Management of indigenous knowledge in Sri Lanka,with special reference to indigenous medicine

Overview of indigenous knowledge (IK)

Communities in most countries inherit their own knowledge systems, called indigenous knowledge (IK). A knowledge system of that nature can be considered as the national heritage of the country. The terms ‘indigenous knowledge’ (IK), ‘traditional knowledge’ (TK), and ‘local knowledge’ are used interchangeably all over the world.

IK is local knowledge unique to a given culture or a society. It forms the basis for decision-making in local contexts of agriculture, health care, food preparation, education, natural resource management and a host of other activities in rural communities (UNESCO, 2017). IK is a complete body of knowledge, expertise and practices, maintained and developed generally by people in rural areas, who have extended histories of interaction with the natural environment (Sithole, 2007). Kaniki and Mphahlele (2002) describe IK as the total sum of knowledge and skills possessed by people belonging to a particular geographic area that enable them to benefit from their natural environment. Within this context, Akena (2012) identified specific groups such as parents, students, and community members as indigenous knowledge bearers. In the broad sense individuals, communities, or an entire society can be identified as IK holders. However, most IK holders, schools, or traditions make profound attempts to maintain their IK within their own boundaries, with their knowledge, expertise, and practices conserved as secrets which are not divulged to anyone other than a member of the group or family. As a result, while part of such knowledge is codified, the rest remains as memories harboured in the minds of people.

Sithole (2007) emphasized the common agreement in the published literature on the dissemination of IK as follows: IK is commonly exchanged through personal communication and demonstrations from teachers to apprentices, from parents to children, and from neighbours to neighbours. Stories, songs, folklore, proverbs, dances, myths, cultural values, beliefs, rituals, agricultural and food practices, equipment, materials, healthcare systems, community laws, local languages, plant species, and animal breeds are the forms of IK transmitted orally from generation to generation.

Due to the tacit nature of IK and current socio-economic and cultural and scientific developments, IK is at great risk of disappearing. Dweba and Mearns (2011) added that poor recognition is one of the reasons for the erosion of people’s knowledge. The development of IK systems, covering all aspects of life, has been a matter of remedial measures for problems encountered in the communities that generate these systems. Learning from IK, and investigating the knowledge and possessions of local communities can improve understanding of native conditions and provide a productive context for activities designed to help communities. Sharing IK within and across communities can enhance their cross-cultural understanding and promote the cultural dimension of development. Taking the potential value of IK into consideration, it has to be preserved and utilized for social wellbeing.

Indigenous knowledge in indigenous medicine

Indigenous medicine is the sum total of knowledge, skills and practices based on theories, beliefs, and experiences which are strands of different cultures, whether explicable or not, used for the maintenance of health and prevention, diagnosis, improvement or treatment of physical and mental illnesses (World Health Organization, 2017). De Wet and Ngubane (2014) recognized that indigenous medicine has been practised for thousands of years in South Africa, greatly contributing to primary health-care at the community level. In some Asian and African countries, 80% of the population depends on traditional medicine for primary health care (World Health Organization, 2017). Herbs are considered as a requisite or primary medicinal treatment, and are accessible to rural communities and the urban poor (Kaniki and Mphahlele, 2002). Herbal medicines include herbs, herbal materials, herbal preparations, and finished herbal products that contain active ingredients of parts of plants other plant materials, or combinations thereof (Dan et al., 2010; World Health Organization, 2017). Developed countries too have now recognized the value of traditional medicine, and health care statistics demonstrate that 70% to 80% of the population in many developed countries depends on traditional medicine as the alternative medicine (World Health Organization, 2017). Indigenous medicine is often termed ‘traditional’, ‘complementary,’ ‘alternative,’ or ‘non-conventional,’ medicine.

Indigenous medicine is not an isolated area of knowledge, but an extended knowledge system related to religion, astrology, spiritual power, rituals, etc. Ramcharan and Sinjela (2005) described traditional medicine as a combination of herbal and spiritual elements. Treatments often include either religious observances or spiritual rites (Cho, 2004; Dan et al., 2010). Being culturally appropriate and environmental friendly with fewer side effects are some of the favourable features of indigenous medicine. Hence, improving and promoting indigenous medicine are important in the interest of achieving socio-economic development goals. Liamputtong et al. (2011) state that traditional healers are dignified figures in the health sector and leaders in the community. Thus, empowering local leaders, including traditional medical practitioners (Demaio, 2011), can help ensure sustainability of the health system.

