Objective and subjective markers of transition to adulthood in emerging adults: Their mediating role in explaining the link between parental trust and life satisfaction

Abstract

The purpose of this study was to investigate the direct and indirect (via objective and subjective markers of adulthood) relations of parental trust and emerging adults’ life satisfaction in samples of Lithuanian (N = 399, ages 18–25) and Japanese (N = 585, ages 18–25) emerging adults. Results revealed that parental trust was associated with emerging adults’ life satisfaction both directly and indirectly via subjective markers of adulthood (i.e., self-perception of oneself as an adult) but not via objective markers of adulthood. Importantly, these associations were largely similar in both countries with a slight variation. These findings underscore the complex and important relations between parental trust and life satisfaction during emerging adulthood.

Keywords

Emerging adults life satisfaction markers of adulthood parental trust

Introduction

Emerging adulthood refers to a distinct developmental period, corresponding to the third decade of life (Arnett, 2000), resulting from the progressive delay in the transition to adulthood, with a longer period of education and late entry into the workforce, marriage, and parenthood (e.g., Žukauskienė, 2015). Due to the profound change and instability accompanying this transition (Arnett, 2014), this period in life can be confusing for youth, rendering some young people vulnerable for socio-emotional maladjustment and low life satisfaction (Côté & Bynner, 2008). It is for this reason that parents appear to continue to play a key role in the lives of their emerging-adult children. Indeed, the transition to adulthood is regarded as a joint process that happens within the family (Crocetti & Meeus, 2014; Scabini et al., 2007) and research shows that a high quality parent-child relationship characterized by high levels of parental trust (i.e., mutual understanding and respect; Armsden & Greenberg, 1987) contributes to young people’s life satisfaction (see Kaniušonytė & Žukauskienė, 2018; Padilla-Walker & Nelson, 2019). Unfortunately, we know little about the specific mechanisms through which parental trust can enhance emerging adults’ life satisfaction.

Hence, the purpose of this study was to examine the direct and indirect links between high-quality relationship with parents (i.e., parental trust) and emerging adults’ life satisfaction. Building upon attachment theory (Bowlby, 1988), we reasoned that young people who can count on a “secure base” are helped in the exploration of their social reality and, in this vein, in the transition to adulthood. Thus, we examined the potential mediating roles of both objective (i.e., role transitions such as leaving parents’ home, completing education, marriage, parenthood) and subjective (i.e., self-perceptions of oneself as an adult) markers of adulthood. In addressing these aims, we examined whether results were similar across two cultural contexts: East Europe (i.e., Lithuania) and East Asia (i.e., Japan). Since emerging adulthood is a period of life that is historically embedded and culturally constructed (Tanner & Arnett, 2016), the literature has registered an increasing interest in uncovering which processes occur similarly across different contexts and, which, in contrast, might be context-specific (Crocetti et al., 2015; Žukauskienė, 2015).

Direct association between parental trust and life satisfaction

A burgeoning literature highlights that the parent-child relationship continues to play a very important role in the process of healthy development during the third decade of life (Kaniušonytė & Žukauskienė, 2018; Padilla-Walker & Nelson, 2019). Relationship quality has been linked to positive outcomes such as prosocial values and behaviors (Barry et al., 2008; Barry et al., 2012), well-being when making the university-to-work transition (Buhl, 2007), higher academic self-efficacy and achievement (Cutrona et al., 1994), and higher overall happiness for emerging adult college students (Demir, 2010). Similarly, it has been found to be linked to less anxiety (Cutrona et al., 1994), risky drinking (Serido et al., 2014), and nonmedical prescription opioid use (in a non-college sample; Cerdá et al., 2014). Taken together, this evidence clearly shows that relationship quality between parent and child is linked to positive outcomes in emerging adulthood.

Prior studies have examined relationship quality broadly (e.g., Serido et al., 2014) or have looked at specific aspects of the relationship, such as intimacy, support, and aid (Barry et al., 2012). Based on attachment theory (Bowlby, 1988), there is reason to believe that a specific aspect of the parent-child relationship that plays a particularly important role is that of trust (i.e., the mutual understanding and respect between parents and offspring; Armsden & Greenberg, 1987). Indeed, attachment theory suggests that early parenting behaviors shape children’s internal working models of themselves (as worthy of another’s love and support) and others (e.g., caregivers) in relationships (Ainsworth & Bowlby, 1991; Bowlby, 1973). Although internal working models of attachment may change over time, the attachment relationship that is formed early in life is believed to generally remain stable and in turn influence processes (e.g., the formation of relationships; Fraley & Roisman, 2015) and outcomes (e.g., self-esteem; Laible et al., 2004) in emerging adulthood.

