Socioeconomic consequences of climate induced human displacement and migration in Bangladesh

Abstract

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The main objective of this study was to explore the types and nature of climate induced human displacement and migration, and their socioeconomic consequences in the agro-ecological zones of Bangladesh. The study followed a qualitative research design, where six agro-ecological zones were selected purposively from different parts of Bangladesh. A multi-method data collection method was applied, where the study conducted six participatory rural appraisals (PRAs), eight focus group discussions (FGDs), 24 key informant interviews (KIIs) and 12 in-depth case studies. Data were collected in 2012, and the study used a thematic approach for data analysis. Results showed that the dramatic onset disasters usually caused mass displacement, while the slow onset disasters affected the environment, local ecosystem services and employment opportunities that forced people to undergo routine economic migration at first, followed later by permanent migration. This permanent migration had long-term negative consequences on their livelihoods in terms of poverty, and especially for women, the elderly and those with a disability. It is concluded that while the study focuses on Bangladesh, the implications are international in scope. The findings serve as important guidelines to policy makers, disaster managers and development practitioners.

Keywords

Agro-ecological zones Bangladesh climate change disaster human displacement migration socioeconomic consequences

Introduction

Environmental and climate factors have a long impact on migration flows, as people have historically left places with harsh or deteriorating conditions (IOM, 2016). Over the last two decades, the number of recorded natural disasters has doubled from some 200 to over 400 per year. Nine out of every 10 natural disasters today are climate-related. The Norwegian Refugee Council indicated that as many as 20 million people were displaced by climate induced sudden onset natural disasters in 2008 alone (Elverland, 2009). Worldwide, sudden onset hazards such as earthquakes, floods, landslides and tropical storms displaced some 165 million people between 2008 and 2013. On 12 March 2015, a Category 5 tropical cyclone hit the Pacific islands of Vanuatu that was stronger than anything previously experienced on the islands – it affected 166,000 inhabitants, leaving 75,000 of them without adequate shelter and 110,000 in need of fresh water (Brende and Burkhalter, 2015). It is assumed that both sudden and slow onset climate-related hazards combined with rapid urbanization, population growth and pre-existing social vulnerabilities and poverty are likely to increase displacement and migration in the future.

This article focuses in particular on the human displacement and migration through climate change and natural disasters in Bangladesh. We believe that while the study focuses on Bangladesh, the implications are international in scope. It is predicted that approximately 20 million people in Bangladesh are living with the threat of such displacement, and the settlement of these environmentally displaced people will pose a serious problem (MoEF, 2008). People have been displaced and have migrated as a result of many social, political, economic and disaster-related reasons since the beginning of recorded history. Nevertheless, the more recent phenomenon of climate change suggests that Bangladesh is facing the challenge of mass external and internal migration, for which the country is inadequately prepared. Morton et al. (2008) note that climate change induced extreme weather events, primarily hydro-meteorological in nature, significantly affect displacement in three different ways in Bangladesh. First, the effects of warming and drying in some regions reduce agricultural potential and undermine ‘ecosystem services’ such as the availability of clean water and fertile soil. Second, heavy precipitation causes flash or river floods in tropical regions. And finally, the sea-level rise permanently destroys extensive and highly productive low-lying coastal areas that are home to millions of people who have to relocate permanently.

It is being observed that the northwest region in Bangladesh is experiencing new slow and sudden onset events like dense fog, floods and erratic rainfall. With temperature increases of 4°C expected in the future due to climate change, these observed trends are likely to continue. The dramatic onset disasters usually cause mass displacement, while the slow onset disasters affect the environment, local ecosystem services and employment opportunities, which forces people to undergo routine economic migration at first, followed later by permanent migration. Displacement is always triggered by sudden onset disasters, but economic and social factors like resource availability, social networks and livelihood opportunities determine whether or not migration occurs (Martin et al., 2013). The chronic, long-term issues emerging from extreme weather events also force people to migrate, especially during the post-disaster response and recovery phase when government mechanisms often fail to respond adequately to the situation (MoEF, 2008). This study particularly focuses on the types and nature of climate induced human displacement and migration, and their socioeconomic consequences, especially the vulnerabilities of the women and other family members when the men migrate to other places.