Nature of indigenous knowledge

Indigenous knowledge is described by Njiraine and Roux (2011) as tacit knowledge stored in people’s memories and deeply rooted in activities that cover all aspects of life. Existing indigenous knowledge systems are developed by people in order to overcome challenges faced by them in their lives. They have built up and established appropriate mechanisms as remedial measures for those challenges, and have refined them through experience and trial and error experiments. IK is a socially desirable, economically affordable, and sustainable resource that involves minimum risk (Sithole, 2007). Kashmelmous and Sen (2006) state that IK encompasses more than just technologies and practices. It includes ‘information’ (e.g. trees and plants that grow well together); ‘practices and technologies’ (e.g. bone setting methods); ‘beliefs’ (e.g. holy forests that form vital watersheds); ‘education’ (e.g. apprenticeships); and ‘communication’ (e.g. folk media).

Generally, IK is exchanged through personal communication and demonstrations from the teacher to the apprentice, from parents to children, from neighbour to neighbour. The traditional chain of oral communication is disintegrating due to urbanization and changes in life style, family, and community relationships. Adults or the younger generation have no time or interest in spending time on their traditional heritage. Grenier (1998: 5) considers that “More and more knowledge is being lost as a result of the disruption of traditional channel of oral communication.” Most IK systems are seriously influenced by rapid population growth, modern technology and development, globalization, and educational systems. Butaud et al. (2015) describe the loss of traditional knowledge as a global reality in this era. In the light of Siriginidi’s (2006) critical view on the prevailing situation, IK systems are at risk of becoming extinct due to rapid changing natural environments and fast pacing economic, political, and cultural changes at a global scale. In addition, colonialism undermined the value and usage of IK in developing countries over the last two centuries. McPherson (2007) commented that colonialism has robbed the sub-Saharan region of its heritage. International organizations such as UNESCO, the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD), the World Health Organization (WHO), the World Trade Organization (WTO), the World Intellectual Property Organization (WIPO), the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD), etc. have focused their attention on the rapid loss of IK over the last decade as a global crisis, and UNESCO (2017) stressed that not only unwritten, undocumented languages, but important ancestral knowledge also will have been lost by the end of this century. Presently, a part of IK is codified while the rest remains as people’s memories.

Importance of indigenous knowledge

Senanayake (2006) describes IK as a key to sustainable development, because it constantly provides appropriate mechanisms to resolve problems related to the relevant discipline. Most developing countries now realize the importance of IK in sustainable development. Chisita (2011) stressed that IK plays a vital role in formulation and implementation of sustainable development policies and projects, which is not limited to developing countries. Tjiek (2006) pointed out that most Western countries have increased interest in IK in the developing countries because of their favourable features. IK is recognized as a tool to promote cultural sensitivity or an appropriate form of development for a country (Kargbo, 2006). Hunter (2005) states that the capture and preservation of indigenous knowledge help to revitalize endangered cultures, improve economic independence and sustainability of indigenous communities, and increase community-based involvement in planning and development.

Documentation of indigenous knowledge

Documentation is one way to validate, disseminate, and protect IK from biopiracy (Sithole, 2007), though there is a threat of misappropriation of IK. Some IKs, such as indigenous medicine, cannot be fully documented as they are based on the thoughts, practices and blessings of practitioners. The potential of information communication technology (ICT) in knowledge management has rapidly increased due to its favourable features such as accuracy, speed, storage capacity, organization, dissemination techniques, etc. and ICT initiatives such as electronic databases and websites are used to publish local knowledge on a global scale. The Traditional Knowledge Digital Library in India, the Korean Traditional Knowledge Portal, and the Chinese Traditional Medicine Database System are a few examples.

Knowledge management

Knowledge management is the process that accommodates communities or organizations in manipulating their knowledge. It includes establishment of strategies and procedures, with proper utilization of technologies (Lwoga et al., 2010). Atefeh et al. (1999) and Njiraine and Roux (2011) defined knowledge management as a management process that involves identifying, capturing, disseminating, and exploiting the knowledge possessed by an organization for the benefit of employees and clients. In this context, knowledge management theories and practices can be utilized to manage the indigenous knowledge of indigenous medicine. Lwoga et al. (2010) confirmed that some knowledge management practices are already used in communities to enhance the management of IK.

Indigenous knowledge management policy

Some African and Asian countries have formulated policies and development programmes, including legal frameworks, to promote IK. In many countries, the government and NGOs help communities with promoting IK-based products and services, including forest and agricultural products, herbal medicine, cultural heritage, or traditional health-based tourism (Kothari, 2007). Msuya (2007) specified that each country should have an IK management policy which encourages and provides guidelines on innovation, conservation and preservation of IK, including government appreciation of IK, political commitment on IK, copyright and patent issues, usage of IK, trans-border IK and how to share it, protection of IK, preservation of IK, and distribution of benefits accrued from IK. Financial matters related to IK management should also form part of IK policy. Abioye et al. (2011) considered IK management policy as a vital requirement for a country.