In line with predictions of attachment theory, a relationship characterized by high levels of trust provide individuals with a “secure base” from which to explore their social world. So far, most empirical evidence supporting this prediction comes from research conducted with children and adolescents. Indeed, there is a consistent body of work suggesting that trust in the parent-child relationship is related directly to positive psychological functioning in adolescence (e.g., Schwartz et al., 2013; Sugimura et al., 2018) and to important indices of well-being such as life satisfaction in both children (Nickerson & Nagle, 2004) and adolescents (Joronen & Astedt-Kurki, 2005). In contrast, research with emerging adults is more scarce. Nevertheless, an emerging body of work is starting to reveal similar results in the third decade of life. For example, a study showed that parental trust played a key role in influencing emerging adults’ identity development (Kaniušonytė & Žukauskienė, 2018). Furthermore, attachment to one’s father was directly associated with emerging adults’ life satisfaction, while attachment to mother only predicted life satisfaction indirectly via stronger attachment to a romantic partner (Guarnieri et al., 2015).

Taken together, there is conceptual reason to believe that parental trust is associated with young people’s life satisfaction. However, empirical research documenting the link between parental trust and life satisfaction during the transition to adulthood is rather scant. Hence, the first purpose of this study was to examine the direct associations between parental trust and life satisfaction during emerging adulthood.

Indirect associations between relationship with parents and life satisfaction: the role of markers of adulthood

As noted, the work is only beginning to emerge examining the associations between parental trust and young people’s life satisfaction in the third decade of life, so, obviously, work attempting to explain the mediational processes involved in those associations is likewise scarce. As noted, one study found that a strong attachment to a romantic partner mediates the association between attachment to mother and life satisfaction during emerging adulthood (Guarnieri et al., 2015). This study provides one of the first attempts to explore for possible mediators that would help explain the ways in which parental relationships, particularly parental trust, influence emerging adults’ well-being.

In line with attachment theory (Bowlby, 1988), a secure bond with parents is necessary for exploring one’s social world with confidence and making independent choices and decisions while being able to count on parents for support (Crocetti et al., 2017). Since young people are engaging in several tasks to be an independent adult in society, it is possible that the link between parental trust and life satisfaction could be affected by the extent to which emerging adults are successfully navigating the transition to adulthood.

The transition to adulthood has been conceptualized as a complex phenomenon consisting of both objective markers of taking on adult roles in society and subjective markers of becoming an adult (Settersten et al., 2015). Objective indices include the concept of role transition which refers to reaching the “Big Five” life course markers considered necessary for becoming an adult, that is, finishing school, finding a permanent job, leaving parental home, forming one’s own family, and having children (Arnett, 2014; Settersten et al., 2015). Subjective markers include self-perceptions of adulthood such as feeling responsible and independent, being capable of forming mature relationships, being able to fully adhere to societal norms, and feeling prepared to care for a family of one’s own (Arnett, 2000; see also Côté & Levine, 2015; Nelson & Barry, 2005). Thus, these two aspects of adulthood (objective and subjective) are important for a young person’s status of “being an adult,” but there are arguments in the literature suggesting that the importance of self-perceptions of adulthood may play a more important function than actual role transitions in the well-being of contemporary emerging adults (Arnett, 2014).

Indeed, large-scale comparative analyses of the transition to adulthood reveal that, in industrialized societies where a general trend in delays in the attainment of role transition is apparent, these objective markers of adulthood do not have as strong of an impact on well-being among emerging adults as do subjective markers (Billari & Liefbroer, 2010; Buchmann & Kriesi, 2011). For example, the delay in achievement of objective markers of adulthood is correlated only minimally with scores of psychological well-being (Waterman, 2007) while subjective markers of adulthood appear to be strongly related to well-being such that, compared to those who feel less like adults, those who perceive themselves to be adults report avoidance of health-compromising behaviors (Schwartz, et al., 2010) and more indices of better adjustment (Luyckx et al., 2011; Nelson & Barry, 2005). Furthermore, increases in self-perceptions of adulthood have been found to predict increases in psychological health (Roberts & Côté, 2014). Overall, these results consistently show that a subjective sense of successful achievement of adulthood is positively related to well-being during emerging adulthood.

Given that progress in transitioning to adulthood appears to play an important role in emerging adults’ subjective well-being, it may very well be that progress in transitioning to adulthood (subjective markers potentially more so than objective ones) may mediate the link between parental trust and emerging adults’ life satisfaction. As noted, attachment theory highlights that children are able to explore a new environment and cope with developmental challenges in a new circumstance outside the family settings when they have a parental secure base from which to explore (Ainsworth & Bowlby, 1991). Thus, the high-quality relationships characterized by parental trust (Bowlby, 1988) may promote young people’s independent exploration and lead to a subjective sense of having reached adulthood (Pittman et al., 2011). In turn, self-perceptions as an adult can enhance young people’s life satisfaction.

In sum, emerging adulthood marks a period of life during which a significant developmental task is becoming an independent adult. This process ideally occurs in the context of strong connectedness to parents (Scabini et al., 2007; Soenens et al., 2019). Thus, conceptually, there is reason to expect that parental trust facilitates achievement of markers of adulthood which, in turn, fosters a sense of well-being in emerging adults. Hence, the second purpose of this study was to examine subjective and objective markers of adulthood as possible mediators in the association between parent-child trust and life satisfaction in emerging adulthood.