In Bangladesh, it is seen that people in a good financial condition (e.g. cash capital) and with resources (e.g. land and good housing facilities) migrate in a planned way, while those who are poorer, especially women, children, the elderly and disabled people, have fewer options for either planned or forced migration. Mallick and Vogt (2014) note that the total migration process has direct socioeconomic and cultural impacts on society at both the origin and destination of the displaced peoples. Planning systems in developing countries like Bangladesh have found it difficult to accommodate climate change related migration and uncontrolled urbanization (Ahsan et al., 2011). The people affected often remain stuck in vulnerable locations. Displaced and stuck people face persistent insecurity in terms of basic needs such as food, water and sanitation. They either starve or struggle with further natural disaster risks and degraded environmental conditions. Women are the primary victims of disaster events and also bear more of the burdens of ensuing food and water crises. For short- to medium-term migration, people usually move to adjacent chars (river islands) or embankments, especially when basic services are no longer available (Paul and Islam, 2015). In the case of long distance routine economic migration, people usually settle in large urban slums, or other ‘urban poverty pockets’, which lack basic services (UN Habitat, 2015). There has been little investigation into the types and nature of climate induced human displacement and migration, and their socioeconomic consequences. Using a qualitative approach, this study was, therefore, initiated to understand the ground-level types and causes of displacement and migration, and their links to climate change in particularly badly affected agro-ecological zones, and to analyse these drivers of migration, and their socioeconomic consequences.

Climate change, displacement and migration in Bangladesh

Bangladesh has an area of about 147,570 sq km and is home to 160.4 million people (World Population Review, 2015). The country is situated in the tropics in South Asia at the interface between two different environments: the Bay of Bengal to the south and the Himalayas to the north. The life-giving monsoons and the catastrophic ravages of natural disasters characterize the country (Department of Environment, 2007). About 10% of Bangladesh is barely one meter above the mean sea level, and one-third is affected by tides. At present, more than 50 million people are affected by disaster events every five years. The country’s long coastline faces one cyclone roughly every three years. Annually, approximately one-quarter of the country is inundated, while the 1998 flood inundated up to 61% of the country, rendering 45 million people homeless (Alam et al., 2011). People living in coastal areas are particularly vulnerable.

Climate change affects in Bangladesh in two ways. First, the changing temperatures and precipitation patterns threaten agriculture and food security. Second, the increase in climate induced disasters such as floods, droughts, saline water intrusion, river bank erosion and tidal surges will destroy infrastructure, crop production, natural resources, livelihoods, human lives and the national economy (Choudhury et al., 2005). The poor are the worst affected, especially women, children and disabled people. These impacts will likely intensify in the future and thus continue to disrupt Bangladesh’s efforts to achieve economic growth and eradicate poverty. Responding to disasters has already diverted significant parts of the development budget, with over US$10 billion invested by the Government of Bangladesh over the last three decades in making the country more climate resilient and less vulnerable to natural disasters (MoEF, 2008). It is now of huge concern that the effect of climate change on human rights, such as the right to life, food, adequate living standards and physical and mental health, is growing. The intensity of cyclones originating from the Bay of Bengal has increased and declining precipitation and droughts have dried up wetlands and severely degraded ecosystems. Salt water from the Bay of Bengal has penetrated 100 km or more inland along tributary channels during dry seasons (Parry et al., 2007).