Challenges in the management of indigenous knowledge

A limited number of individuals in any society know and master their own knowledge system, such as indigenous medicine, in depth. Further, they treat their knowledge as their family or personal heritage. Such an attitude hinders the management of IK. Primadesi (2012) identified the prevailing situation of IK in Sumatra, and noted that only a limited number of individuals are competent enough to implement the oral traditions, while not only traditional practices, but also the terms and conditions, meaning, value and philosophical insight of IK are known by a very few people. Language barriers, different writing styles, including flowing hands and hidden formats are other difficulties faced by IK managers. For example IK can be found in number of different languages in India (Hariharan et al., 2014). Insufficient IK management policies and lack of appropriate information and communication technology policies badly affect the management of IK in developing countries. Countries such as Korea and China have been able to manage their IK with the help of IK management policies while encouraging IK-based innovations and integration of IK with modern knowledge (Hariharan et al., 2014). Siriginidi (2006) summarized some difficulties experienced by IK managers which are common to any developing country as follows: insufficient funds, inadequate cooperation from responsible agencies, dearth of trained power, reinvention of the wheel, inability to harness past experiences, poor documentation, and poor networking and sharing among related institutions.

Indigenous knowledge systems in Sri Lanka

Sri Lanka is very rich in biodiversity, cultural heritage and indigenous knowledge (Senanayake, 2006). The socio-economic system in the country is greatly influenced by indigenous knowledge systems, which mainly include water management, healthcare, and agriculture. Knowledge systems used by the older generation remain in society in various forms and validity, and communities accept the use of such knowledge.

Sri Lanka is considered a ‘hydraulic civilization’. The irrigation works in ancient Sri Lanka were some of the most complex irrigation of the ancient world. They consist of many tanks (reservoirs), ponds and water parks connected by a network of irrigation canals. The primary role of these irrigation systems was to supply water for agriculture and public utilities. Ruins of arts and crafts and architectural remains in ancient cities such as Anuradhapura, Polonnaruwa and Sigiriya (World Heritage), and cultural events such as ‘Esala perahara’ (the world famous cultural procession held to pay homage to the sacred tooth relic of Lord Buddha) provide evidence of the cultural identity of the country.

Indigenous medical system of Sri Lanka

The history of the indigenous system of medicine in Sri Lanka traces back to pre-Aryan civilization in the country. Hansini et al. (2016) claim that it is older than 3000 years. According to folk stories, King Ravana was a great physician who initiated the medical tradition in the country. The indigenous medical history of the country states that he authored a number of medical books (Attygalle, 1888; Obeysekara, 2013). Currently, certain families or traditions, individuals, and communities maintain the traditional medical knowledge system. For example, the ‘Horivila’ tradition is well recognized for bone setting (orthopaedics) while the ‘Yatiyana’ tradition is famous for treating paralysis. This knowledge is disseminated within family boundaries or to apprentices through traditional channels.

The indigenous medical system of the country is called ‘Deshiya Chikitsa’, ‘Sinhala Vedakama’ or ‘Hela Vedakama,’ which encompass ritual healing practices, astrology, religious observances, and spiritual powers. Experiences gained over a long period of time form the basis of this system. The history of medicine in Sri Lanka has been maintained for centuries by synthesizing several factors, some of which were unique to the country (Uragoda, 1987). The Indian system of medicine known as ‘Ayurveda’ was introduced into Sri Lanka with the arrival of Prince Vijaya and his band of settlers from North India in the 6th century BC, while the existing medical system (Hela Vedakama) was integrated with the Ayurvedic system when Arahath Mahinda introduced Buddhism to the country in the 3rd century BC (Commission on Indigenous Medicine, 1947: 4).

The government of Sri Lanka, having recognized the value of the indigenous system of medicine, established a separate department in 1961 and a ministry in 1980 to upgrade and re-validate the indigenous system of medicine. At present around 20,000 registered indigenous medical practitioners and over 8,000 un-registered practise in the public health care service in the country (Ministry of Health and Indigenous Medicine, 2013). A considerable proportion of the population consults both types of practitioners.