A culturally oriented approach

In his theorization, Arnett (2000, 2014) emphasized that emerging adulthood is a period of life that is historically embedded and culturally constructed, based on the changes from the industrial to the information-based economy (Tanner & Arnett, 2016). Furthermore, the author (Arnett, 2014, 2016) has underlined the necessity to have more international and culturally oriented research to increase our understanding of psychological processes regarding emerging adults. Following up this call, an increasing interest has been given to study, for instance, the extent to which emerging adulthood, broadly, and perceptions of what is requisite for adulthood, specifically, are similar across different cultural contexts (e.g., Crocetti et al., 2015) and which psychological models are similar, or consistent, in different cultural groups (e.g., Karaś et al., 2015).

In line with these considerations, in this study we sought to examine whether the hypothesized theoretical model (i.e., parental trust would contribute to life satisfaction through the mediation of markers of adulthood) would be similar in two distinct cultural contexts: East Europe (i.e., Lithuania) and East Asia (i.e., Japan). In both contexts, a delayed transition to adulthood has been clearly documented and has attracted increasing research on factors that can promote young people’s positive adjustment (Arnett et al., 2014; Sugimura, 2020; Žukauskienė, 2015). First, in both countries, many young people pursue postsecondary education. In Lithuania, in 2017, the percentage of those entering tertiary education was 70% (Statistics Lithuania, 2019). In Japan, 98.5% of junior high school graduates attend non-compulsory high school, and 54.5% and 21.9% of high school students enroll in university (including junior college) and specialized training college, respectively (Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science & Technology, 2016). Second, many emerging adults continue living with their parents, including 78.2% of youth aged 20–24 in Lithuania (Eurostat, 2017) and 64% of youth aged 20–24 in Japan (Statistics Bureau of Japan, 2017). In Lithuania, leaving the parental home may be difficult because of a shortage of affordable rental housing in the country, especially for young households (Mikelėnaitė, 2017) and low disposable income. Thus, Lithuanian emerging adults depend on parental financial assistance for a highly prolonged time, which in turn leads to rather high proportion of students who combine work and studies (Masevičiūtė et al., 2018). Likewise, many young people in Japan financially depend on their parents not only for their college fees, but also for daily expenses as an expression of normative close relationships with parents (Behrens, 2004). Taken together, there is evidence that in both countries, the process of becoming an adult is being postponed, and parents are still practically involved (i.e., financial assistance, emerging adults living at home, etc.) in the lives of emerging adults.

There is reason to believe, though, that parents do not just play a practice role in the lives of emerging adults but that a sense of connectedness with parents would be important to both Lithuanian and Japanese emerging adults in ways that are significantly embedded within aspects of culture. Specifically, there are a number of cultural factors that might play a role in similarities or differences in the direct and indirect links between parental trust and life satisfaction in these two countries. Notably, there is a growing influence of individualism in both countries that may impact a young person’s need and desire to strive for independence as an adult. Indeed, both Lithuania (Eastern European country which under Soviet Union influence developed attributes of a collectivistic society; Imbrasaitė, 2004) and Japan (East Asia, traditionally considered as a collectivistic country; Sugimura & Mizokami, 2012) are identified as countries that are transforming from collectivistic societies toward individualistic ones. However, although both nations are experiencing the transformation in cultural values, Lithuanian culture scores higher on individualism than does the Japanese culture (Hofstede et al., 2010). Furthermore, Japanese young people are described as having close and more stable relationships with parents than their Western peers, with fewer struggles for individual freedom (Rothbaum et al., 2000). Finally, it is argued that people pursue personal agency and autonomy more in Europe than in Asia (Markus & Kitayama, 2010). Taken together, there appear to be cultural factors that would influence both the expectations for young people to become independent adults and the role that the parent-child relationship plays in that process. Specifically, it appears plausible that emerging adults in Lithuania are exposed to strong cultural demands for successful achievement of adulthood and to be independent, autonomous adults, while emerging adults in Japan are expected to make the transition to adulthood while still maintaining connectedness to parents. Given the apparent cultural differences in expectations for independence from versus connectedness to parents, it would seem important to explore the direct and indirect relations between parental trust and life satisfaction in Japan and Lithuania.

The present study

The purpose of this study was to investigate the direct and indirect (via objective and subjective markers of adulthood) relations of parental trust and emerging adults’ life satisfaction in Lithuania and Japan. In line with the theoretical background and the empirical evidence reviewed above, the following hypotheses were made. First, in line with predictions of attachment theory, that the relationships characterized by high levels of trust provide individuals with a “secure base” from which to explore the world around them and empirical evidence that trust in the parent-child is related relationships is directly related to positive psychological functioning (Kaniušonytė & Žukauskienė, 2018; Padilla-Walker & Nelson, 2019), it was predicted that parental trust would be positively related to emerging adults’ life satisfaction. Second, in examining the potential mediating role of subjective and objective markers of adulthood, it was expected that the association of parental trust with life satisfaction would be mediated by the markers of adulthood. Specifically, attachment theory suggests that parental trust may play a particularly important role in young people being able to begin to strive for and achieve independence because of the safe context (i.e., secure base) afforded by connectedness. Thus, trust may facilitate young people achieving a sense of progress in becoming independent adults. Indeed, based on both conceptual and empirical evidence (reviewed previously) underscoring the importance of subjective perceptions of adulthood more than external, objective criteria of adulthood in contemporary emerging adults, it was hypothesized that subjective markers of adulthood rather than objective markers of adulthood would mediate the link between parental trust and life satisfaction. Finally, we explored the extent to which these associations would be similar in two cultural contexts that share the phenomena of a delayed transition to adulthood in postindustrial societies, although they are geographically different, that is, one in Europe (Lithuania) and one in Asia (Japan). Specifically, based on the evidence (discussed above) that both countries represent cultures in which becoming an adult is postponed despite the growing influence of individualism, it was predicted that the sense of connectedness with parents would be important to both Lithuanian and Japanese emerging adults but that associations with parental trust would be stronger in Japan given the cultural emphasis to maintaining connectedness with parents in emerging adulthood.

