Abstract
In his new book, A World of Gangs, John M Hagedorn examines the impact of the network society on the formation, development and subsequent actions of different gangs. The author intended, through this work, to give gangs and other armed groups the voice they deserve; these are voices ‘filled with multiple meanings, contradictions, and intense cultural struggle’ (p. 86). Looking at the phenomenon of gangs, Hagedorn observes that:
… institutionalized gangs and other armed young men [that] have become permanent fixtures in many ghettos, barrios, and favelas across the globe are an ever present option for marginalized youth. [G]angs are unmistakable signs that all is not well and that millions of people are being left out of the marvels of a globalized economy. (p. xxiv)
Lest he be mistaken to be blaming everything – even the proliferation of gangs and armed men – on a highly globalized world, Hagedorn emphasizes that, ‘globalization is not the cause of gangs . . . their unprecedented growth results from massive urbanization, immigration and weakened states’ (p. xxiv); however, in the latter part of the book, he points out how the ‘global era . . . has resulted in economic and social polarization in much of the world’ (p. 89).
With this as a backdrop, gangs can be seen in a different light, and Hagedorn has been able to transcend traditional theories in criminology by using ‘more robust frameworks . . . found in Castells, Touraine, West, Bell and others’ (p. 64). Applying these theories to the analysis of the world of gangs, Hagedorn challenges existing viewpoints about gangs and illuminates a new avenue to see how this social phenomenon exists and thrives. The invasion of networks of social relations by mindsets and structural patterns brought about by sources of social cleavages, new technologies, commodity markets and resistance to dominant identities in the context of the network society are some of the central themes of this brilliant book. Furthermore, he attempts to capture this phenomenon as evinced by the three main points of the book: (1) gangs are not a unique form but one of many kinds of armed groups that occupy uncontrolled spaces of the ‘world of slums’; (2) gangs are shaped by racial and ethnic oppression, as well as poverty, and are reactions of despair to persisting inequality; and (3) it is in this power of identity, including the more life-affirming currents within the hip-hop lifestyle, where we can nurture a cultural counterforce to youth’s nihilism, misogyny and self-destructiveness’ (pp. xxiv–xxv). Most of the chapters are brief, straight to the point, interspersing data with crisp theoretical analysis. The book does not only present empirical evidence, but will also enable the reader to understand further the intricacy of applying social theories in a particular context; this makes it easier for the readers to peruse, further scrutinize, formulate insights and deepen their knowledge.
‘Gangs are not a unique form’ (p. xxiv). To highlight this point, Hagedorn asks: ‘why do gangs in some cities come and go, as in New York, London, or Buenos Aires, while in other cities, such as Chicago, Cape Town, or Rio de Janeiro, they become more apparent?’ (p. 3). In response, the author proceeds to explain this world of slums, as he observes a global trend where more and more people – especially in Third World countries – are indeed migrating to urban areas due to lack of opportunities in the rural setting. Increasing migration to cities, urbanization, free market policies of globalization and the retreat of the state have caused polarization and subsequent social exclusion in the world. Thus, he declares that ‘globalization is urbanizing the earth’s population, polarizing rich and poor and creating vast spaces of social exclusion of slums within the cities’ (p. 21). Consequently, quoting Manuel Castells, he states that this brings about ‘unfettered markets . . . tantamount to wild societies’ (p. 7). This dire condition contributes to the creation of hopeless situations that ‘produce all sorts of “Monsters” and armed groups trying to survive and make sense out of their situation’ (p. 49). The author argues that: ‘in more and more of the world’s urban areas, conditions are ripening for the institutionalization of gangs and other armed groups’ (p. 21); hence, gangs can be viewed as groups acquiring identities ‘shaped by the need to adapt to changing conditions’ (p. 8). This then leads to the next section and major point of the book (point 2 above).
In Hagedorn’s view, ‘to properly understand gangs, we need to grasp the depth of the alienation among those who are left out’ because of racial and ethnic oppression (p. xxvii). The ‘desperate conditions in ghettos, barrios, and favelas produce angry and alienated groups of armed young men and women’ (p. 53). The author explains that racial and ethnic discrimination is prevalent in most gangs such as neighborhood-based white gangs, Latinos and blacks; however, he emphasizes that ‘not all gangs are from minority groups’. Gangs can also be ‘socialized in the prisons, streets and not by conventional institutions’ (p. xv), where they begin to acquire their own identity outside race and ethnicity, and it is in these socializing situations where they encounter other forms of oppression brought about by poverty and persisting inequality. With this social exclusion, gangs tend to create ‘identities to protect their personality and community’ (p. 60). In the network society, gang members can be construed as possessors of what Castells labels, ‘resistance identity’; they are simultaneously the shapers and the outcome of these identities. This pervasive characteristic of gangs across the different sites the author has delved into is the most important aspect of analysis of gangs. This brings us to the last major point of the book (point 3 above).
‘It is in this power of identity, including the more life-affirming currents within the hip-hop lifestyle, where we can nurture a cultural counterforce to youth’s nihilism, misogyny and self-destructiveness’ (p. xv). Instead of using concepts such as ‘delinquent subcultures’ or ‘culture of poverty’, Hagedorn argues that ‘it’s the music, stupid’ (p. xxvi). He complains about the lack of scientific analysis of gansta rap and hip-hop as a ‘consequence of criminology’s systemic deracializing of both gangs and culture’. For him, culture is an important aspect that should be analysed in depth as it ‘has assumed a much greater importance in the global era’ (p. 85). He concentrates on the need to reconsider gang culture and look at rap and hip-hop as a way of resistance; utilizing Tricia Rose – who uses Castell’s concept of resistance identity – gangsta and hip-hop are seen as ‘examples of resistance identities . . . forbidden narrative . . . a symbol of rebellion’ (pp. xxvi, 85). What can be seen is a ‘creation of a powerful global identity based on street experiences that are filled with multiple meanings, contradictions, and intense cultural struggle’ (p. 86). Culture can be used as a conceptual tool that is more relevant, useful and responsive to explain the existence of this phenomenon.
A World of Gangs has presented ‘evidence that gangs, whether we like it or not, are a normal feature of cities worldwide’ (p. 131). Indeed, Hagedorn echoes the ‘voices of gang members themselves. . . . as they see it . . . their voices demand respect and recognition’ (p. xxii). This book is an excellent introduction for the social scientist who would like to better understand the complexity of existing gangsta culture. Moreover, for those who are interested in theory, the book presents a fresh way of applying social theory in contexts where it is least expected. A World of Gangs is an empirical study with an acute application of social theory, or it may be considered a theoretical book filled with empirical observations.