Due to current socio economic developments and factors such as low recognition and lack of support from the government, this precious system of knowledge faces the danger of extinction with the passing away of the older generation. The President of Sri Lanka correctly identified this situation and highlighted the importance of indigenous knowledge at the United Nations Sustainable Development Summit in 2015. Thus, the responsibility lies with the government and communities who enjoy the benefits of indigenous medicine to raise their voices to maintain it as their heritage and as a part of the country’s economy.

Types of IK in indigenous medicine in Sri Lanka

Historical and archaeological evidence proves that there has been a well-established indigenous medical system in Sri Lanka for centuries. Mahawamsa, the great chronicle of Sri Lanka, describes a government-sponsored health care system, which dates back to the 4th century BC during the reign of King Pandukabhaya (Mahavamsa, 1960). The hospital system established in Anuradhapura and Polonnaruwa, the capital cities of the country during the period starting from the 4th century BC, embraced four categories: hospitals for Buddhist monks, hospitals for laymen, maternity homes and hospitals for outdoor patients (Siriweera, 2003). Muller-Dietz (1975) describes the Mihintale Hospital in Anuradhapura as perhaps the oldest hospital in the world. Knox (1681) in his book titled ‘Historical account on Sri Lanka’ elaborates on the indigenous medical system of the country as follows: “Here are no professed physitians [physicians] nor chyrurgeons [surgeons], but all in general have some skill that way and are physitians, and chyrurgeons to themselves.” Not only in Sri Lanka, but also other countries such as China, India and Korea (Hariharan et al., 2014) and Indonesia (Primadesi, 2012), and African countries (Msuya, 2007), possess well-established indigenous medical systems basically in oral form. Chakraborty and Paul (2004) noted that the scarcity of writing materials, unavailability of their own scripts and lack of literacy were some of the reasons for maintaining the oral tradition in the communities which possessed IK.

The survey revealed that according to the oral history, Pulastya Rishi (According to legends, Pulastya is one of the one of the ten Prajapatis or mind-born sons of Brahma) was the earliest personality associated with the indigenous medical system in Sri Lanka. It is believed that the ancient King Ravana, grandson of Pulastya Rishi, continued the medical tradition. As a great physician too, he wrote five books on medicine namely: Arka Prakasha, Nadi Prakasha, Agni Prakasha, Kumara Thantra and Uddish Thantra (Obeysekara, 2013). Some of these books remain as the only documentary evidence of the early history of medicine in the country. Thereafter, a number of source books on medicine were written by renowned authors. Saratha Sangrahaya, Besajjamanjusa, Yogarnavaya, Prayogarathnavaliya, Yogarathnakaraya are some of these works. A large number of indigenous medical practitioners dealt with fulfilling the medical requirements of the country.

The Ayurveda Medical Council of Sri Lanka has recognized nine branches of the medical system: Sarvanga (General medicine), Sarpa Vedakama (Treatments for snakebite), Kadumbidum Vedakama (Treatments of fractures and dislocations), Oduvana Vedakama (Treatment for abscess and tumors), Davum Pilissum Vedakama (Treatment for burning), Vidum Pilissum Vedakama (Piercing and heat treatment), Es Vedakama (Ophthalmology), Manasikaroga Vedakama (Psychiatry), and Charmaroga Vedakama (Dermatology). In addition, veterinary medicine was one of the well established branches of medicine in the country (Mahavamsa, 1960).

De Silva (1913) described two broad categories of indigenous medical system based on Saratha Sangraha, which was composed by King Buddhadasa in Sanskrit in the 5th century AC. The first category is dedicated for the treatment of human beings, while the second is dedicated for the treatment of animals such as elephants, horses and birds such as fowls and peacocks. Treatment for cattle was one of the wide spread areas of veterinary medicine in the country which was not included among the animals listed in the Saratha Sangraha.

Custodians of IK of indigenous medicine in Sri Lanka and its format

Sri Lanka possesses a well-established indigenous medical system basically in the oral form. The survey revealed that, except for the major source books and some manuscripts, indigenous knowledge of medicine still remains of a tacit nature. Historical evidence says that up to early 19th century the Ola leaf – a kind of palm leaf – was the main writing material in the country. Apart from the above-mentioned source books, there were many Ola-leaf manuscripts in personal collections and monasteries, including commentaries and glossaries of the original works. Somadasa (1959) identified 1587 monasteries which declared their holdings, which included around 70,000 Ola-leaf manuscripts on various subjects.