Method

Samples

Lithuanian sample

In total, 399 (74.9% females) emerging adults (aged 18–25 years, M_age = 21.45; SD_age = 2.00) participated in the study. Half of the participants were students (50.9%), 30.1% worked and studied at the same time, 14.5% only worked, and 4.5% did not work or study. Most participants (88%) were Lithuanian (other nationalities included Polish 7.5%, Russian 3.8%, and Other 0.8%). Data were collected online via various social media portals (e.g., Facebook).

Japanese sample

In total, 585 (50.3% females) emerging adults (ages 18–25 years, M_age = 21.79; SD_age = 2.45) participated in this study. Half of the sample were students (52.8%), 31.7% only worked, and 14.5% did not work or study. Among them, 200 individuals were recruited from several universities in Kanto and Kansai areas (i.e., large urban centers in the eastern and middle-western parts of Japan, respectively) and invited to take the survey online. The remaining participants (i.e., students, workers, and those not working or studying) who lived in the two areas were collected using an online research company. All participants were Japanese.

Both Lithuanian and Japanese data for this study were drawn from the IDELIJA project (Identity Development among Adolescents and Emerging Adults in Lithuania and Japan). Participants from both nations were informed about the research and asked whether they would be willing to participate. Those responding to the questionnaire means signing the informed consent, as typical in Lithuania and in Japan.

Measures

Parental trust

The parental trust subscale from the short version of the Inventory of Parent and Peer Attachment ([IPPA] Nada-Raja et al., 1992) was used. This scale consisted of 4 items rated on a 4-point Likert scale ranging from 1 (Strongly disagree) to 4 (Strongly agree). Sample items included “My parents respect my feelings” and “When I’m angry about something my parents try to be understanding.” The Lithuanian version has been validated in previous research (Kaniušonytė et al., 2014). For the Japanese version, the original English version was translated into Japanese by a team of experienced researchers, and then back-translated by a native or bilingual speaker; in each of these steps, any differences in translation were discussed by the research team and disagreements were resolved through consensus. Cronbach’s alphas were .75 and .76 in the Lithuanian and Japanese samples, respectively.

Objective markers of adulthood (Role Transitions)

Six questions assessed objective markers of adulthood, or significant role transitions, including whether participants had completed their education, were currently working, were financially independent, had left their parents’ home, were or had been married, or had at least one child. An index of the number of role transitions was generated by summing the number indicated by the participants. The number of role transitions ranged from 0 (no markers of adulthood achieved) to 6 (six markers of adulthood achieved).

Subjective markers of adulthood (Self-perceptions)

Young people’s self-perception of one’s own status as an adult was measured with the adult subscale of the Identity Stage Resolution Index (ISRI; Côté, 1997). Both Lithuanian and Japanese versions of this scale were prepared through the following steps: The original English version was translated into Lithuanian and Japanese by a team of experienced researchers, and then back-translated by a native or bilingual speaker. In each of these steps, any differences in translation were discussed by the research team and disagreements were resolved through consensus. The subscale consisted of 3 items (e.g., “You consider yourself to be an adult”) scored using a 5-point scale ranging from 1 (Not at all true) to 5 (Entirely true). Cronbach’s alphas were .82 and .79 in the Lithuanian and Japanese samples, respectively.

Life satisfaction

Life satisfaction was measured via the Satisfaction with Life Scale ([SWLS]; Diener et al., 1985; for the Lithuanian version, see Daukantaite & Zukauskiene, 2011, for the Japanese version, see Kadono, 1994). The scale included 5 items (e.g., “The conditions of my life are excellent”) scored on a 7-point scale from 1 (Strongly disagree) to 7 (Strongly agree). Cronbach’s alphas were .88 and .87 in the Lithuanian and Japanese samples, respectively.

Missing data analysis

In the Lithuanian sample, there were no missing data points. In the Japanese sample, some data (4.4%) were missing. The Little’s MCAR test (χ² (n = 585, 954) = 1094,78, p < .01, χ²/df = 1.15) confirmed that scores across the Japanese sample were likely missing at random; thus all analyses implemented full-information maximum likelihood (FIML) which produces unbiased parameter estimates under the assumption that data are missing at random. By using FIML, the analyses were conducted using all the available data from all the participants in both samples.

