Abstract
A huge body of literature deals with racial and ethnic mobilization. Whatever the discipline (sociology, political science, economics), much of the existing research relies on case studies. On the one hand, this leads to a deep comprehension and knowledge of ethnic movements, ethnic protests and ethnic conflicts. On the other hand, there is no generalized theoretical framework. Susan Olsak offers such a generalized framework with The Global Dynamics of Racial and Ethnic Mobilization. The main element of this new framework is to take into account the processes associated with globalization. First, Olsak asserts that these processes modify the incidence of racial and ethnic mobilization events. Second, she underlines that they influence the form of these events (level and seriousness of ethnic violence, as well as non-violent ethnic conflict). These two effects of globalization on racial and ethnic mobilization are noted in existing literature, and Olsak provides a systematic and precise confrontation between existing theoretical arguments and two large data sets. Thus, her contribution to literature is twofold. First, she tests some previously untested propositions. Second, she gives coherence to sometimes opposed arguments, linking them from a global perspective.
The author has organized her book in 10 chapters. She provides a clear and didactic guide to the chapters (pp. xiv–xv). I follow its structure to review this book: Chapters 1 and 10 (Olsak’s main arguments), Chapter 2 (definitions of key concepts), Chapter 3 (presentation of the data), Chapters 4–8 (empirical applications) and Chapter 9 (focus on the endogeneity problem).
Olsak opens the book by presenting a comprehensive and exhaustive pluridisciplinary review of literature about ethnic movements and their relationships with various determinants: world integration, poverty, income inequality, membership in international organizations, human rights ideology diffusion, politics regarding minorities and migrants, location of social authority and diffusion of social movements. She defines and links all these elements to build her heuristic model, graphically summarized in Figure 1.1 ‘Heuristic model of the interplay among world-, country-, and groups-level forces and ethnic mobilization’ (p. 27). Here, the reader finds a combination of insights from various disciplines that underlines competing explanatory explanations of ethnic movements. Determinants can be countervailing, making ethnic movements a non-straightforward phenomenon. The book ends with Chapter 10, where Olsak summarizes coherently her results and proposes several further research issues.
In the second chapter the author takes on a conceptual task and introduces both various definitions used in the literature and her own formulations. Here, Olsak manages to present key debates about ethnicity, ethnic identity, social movements and nationalism, but without entering herself directly into these debates. At this point, I should immediately add that Olsak nonetheless informs the reader about her own position within these key debates, which situate her own previous works. For example, she uses the term ‘ethnic mobilization’ as a generic label to cover both racial and ethnic mobilizations. However, she does not underline these points per se. Indeed, her objective is rather pragmatic: setting which definitions she will use for following empirical applications. First, she takes ‘the position that it is more useful to consider how racial and ethnic movements have revived ancient traditions, dialects, or practices, and how they have made use of historical myths in mobilizing sentiments and loyalties against ethnic enemies’ (p. 34). Second, she adopts ‘a working definition of social movements as (a) sustained collective actions by an identifiable group, (b) in interaction with opponents (counter movements), authorities, or both’ (p. 37). On the basis of these two elements, she asserts that ethnic markers are not sufficient to lead to mobilization. Third, she dedicates the three remaining quarters of the second chapter to a comprehensive review of forces that drive ethnic conflict, including research design and measurement issues.
Chapter 3 is dedicated to data presentation. Olsak uses two large data sets: the Minorities at Risk (MAR) data set and the Protocol for the Assessment of Nonviolent Direct Action (PANDA) data set. MAR covers a period from 1945 to the present for 284 politically active ethnic groups. Thus, there is a selection bias insofar as ethnic movement is the variable to study. For MAR, Olsak focuses only on the 1965–1998 period. For PANDA, she uses the 1984–1995 period. PANDA’s observations are not selected on the basis of ethnic activity. Olsak gains empirical leverage combining these two data sets. First, she can address both incidence and magnitude of ethnic mobilization. Second, she covers more than 30 years, with an overlap period of 10 years. Third, she can verify if her results are the same with both data sets. Additionally, here the reader finds clear explanations about data mining. Olsak concludes Chapter 3 by underlying that both data sets describe a rise of ethnic mobilization until the middle or the end of the 1990s, and then a fall. In the majority of the cases, Olsak’s findings are sustained by both data sets.
Chapters 4–8 are devoted each to detailed analysis of the relationship between globalization and ethnic mobilization. Three organizing concepts are to be noted in this connection. First, Olsak makes a distinction between core and periphery countries: ‘core’ signifies economic dominance, among other things; ‘periphery’ signifies notably high inequalities and political instability. Regarding the frequency of ethnic mobilization, core countries experienced moderate mobilization until the end of the Cold War, and then they witnessed as many incidences as periphery countries. Periphery countries experienced a similar incidence of ethnic mobilization before and after the Cold War. Regarding the form of ethnic activity, core states experienced less violent mobilizations more frequently (but recently this proportion decreases), while periphery states seem inherently linked to more rebellions and a higher magnitude of violence.
Second, the author deals with the level of globalization through international non-governmental organization (INGO) memberships. Whatever the field of INGOs, their importance within a country leads to more mobilization, including ethnic mobilization. Moreover, whatever the type of country (core or periphery), INGO memberships lead to more violent ethnic conflict. Third, Olsak challenges some links between given determinants and ethnic mobilization. Notably, she underlines that ethnic and linguistic fragmentation increases ethnic mobilization, while religious fragmentation has a negative effect. Competition between ethnic groups for interests and objectives has a positive effect, except for land competition, which is non-significant.
Chapter 9 provides the reader with a focus on techniques to take into account the endogeneity problem. Dealing with this issue in a dedicated chapter is didactic and reinforces Olsak’s results. Indeed, she both underlines and sums up her key robust arguments. This chapter is also representative of Olsak’s care about data use and quantitative analysis. First, she makes a clear presentation that allows the reader to reproduce the analysis. Second, she mentions limitations. Third, as she did for her theoretical arguments, she always puts in perspective her findings. Notably, she reminds the reader of the positive outcomes of ethnic mobilization that balance out the negative outcomes.
Did Olsak fulfil her objectives, announced in Chapter 1? Yes. She managed to provide some explanations of key paradoxes in the empirical literature. She made a distinction between causal mechanisms embedded in specific histories, and causal mechanisms shared across ethnic movements. She evaluated both malevolent and benevolent outcomes of ethnic mobilization. She gave a global perspective. She combined and confronted theory to empirical analyses.
I found this book to be very interesting and complete as it covers theoretical and empirical concerns of ethnic mobilization in a globalized world. Thus, I consider it a companion to any perspective on ethnic mobilization in different disciplines, including sociology, political science and economics.