Many of the early works kept in the palaces, monasteries and personal collections have disappeared as a result of general destruction of valuable libraries and personal collections, the influence of foreign invasions, etc. Some of the invaders destroyed the palaces of the kings, monasteries and their belongings, including the collections of their libraries. A large number of manuscripts have been taken away by the colonial rulers. Perera (2014) has collected information on Ola-leaf manuscripts taken from Sri Lanka and housed in other countries, based on catalogues and historical records. According to him there are around 4000 Ola-leaf manuscripts in the British Museum Library, 66 Ola-leaf manuscripts in Cambridge University Library, 94 Ola-leaf manuscripts on indigenous medicine in the Wellcome Institute for the History of Medicine in London, 109 Ola-leaf manuscripts on indigenous medicine in the Osler Library of the History of Medicine in Canada, 115 Ola-leaf manuscripts on indigenous medicine in libraries of the United States, and a large quantity of Ola-leaf manuscripts on indigenous medicine housed in the Amsterdam Museum, in The Netherlands. Liyanarathne (1999) stated that more than 100 Sri Lankan Ola-leaf manuscripts are housed in the Bodleian Library in Oxford.

Ola-leaf manuscripts housed in monasteries, libraries or personal collections are on various subjects, including Buddhism, literature, indigenous medicine and subjects related to indigenous medicine such as astrology, psychiatry (bhuta vidya), charms (mantras) and talismans (yantras) in Sinhala, Pali and Sanskrit. Some of the manuscripts have been written in the form of verses and some of the medical recipes have been written in the form of riddles.

The study observed that all the institutes selected for the study have collected many Ola-leaf manuscripts and some paper-based manuscripts. Numbers of Ola-leaf manuscripts held by each library are as follows:

The Institute of Indigenous Medicine, University of Kelaniya also owns 80 paper based manuscripts, while the Institute of Indigenous Medicine, University of Colombo owns 108. However, the respondents have no mechanism to build up their library collections with materials of rich national and cultural value. It is revealed that only a limited number of people possess a sound knowledge of IK in Sri Lanka. Among them, there are three types of IK holders in indigenous medicine as follows:

Registered indigenous medical practitioners.

Existence of indigenous medicine management policy

The study revealed that lack of any sound policy or mechanism to manage IK in indigenous medicine in the country affects the protection of the valuable knowledge system, which is gradually disappearing with the older generation.

All the respondents were of the same opinion on IK management policy. According to them there is no mechanism to identify, collect, evaluate and purchase valuable materials held in personal collections for their libraries. Therefore, they depend on donations in collecting materials like Ola-leaf manuscripts. Similarly, there is no well-established preservation and dissemination policy for existing collections.

It was identified that the major areas which have to be covered by policy decisions on IK management are: identifying or locating IK of indigenous medicine dispersed in the country; collecting Ola-leaf or paper-based manuscripts and intangible knowledge scattered in the country and overseas; preservation of IK in the public or private domain; and benefit sharing system, including protection of intellectual property through national and international legal frameworks and patents.

The study identified that the Department of Indigenous Medicine has taken some steps to collect manuscripts in indigenous medicine from registered indigenous medical practitioners. It has failed due to poor communication and planning. The Head of the Department of Indigenous Medicine said “that we have been unable to maintain a strong mutual understanding with IK holders of indigenous medicine is one of the reasons for failure the project.”

Constraints in management of IK in indigenous medicine

Although a number of government institutes exists in the field of indigenous medicine, the lack of leading institutes to manage IK of indigenous medicine and absence of co-operation among related institutes were identified as constraints to manage IK. The head of the Department of Indigenous Medicine stated:

“University Institutions are attached to a separate ministry and a department. And the Department of Indigenous Medicine plays a different role in the same field. Therefore, the Department has no power to interfere with the duties performed by those institutes.”

Inadequate financial support, poor infrastructure facilities and minimal use of modern technologies also caused the IK management process to be set back. All the institutes selected for the study stressed their positions on IK management as follows:

“Purchasing, maintenance and preservation cost of Ola-leaf and paper based manuscripts are comparatively high. As we are non-profit making bodies our annual budgetary allocations are poor. Our collection development in relation to IK is limited to donations. Sometimes we experience difficulties of maintaining existing collections due to poor infrastructure facilities such as lack of proper storage, environmental conditions, and inadequate treatments against deterioration, insect attacks, etc.”

It was found that some IK of indigenous medicine management projects failed due to institutional negligence. The following description by one of the respondents discloses the extent of negligence of some of the institutions in relation to preservation of IK in indigenous medicine:

“The Ola-leaf manuscripts collection had been microfilmed with the foreign funds long time ago, before the respondent was recruited in the institute. The project was completed. The administration of the institute was changed from time to time. No one cares about the microfilms. At present almost all the microfilms are unserviceable due to the poor maintenance.”