Statistical procedures

Measurement invariance

To establish whether the measurement models for all of the variables fit the data well, we tested one global measurement model containing all latent variables with the maximum likelihood robust estimator (MLR, Satorra & Bentler, 1994) in Mplus 7.31 (Muthén & Muthén, 1998–2015). We examined model fit by using the Comparative Fit Index (CFI) and the Root Mean Square Error of Approximation (RMSEA). CFI values higher than .90 are indicative of an acceptable fit with values higher than .95 suggesting an excellent or very good fit. RMSEA values lower than .05 indicate good or close fit, and values as high as .08 represent acceptable fit (Little, 2013). As is conventional, we reported the chi-square statistic; however, we did not use it to test model fit since it is well-known that this statistic is overly sensitive to trivial influences in moderately large samples (e.g., Chen, 2007; Little, 2013).

In the next step, we tested the measurement invariance between the Lithuanian and Japanese samples. Measurement invariance provides empirical support for the researcher’s decision to interpret between-group comparisons as differences in degree rather than differences in kind (Geldhof & Stawski, 2016). To examine differences between models corresponding to configural (the same number of factors and pattern of fixed and freely estimated parameters hold across groups), metric (equivalence of factor loadings), and scalar (invariance of both factor loadings and item intercepts) invariance, we followed Chen’s (2007) recommendations that ΔCFI ≥ −.010 supplemented by ΔRMSEA ≥ .015 would indicate non-invariance. We did not rely on the chi-square difference test since in large samples even a small difference between models may result with a rejection of measurement invariance even when it is reasonable and the difference from statistically ‘perfect’ invariance is trivial (Cheung & Rensvold, 2002).

Structural equation modeling

To estimate the structural associations between the study variables, structural equation modeling with observed variables (means of the scales) were conducted. Gender and age were included in the model as covariates. To examine the model fit and the difference between models the same recommendations (Chen, 2007; Little, 2013) as for measurement invariance were used.

Results

National measurement invariance

The measurement model of the study showed good fit to the data: χ²(67) = 174.95, p < .001, CFI = .98; RMSEA = .040 [.033, .048]. The model also showed good fit in each country: Lithuania, χ²(67) = 157.36, p < .001, CFI = .95; RMSEA = .058 [.046, .070] and Japan, χ²(67) = 175.35, p < .001, CFI = .96; RMSEA = .053 [.043–.062]. All observed variables had standardized factor loadings above .62, indicating good construct validity of the first order latent variables.

In the next step, we tested national measurement invariance. Results are provided in Table 1. We found that the configural and metric model fit the data well, and the ΔCFI and ΔRMSEA remained within the appropriate threshold. The scalar model, however, did not indicate full invariance. Thus, based on the modification indices (Steenkamp & Baumgartner, 1998), we tested a partial scalar model in which the intercepts of 2 items were free to vary across groups, whereas all other items were fixed. Partial scalar model fit the data well and did not differ from the metric model indicating that means can be cautiously compared between the two national samples.

Table 1.

Tests of Global Measurement Model National Measurement Invariance.

	Model fit				Model comparisons
	χ²	df	CFI	RMSEA [90% CI]	Models	ΔCFI	ΔRMSEA
M1. Configural	180.23	78	.971	.052 [.042–.062]
M2. Metric	209.05	86	.966	.054 [.045–.063]	M2 - M1	.005	.002
M3a. Full scalar	400.37	94	.914	.081 [.073–.090]	M3a - M2	.052	.027
M3b. Partial scalar	250.17	92	.956	.059 [.050–.068]	M3b - M2	.010	.005

Note. χ² = chi-square; df = degrees of freedom; CFI = Comparative Fit Index; RMSEA = Root Mean Square Error of Approximation; CI = Confidence Interval; Δ = change in the parameter.

Preliminary analysis

Mean comparisons between the study’s variables (Table 2) revealed that all but one (i.e., role transition) variable differed in the Lithuanian and Japanese samples. Lithuanian emerging adults scored higher on parental trust, self-perceptions of adulthood, and life satisfaction.

Table 2.

National Differences in Study Variables.

	Total sample M (SD)	National comparison			d [95% CI]
	Total sample M (SD)	Lithuania M (SD)	Japan M (SD)	t	d [95% CI]
Parental trust	3.00 (0.68)	3.10 (0.63)	2.93 (0.72)	3.63^***	.24 [.11, .37]
Role transition	1.81 (1.64)	1.82 (1.50)	1.79 (1.74)	0.32	.02 [-.11, .15]
Self-perception of adulthood	2.97 (0.99)	3.44 (0.85)	2.65 (0.95)	13.32^***	.88 [.73, 1]
Satisfaction with Life	3.80 (1.38)	4.20 (1.43)	3.52 (1.28)	7.85^***	.51 [.38, .64]

Note. t = Student’s t distribution; d = Cohen’s measure of effect size; CI = confidence interval.

^*p < .05, ^**p < .01, ^***p < .001.

