Abstract
This book, edited by Yildiz Atasoy, examines the ‘intensification of a market-oriented path of development and the tensions and uncertainties associated with an increasingly precarious mode of living for many in the world’ (p. 1). The authors of this volume stress the need to understand neoliberal globalization as a phenomenon that is historical and profoundly complex rather than a ‘coherent and unified system’ (p. 2). The book discusses the challenges underlying the expansion of the neoliberal logic through various academic perspectives (sociology, economics, geography, international studies, labor studies, sustainability, education, and public policy). Drawing on case studies from Canada, Mexico, Brazil, China, and Turkey, the authors emphasize the widening global inequalities and vulnerabilities as a result of the dictatorship of ‘market rule and economic calculus’ (p. 18). The book is situated around themes related to global and human ecological concerns: ‘Commodification and Environmental Governance’ (Part I), ‘Market Developmentalism and Livelihood Change’ (Part II), ‘State Restructuring and Economic Development’ (Part III), ‘Alternative Forms of Politics’ (Part IV).
The centrality of the market rule principle and its setbacks is assessed in the book, including in Part I, which is divided into two chapters (Chapters 2 and 3). First, the book provides critical insights of the increasing commodification and economization of the world and the ensuing adverse effects on environmental preservation. Underpinned by a strong belief in the calculative nature of individuals and social groups, the neoliberal dogma, is a form of economization and marketization of the entire social world including the environmental realm. The economic focus is a watershed of most environmental policies, therefore resulting in the economization of the ecological realm and its control by a calculative logic (see Chapter 2, ‘Understanding neoliberalism as economicization: The case of environment,’ by Fikret Adaman and Yahya Mandra).
Second, the book explores the challenges of environmental governance under the conditions of neoliberal globalization, drawing from discussions about the privatization of watercourses, the decentralization of a water-user association, and the growing utilization of market instruments in Turkey. It critically analyzes current neoliberal policies and practices and the way they are shaped by historical and contextual factors (see Chapter 3, ‘Neoliberalism, nature, and changing modalities of environmental governance in contemporary Turkey,’ by Leila Harris and Mine Islar).
Core themes in Part II are: public–private partnerships (P3s) (Chapter 4); the effects of the industrial development of nanotechnology on labor (Chapter 5); China’s economic recovery from the global financial crisis (Chapter 6); and the impact of child-care policy reform on women’s participation in the labor market in China (Chapter 7).
First, what stands out in the analysis of P3s in the Canadian hospitals is that P3s result in dispossession and enable new market opportunities for private sector actors, therefore facilitating the expansion of the neoliberal principles. The primacy of the logic of ‘accumulation by dispossession’ may affect the sustainability of health sector employment, the quality of health services, and the social reproduction of the public health-care system (see Chapter 4, ‘Tarnished yet tenacious: Examining the track record and future of public-private partnerships hospitals in Canada,’ by Heather Whiteside).
Second, the book diagnoses the adverse impact of the industrial development of nanotechnology on employment and skills. The shrinking power of trade unions in countries characterized by the rise of nanotechnology means that they have limited capacities to protect social and industrial citizenship rights in the wake of multiple challenges faced by the labor market in a context of global economic crisis (see Chapter 5, ‘The industrial development of nanotechnology and its likely implications for labour,’ by Noela Invernizzi).
Third, the book analyzes the economic recovery of China from the global financial crisis by pointing out the significant achievements of this country on GDP and export growth rates over the past few years, owing to an array of factors including the international competitiveness of low cost made-in-China products. China’s ‘inland-oriented industrial relocation and expansion’ follows a ‘universal capital logic, constantly searching for sites with cheaper labour and resources’ (p. 149). China’s focus on the mainland stems from its endeavor to strengthen its economy and respond to the regional divides between the coastal and inland areas. There are various concerns about the adverse effects of the industrial relocation, as it could result in an overaccumulation crisis in China, with potential setbacks in the short term (see Chapter 6, ‘Global economic crisis and the “spatial fix” of China’s world factory: The great “long march” inland,’ by Jun Zhang).
