subject matter of the Bible. They are confessing the understanding that biblical texts concerning the reality of God, that is, God and God's relation with humankind and the created order. This confessing also comes with a strong ecclesial concern that embraces several colonial worldviews and indigenous cultural-contextual concerns.

In the post-missionary period, their admiration of the Western missionary, veneration of the Bible, and commitment to the ecclesial concerns were carried forward by the general population. However, this was also the period when some tribal scholars began to recognise the presence of colonial captivity (or dominant voice). Such understanding was further echoed in the works of tribal scholars who read the biblical texts and do theology with liberation concerns (or liberative lens). They see the need to reread or rethink tribal Christianity from the perspective of socio-political situations and tribal heritage. The experience of the tribals in their state of colonial captivity, identity crisis, and socio-political unrest was taken very seriously. In their understanding, the element of confessing community can be better expressed when Christian thinking is done considering the cultural-contextual concerns of the people. In practice, it may mean reading the Bible with liberation concerns, that is, taking into account the suffering of the people or minority voice, instead of the dominant voice. The all-powerful God, the Creator of the created order, is not detached from the everyday struggle. Instead, God is perceived as walking with the suffering of the people. Their confessing then is not only redemptive but also liberative, that is, the suffering God redeems them from human sin and liberates them from their state of captivity.

In the contemporary context, tribal scholars are beginning to recognise the importance of the church as a context to do theology. It is also indicated that the churches are learning to adapt to the situation and concerns of the people. Some theologians remain situated in academia, while others limit themselves to the needs of the church. Considering this situation, what may be needed is a proper interfacing of the confessing academic community and the confessing ecclesial community. This may take several forms, but it is appropriate to suggest an interfacing of these theological pursuits; the kind of approach that takes the form of accepting and confronting what is discussed and practiced, both in the church and the academia. Such interfacing may take shape (that is, a proper cultural interpretation as a theological task) by way of speaking from the gap between the tribal church and the academia. This means that the church learns to engage with the context of the people (and not limit themselves to the ecclesial setting), while the academia learns to do theology with the church taking into consideration the concerns of the common people.

Conclusion

This article tried to do cultural interpretation by way of tracing the confessing community in the pre-missionary, missionary, post-missionary, and contemporary periods of the Tangkhul community. It suggests that there was a sense of the presence of a confessing community in the pre-missionary period where the indigenous community recognised the presence of a higher power operating in their community. The Western missionaries brought with them a confessing element that is directly associated with the subject matter of the Bible. While this confessing element is always in the state of confessing, it also comes with the subjective interpretation of the colonial mindset. This is to further suggest that the tribal community carried forward the confessing element of being Christian with marked practices and thinking of colonials – along with the adaptations of some elements of the indigenous culture. Such captivity was observed by some tribal scholars, and they argue for the need to be liberated from such captivity, that is, both the colonial past and the present tribal situation. On further exploration, the article suggests the need to interface the academic and ecclesial concerns by way of speaking from the gap in the contemporary context. Such interfacing will take the form of recognising the social (secular) contemporary concerns and understanding the church as a context to do theology.

Footnotes

Funding

The author received no financial support for the research, authorship and/or publication of this article.

ORCID iD

Taimaya Ragui

Notes

Author biography

Taimaya Ragui is a research tutor at The Shepherd's Academy of Oxford Centre for Religion and Public Life. His current research focuses on decolonial studies, such as decolonial theology, spirituality, and mission.

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