The core associations among parental trust, role transitions, self-perceptions of adulthood, and life satisfaction were supported at the bivariate level (Table 3). In both samples, parental trust was positively associated with perceptions of adulthood and life satisfaction; role transitions were moderately related to self-perceptions of adulthood, and self-perception of adulthood was associated with all variables, with the strongest association with life satisfaction.

Table 3.

Correlations between Study Variables.

	1	2	3	4
1. Parental trust	-	-.04	.17^**	.33^**
2. Role transition	.00	-	.29^**	.13^**
3. Self-perception of adulthood	.22^**	.20^**	-	.49^**
4. Satisfaction with Life	.36^**	.03	.41^**	-

Note. Correlations above diagonal refer to the Lithuanian sample; correlations below diagonal refer to the Japanese sample.

^*p < .05, ^**p < .01, ^***p < .001.

Structural model

Structural equation modeling was used to examine whether parental trust would be associated with objective (i.e., role transitions) and subjective (i.e., self-perceptions) markers of adulthood, and whether they all together would be associated with life satisfaction. In step 1, the general model fit the data well χ² (2) = 6.89, p = .05, CFI = .99, RMSEA = .052 [.013, .096]. In step 2, a multigroup model with all paths allowed to freely vary between countries (χ² (4) = 7.21, p = .13, CFI = 1, RMSEA = .040 [.000, .087]) was compared to model, where all paths were constrained to be equal between countries (χ² (17) = 40.83, p < .01, CFI = .96, RMSEA = .053 [.033, .075]). Results revealed that the constrained model fit the data worse (ΔCFI = .04, ΔRMSEA = .013) than the model in which the paths were allowed to vary freely. In the next step, we analyzed a number of models with different paths freed and fixed to establish the best fitting model. Based on the analyses, as the final solution, the best fitting model with two freely varying paths (Figure 1) was chosen (χ² (15) = 23.77, p = .07, CFI = .99, RMSEA = .034 [.000, .060]). This model fit the data significantly better than the one with all paths constrained (ΔCFI = .03, ΔRMSEA = .019) and better, even though not significantly, than the model with all paths allowed to vary freely (ΔCFI = .01, ΔRMSEA = .06).

Figure 1.

Standardized Solution for the General Model. Note. Differing coefficients are presented in order: Lithuanian / Japanese. Dashed lines represent non-significant paths. ^*p < .05, ^**p < .01, ^***p < .001.

Results revealed that parental trust was associated with emerging adults’ life satisfaction both directly and indirectly via subjective markers of adulthood (i.e., self-perception of oneself as an adult). Lithuanian and Japanese emerging adults differed from each other in the association between subjective markers of adulthood and life satisfaction in that this link was stronger in Lithuanian than in Japanese emerging adults.

The bias-corrected bootstrapped 95% confidence intervals of the indirect effect (see Preacher & Hayes, 2008) were then estimated to examine the significance of a possible mediation of role transitions and self-perceptions of adulthood between parental trust and life satisfaction (Table 4). The findings revealed that in both countries, only self-perceptions of adulthood played a mediational role between parental trust and life satisfaction.

Table 4.

Specific Indirect Bias-Corrected Bootstrapped Estimates of the Mediations.

Model	Estimate [95% CI]
Model	Lithuania	Japan
Parental trust → Role transition → Life satisfaction	0 [-.01, .01]	0 [-.01, .01]
Parental trust → Self-perception of adulthood → Life satisfaction	.07^*** [.01, .22]	.09^*** [.01, .22]

^***p < .001.

Discussion

The purpose of this study was to investigate the direct and indirect (via objective and subjective markers of adulthood) relations of parental trust and emerging adults’ life satisfaction in two distinct cultural contexts (i.e., Lithuania and Japan). As predicted through the lens of attachment theories, results revealed that parental trust was associated with emerging adults’ life satisfaction both directly and indirectly via subjective markers of adulthood (i.e., self-perception of oneself as an adult) but not via objective markers of adulthood. Importantly, these associations were largely similar in both countries with a slight variation. These findings underscore the complex and important relations between parental trust and life satisfaction during emerging adulthood.

Direct associations between parental trust and life satisfaction

We found evidence of a direct association in that parental trust was positively related to emerging adults’ life satisfaction. Although prior studies on this issue have mainly focused on adolescence and shown that parental trust contributed to positive psychological functioning (e.g., Schwarz et al., 2012; Sugimura et al., 2018), the present finding confirms our hypothesis that, consistent with attachment theory, parental trust is important vis-à-vis life satisfaction in emerging adulthood as well. This adds to the growing body of evidence showing that parents continue to matter in the development of their children well into the third decade of life. For example, previous findings suggest that a positive parent-child relationship is associated with indices of flourishing (Nelson & Padilla-Walker, 2013), including higher levels of prosocial values and religious faith (Barry et al., 2012), prosocial behavior (Barry et al., 2008), and happiness (Demir, 2010), as well as lower levels of depression (Cheng & Furnham, 2003), and alcohol use (Serido et al., 2014).