The slow onset disasters such as increasing soil and water salinity in coastal areas due to sea-level rise are affecting new areas. Sudden onset disasters such as cyclones, tidal water incursion and river bank erosion in low-lying coastal districts are becoming more frequent and more intense (WaterAid in Bangladesh, 2012). People are experiencing changes in the duration of disaster events and also, new types of disasters. Droughts are now more severe in drought-prone northern areas, for example, but drought is also affecting new areas such as floodplains in the Sirajgonj and Faridpur districts, which used to be characterized by monsoon floods and river erosion. Fog, a common occurrence in winter in Faridpur and Sirajgonj, has now become a disaster event as its density and duration harms agriculture and local cottage textile factories. The central river basin floodplain areas are increasingly prone to slow onset disasters like drought and dense fog while other major river floodplains are prone to monsoon flooding and erosion. People living in coastal districts are experiencing regular floods with high tides, especially during new and full moon periods (Rahman et al., 2015). In addition to drought, the northwest region is experiencing dense fog, floods and erratic rainfall. In the last 25 years, Bangladesh has experienced six severe floods, with the 1988 and 1998 floods alone causing 2000–6500 and 1100 deaths and displacing as many as 45 and 30 million people respectively. Following Cyclone Aila in May 2009, an estimated 100,000 people were still living on embankments in the early months of 2010 (IOM, 2009; Islam and Hasan, 2016).

Literature review

The study focuses on three main issues – population displacement and migration, climate change and disasters, and socioeconomic consequences. ‘Population displacement’ is very complex to define whether it is temporary or permanent, internal or international, or forced or voluntary (Islam and Hasan, 2016; Mallick and Vogt, 2014). There is as yet no unique term to define those people who are being displaced or who migrate due to the environmental degradation of their original settlement (Mallick and Vogt, 2014). Renaud et al. (2007) divided the ‘environmentally displaced people’ into three groups according to their relation to environmental disruption: environmental emergent migrant (EEM), environmental forced migrant (EFM) and environmental motivated migrant (EMM). The term ‘climate induced displaced people’ (CIDP) has various synonyms, such as forced environmental migrant, environmentally motivated migrant, climate refugee, climate change refugee, climate induced migration, climigrant, climate change displaced people, environmentally displaced person (EDP), disaster refugee, eco-refugee, ecologically displaced person and environmental-refugee-to-be (ERTB) (Islam and Hasan, 2016). There is no international unanimity on the appropriate terminology for environmental migrants who move in response to climate-related factors. The International Organization for Migration (IOM) has proposed a working definition of environmental migrants as ‘persons or groups of persons who, for reasons of sudden or progressive changes in the environment that adversely affect their lives or living conditions, are obliged to leave their habitual homes, or choose to do so, either temporarily or permanently, and who move either within their country or abroad’ (IOM, 2007). Meanwhile, the term ‘climate induced displacement and migration’ implies a direct causal link between climate change and displacement and migration (Kniveton et al., 2008).

This study uses the concept ‘socioeconomic consequences’ as a general term, referring to conditions mainly related to combinations of economic and social factors such as income, poverty, unemployment, social security, health hazards, local public services and other livelihood problems. A number of studies have addressed these socioeconomic consequences (e.g. Chakraborty et al., 2005; Clark et al., 1998; Felsenstein and Lichter, 2014; Hasan and Foliente, 2015; Lall and Deichmann, 2009; Masozera et al., 2007; Shaughnessy et al., 2010).

The nature and types of studies on climate change, disasters, human displacement and migration are myriad. The majority of the studies in Bangladesh have emphasized the geographical and geological analysis. For example, Ahsan et al. (2011) examined the climate migration and urban planning system, whereas Sadhuram et al. (2012) pointed to the intensification of Cyclone Aila due to a warm core eddy in the north Bay of Bengal. Raju et al. (2012) presented the use of a high-resolution mesoscale model. A very few studies have examined the lives and livelihoods of those affected by climate induced human displacement/migration. For example, Mallick and Vogt (2014) found that income is the main motivation for human migration during the disasters, as the male members of the family start moving towards nearby cities to find a job. Ahsan et al. (2014) examined the drivers of migration, the impacts on individual and family livelihoods of the explosion of climate migrants and the subsequent effects on urbanization of major cities in Bangladesh. Saha’s (2015) findings suggested that the intensity, likelihood, speed of onset, familiarity and consequences of Cyclone Aila were regarded as significant hazard characteristics among the people in Bangladesh. From a study in five hazard villages in Bangladesh, Penning-Rowsell et al. (2013) found that the ‘push’ and ‘pull’ factors are affecting hazard-related migration. Rashid’s (2013) findings revealed that many migrants were forced to move in response to changes in conditions (or in their perception of conditions) at the places of origin. In a recent study, Islam and Hasan (2016) found that people displaced by Aila were migrating to nearby places due to their financial vulnerability, loss of physical resources and insecurity, and they were suffering severely in terms of unemployment, lack of housing, health problems and poor access to local public services. MM Islam and Herbeck (2013) found that fishing communities’ livelihoods are characterized by a series of vulnerabilities and endemic poverty which contribute to their migration decisions.