Fourth, the book examines gaps in child-care policies in China following economic reforms over the last decades. Gaps in child-care policies have impeded working mothers’ participation in the labor market in China. The 2007–2008 global financial crisis worsened the child-care crisis in China. Lack of employment opportunities and child-care facilities constitute a double burden hindering women’s active participation in China’s labor market (see Chapter 7, ‘Childcare policy reform and women’s labour force participation in China,’ by Xinying Hu).
Core themes in Part III are: the political economy of Brazil’s developmental path since the 1990s (Chapter 8); the significant role of China in global economic recovery (Chapter 9); and the nexus between ‘Crisis, social class, and the “fixing” of capitalism in Mexico’ (Chapter 10).
First, the book explains why Brazil is moving toward an increasing ‘developmentalism’ and the ‘resurgence’ of the ‘developmental state’ as a result of political and economic shifts and other structural transformations. Also, it examines Brazil’s social policy and industrial strategy in the context of global expansion of neoliberalism (see Chapter 8, ‘Brazil: Neoliberal restructuring or rejuvenation of the development state?,’ by James Cypher).
Second, the book points out the significant role of China in the global economic recovery and challenged the vision of China as an export-led only economy. Over the last decades, China has underscored the need to rebalance its economy through a shift in the growth scheme and a focus on domestic consumption as a driver of economic growth. Despite a shift to a ‘wage-led growth model’ (p. 235), China’s economy is confronting various structural imbalances. Addressing these structural constraints would require greater consideration to social policies and technological upgrading. China alone cannot lead the world out of the global financial crisis. Countries in the Global North continue with neoliberal pro-capital profit-driven policies and export-oriented goals through the China market (see Chapter 9, ‘Can China’s growth lead the world out of the global economic crisis?’ by Paul Bowles).
Third, the book analyzes the effects of the different positions of diverse segments of the capitalist class in Mexico concerning capital mobility and national fixity and how these differing positions generate intraclass conflicts and the impacts on state policymaking. In its endeavor to make restitution for the loss of political consensus around neoliberal policies, the Mexican government strived to regulate these intraclass conflicts ‘through policies that helped capitalist fractions guarantee profits in their fixed and financial investments’ (p. 21). The distinct articulation of various capitalist groups in Mexico regarding capital mobility and fixity and the Mexican state mediation of intraclass conflicts have shone the way for policy responses to the 2007–2010 crises and contributed to the reproduction of existing power relations in a country faced with accrued inequality and precarious employment (see Chapter 10, ‘Crisis, social class, and the “fixing” of capitalism in Mexico,’ by Hepzibah Munoz Martinez).
Part IV consists of Chapter 11 (‘Alternative policy groups and transnational counter-hegemonic struggles,’ by WK Caroll) and Chapter 12 (‘Conclusion: Rethinking the politics of diversity,’ by Yildiz Atasoy). Caroll’s chapter investigates the role of transnational alternative policy groups (TAPGs) as counter-hegemonic actors of economic globalization. TAPGs constitute an alternative transnational project contesting the vision, concepts, and ideas underlying the neoliberal ideology. A ‘dialectical approach to the universal and particular’ (p. 278) is necessary for both North and South transnational movements in their struggle against neoliberal globalization.
Atasoy’s concluding chapter highlights the shared concern among the authors about the global ‘deepening of the neoliberal market economy model’ (p. 287). The authors call for an epistemological shift, one that allows deconstructing the ‘growth oriented narratives’ (p. 292) and the increasing ‘economization’ (p. 292) of individuals and the social world that also underpin ‘development via redistribution’ (p. 288). Development via redistribution or redistributive policies in the Global South contribute to the strengthening of capitalism and the growth of commodification, rather than catalyzing democracy, equality, social justice, and social inclusion.
Global Economic Crisis and the Politics of Diversity should be of great interest in the study of the ‘deep structural issues, fundamental ontological insecurities, and ecological consequences that express uneven proliferation in the global proliferation of a market model’ (p. 1). This book enhances significantly our understanding of the differentiated ‘“logics” and meanings of neoliberalism grounded in cultural values, worldviews and histories’ (p. 285).