At the same time, however, much of this work has examined the parent-child relationship broadly (i.e., relationship quality) rather than on specific aspects of the relationship, such as parental trust. The limited work that has been done points to the need to more closely examine the important role of specific aspects of the relationship. For example, research shows that attachment to parents (Cerdá et al., 2014), mutual reciprocity (Wintre & Yaffe, 2000), and affective quality (Ralston et al., 2012) are associated with positive outcomes (e.g., higher self-esteem, positive adjustment, lower levels of substance use). Consistent with the theoretical notion that attachment is essential for later healthy psychological functioning (Ainsworth & Bowlby, 1991; Bowlby, 1973), the results of the current study add to this important area of inquiry by showing that parental trust is another aspect of the parent-child relationship that is linked to positive outcomes during the third decade of life.

Indirect associations between parental trust and life satisfaction: The role of markers of adulthood

The results of the study are not only important in showing a direct association between parental trust and individuals’ life satisfaction in emerging adulthood, but they start to explain the mechanisms by which parental trust may be contributing to life satisfaction. Specifically, the study provides evidence of an indirect positive effect of parental trust on emerging adults’ life satisfaction through the mediating role of subjective markers of adulthood. In other words, the positive nature of the parent-child relationship appears to foster a young person’s sense of becoming an adult which, in turn, increases feelings of life satisfaction.

It is intriguing that the mediation effect appeared only for subjective markers of adulthood but not for objective markers of adulthood. Thus, actual role transitions were not related to parental trust, nor life satisfaction. Consistent with current thinking based on the attachment perspective that the process of becoming independent adults ideally occurs within a connected relationship with parents (Scabini et al., 2007; Soenens et al., 2019), these results are consistent with our hypothesis that the link between parental trust and life satisfaction could be mediated by the extent to which young people successfully make strides in the internal, psychological aspect of the transition to adulthood. Thus, the results add to mounting evidence that in contemporary societies actual role transitions are not as strongly related to well-being (Billari & Liefbroer, 2010; Buchmann & Kriesi, 2011; Waterman, 2007) as are self-perceptions (e.g., Luyckx et al., 2011; Roberts & Côté, 2014). This contributes to confirm theoretical proposition that the high-quality relationships represented as parental trust (Bowlby, 1988) promotes young people’s exploration and lead to a subjective sense of having reached adulthood (Pittman et al., 2011).

Taken together, the findings begin to explain the complex balance between maintaining a connection with parents while separating from them. Indeed, the findings point not only to the important role of parents as a secure base from which young people may confidently and safely make strives toward adult, the findings capture some of the unique processes involved in the broader process of individuation. Separation-individuation theory posits that in the process of development young people experience a psychological shift away from dependence on parents toward a sense of self that is separate and distinct from parents (Blos, 1979). However, it is now readily held that separation from parents does not mean an end to the parent-child relationship (see Soenens et al., 2019). In fact, a premature distancing from parents has been found to be linked to indices of maladjustment (e.g., Steinberg & Silverberg, 1986) suggesting that premature separation might leave some young people unequipped to rely on their own capacities to make independent decisions (e.g., Crocetti et al., 2017). Thus, it is now believed that the individuation process ideally occurs within the context of a positive parent-child relationship (e.g., Cooper & Grotevant, 2011). Findings from the present study support this notion in that the process of coming to see oneself as an independent adult appears to occur within the context of a safe, trusting relationship with parents. Furthermore, the findings show that when this process of individuation occurs within the trusting context of a positive parent-child relationship, it leads to a sense of satisfaction with one’s life. In sum, the results of this study not only contribute to the growing body of literature showing that parents still matter in the lives of their children generally but the results also contribute more specifically to our understanding of the processes through which the parent-child relationship facilitates the process of individuation and subsequent well-being of emerging adults.

Relationship with parents and well-being: cultural similarities and differences

Finally, the results of the present study make a significant contribution to our understanding of the role of parental trust in the transition to adulthood by examining the relations in two distinct cultural contexts. Much of the work that has been conducted on the role of parents in emerging adulthood has employed samples from the United States (see Padilla-Walker & Nelson, 2019). Hence, the results of this study are important to our understanding of the transition to adulthood within cultural contexts, demonstrating that the theoretically hypothesized associations were, for the most part, similar in samples from Lithuania and Japan.

Specifically, in both countries parental trust was found to be associated with emerging adults’ life satisfaction both directly and indirectly. Moreover, both countries were similar in that the objective markers of adulthood did not mediate the association between parental trust and emerging adults’ life satisfaction. Thus, the hypothesized theoretical model was similar in two distinct cultural contexts. These results illuminate that, regardless of geographical differences, a close relationship with parents may be important to a sense of becoming an adult as well as optimal well-being among emerging adults in postindustrial societies. Thus, in many postindustrial societies including Lithuania and Japan, becoming an adult is dramatically postponed (e.g., Arnett et al., 2014) and therefore, a close relationship with parents is important in understanding the extent to which emerging adults successfully navigate the process of transiting to adulthood. The results also suggest that emerging adults in both countries may no longer consider actual role transitions as cultural norms to follow (Côté & Levine, 2015). In postindustrial societies where the timing of taking adult roles (e.g., finishing school and having children) has been dramatically delayed and diversified among youth, young people may rely more on subjective aspects rather than objective aspects of adulthood when they evaluate their life satisfaction.

There was one notable difference between the two countries. Specifically, subjective markers of adulthood had a stronger impact on life satisfaction in Lithuanian emerging adults than on their Japanese peers. This may reflect different cultural demands on emerging adults in Lithuania and Japan. Although a sense of becoming an adult is crucial to emerging adults’ well-being in both countries, Japanese culture may emphasize this aspect of adulthood less than the Lithuanian culture. Indeed, family relationships in Japan have been described by attachment researchers as being characterized by stability and continuity in a sense of oneness between parents and children even when youth begin exploring the world outside family (Rothbaum et al., 2000). For example, young people’s financial dependence on parents (e.g., college fee and daily expenses) is viewed as an expression of normative close relationship with parents in Japan (Behrens, 2004), while the financial independence from parents is viewed as representing a cold distance from family members which makes both parents and children uncomfortable (Rothbaum et al., 2000). In contrary, Lithuanian emerging adults are more exposed to strong cultural demands for successful achievement of adulthood and to become independent, autonomous adults. Distancing from parents and striving for financial independence is welcomed and perceived as normative steps toward successful functioning. Not surprisingly, almost a third of the Lithuanian emerging adults in this study worked and studied at the same time (none in Japanese sample did), and this pattern is very typical in Lithuanian context. Furthermore, financial independence for Lithuanian young people helps to establish relationships with their parents as equal adults and this in turn could lead to a higher sense of emerging adults’ self - efficacy and increased well-being (Mortimer et al., 2010). In sum, the emotional well-being being (i.e., life satisfaction) of Japanese emerging adults might be much less connected (albeit still important) to a sense of psychological independence from parents (i.e., seeing oneself as an adult) than their Lithuanian peers. The findings point, though, to the need to continue to examine the cultural context of family and individual factors that might lead to flourishing or floundering during the third decade of life.

Limitations and suggestions for future research

The present study is one of the few attempts to comprehensively understand the links between the quality of relationship with parents, the transition to adulthood, and life satisfaction in a cross-national context. However, the results of the present study must be viewed with some caution. The use of cross-sectional data does not allow predictions regarding the causal directions of relations between study variables. Achievement of role transition and self-perceptions of adulthood and life satisfaction may reinforce each other in a reciprocal relationship. Also, it may not only be relationships with parents that affect self-perceptions of adulthood, but achieving certain role transitions can impact the quality of relationships with parents. In other words, role transitions were not found to mediate the relation between parental trust and emerging adults’ life satisfaction because achievement of objective role transitions (e.g., moving out of parents’ home) might engender trust with parents which, in turn, might impact subjective feelings of adulthood and, subsequently, life satisfaction. In sum, longitudinal designs need to be employed in future research to fully explore the role of objective and subjective markers of adulthood in the associations between parent-child relationships and emerging adults’ life satisfaction over time.

Next, it is important to note that 50% of both samples are students, so because the variable measuring objective indicators of adulthood include still being in school may have affected the amount of variability in objective indicators of maturity. The nature and distribution of this variable may have influenced greatly the lack of findings regarding objective markers of adulthood. Similarly, none of the Japanese participants were working while in school. It is possible that this is due simply to sampling procedures but, as noted, it may reflect important cultural distinction as it is rather common for many young people in Japan to rely financially on their parents not only for their college fees, but also for daily (Behrens, 2004). Regardless, interpretation of the findings should be considered in light of the fact that the objective measure of adulthood may have been affected by the nature of the student samples and that the two samples differed in the number of participants who were working and going to school.

Conclusion

Despite these limitations, the present study revealed the importance of the quality of the relationship with parents in emerging adults’ life satisfaction and the role of young people’s self-perception of adulthood as a mediator in this link among emerging adults both in European and Asian contexts. In contemporary societies where the transition to adulthood has become increasingly long and challenging to young people, parental trust continues to be an important resource for young people’s optimal well-being in emerging adulthood. Furthermore, the results of this study point to the importance of the subjective, psychological transition to adulthood (i.e., self-perception of adulthood) as a mechanism in explaining the association between parental trust and emerging adults’ life satisfaction. Taken together, the study highlights that the context of warm and supportive parent-child relationships is important for young people’s process of becoming an independent adult (at least psychologically) and experiencing higher levels of well-being in emerging adulthood.

Footnotes

Funding

The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: This research was funded by the Research Council of Lithuania, Project number LJB–5/2015. Kazumi Sugimura was also supported by the JPSP Grant-in-Aid for Scientific Research (C), 15K04070.

ORCID iDs

Rita Žukauskienė

Goda Kaniušonytė

Larry J. Nelson

Open research statement

As part of IARR’s encouragement of open research practices, the author(s) have provided the following information: This research was not pre-registered. The data used in the research are available. The data can be obtained y emailing: rzukausk@mruni.eu. The materials used in the research are available. The materials can be obtained by emailing: rzukausk@mruni.eu.

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