From the above discussion, it is seen that the types of migration and socioeconomic consequences are highly dependent on the social and ecological contexts to and from which people move (Locke et al., 2000). Black et al. (2011) described five categories that drive migration: social, political, economic, environmental and demographic (Figure 1). These five drivers might interact or overlap in different ways in different places. Of these five categories, climate change is generally understood to primarily influence the ‘environmental driver’ of migration. It, however, influences the ‘economic driver’ by affecting employment opportunities, income, wages and well-being. The experts agree that migration decisions are generally context specific and based upon multiple determinants. In Bangladesh, as a whole, the sea-level rise is most often cited as a primary cause of mass displacement. The objective of this study is to explore the types and nature of climate induced human displacement and migration, and their socioeconomic consequences.

Figure 1.

The influence of climate change on the drivers of migration.

Research objective and methodologies

Research objective

The main research objective was to explore the types and nature of climate induced human displacement and migration, and their socioeconomic consequences in the agro-ecological zones in Bangladesh. The specific objectives of the study were to:

Understand the types and nature of climate induced human displacement and migration in the agro-ecological zones in Bangladesh;

Analyse the economic consequences, particularly economic vulnerabilities such as low income and unemployment;

Analyse the social consequences, particularly social vulnerabilities such as poverty; sufferings of women, children, adolescents and disabled people; poor housing; health hazards; and lack of access to public services.

Study area and location

Bangladesh has many different agro-ecological zones, each of which is affected by climate change in different ways. Given the context of multi-hazard vulnerability caused by climate change, the study was carried out in six districts in Bangladesh, which were selected considering geographical diversity, population density and exposure to risk and vulnerabilities (Figure 2). The districts are as follows:

Dhaka was selected to understand the problems faced by people who migrated.

Khulna is a coastal district prone to cyclones, saline water intrusion and sea-level rise. The district was severely affected by Cyclone Sidr in November 2007 and Cyclone Aila in 2009.

Patuakhali is a coastal district, especially prone to tropical cyclones, salinity ingression and sea-level rise.

Naogaon is situated in the northern part of the country, which is facing the slow onset of drought.

Sirajgonj is situated in the middle of the country, which is especially prone to monsoon flooding and river erosion.

Faridpur is especially prone to monsoon flooding and river erosion.

Figure 2.

Map of the study area.

Main research approach and method

This study used a qualitative research approach in order to understand the types and nature of climate induced human displacement and migration, and their socioeconomic consequences in these six agro-ecological zones in Bangladesh. We thought that the conditions of the people affected in the agro-ecological zones in terms of understanding their livelihoods and the socioeconomic consequences required the application of qualitative methods. A multi-method data collection method was employed. A number of authors such as Fletcher et al. (2013), Tall et al. (2013), Islam and Hossain (2014) and Islam and Hasan (2016) have used this research approach in similar studies.

Sample design and respondents

The study used a purposive sampling in order to select respondents for different qualitative data collection methods. We conducted six participatory rural appraisals (PRAs) to collect information from the six agro-ecological zones; 18 focus group discussion (FGDs) (three in each location) with disaster affected people, keeping a representational balance in terms of gender, age and socioeconomic group; 24 key informant interviews (KIIs) (four from each location) with the local government, community based organizations (CBOs) and community representatives; and 12 case studies (two from each location) with disaster affected people (Table 1). Data were collected between August and November 2012.

Table 1.

An overview of methodological tools.

Data collection methods	Instruments	Sources of data	Total units
PRAs	Checklist	Agro-ecological zones	6 zones
FGDs	Guideline	Disaster affected people	18 (3 from each zone)
In-depth case studies	Guideline	Disaster affected people	12 (2 from each zone)
KIIs	Guideline	Local government, CBOs & community representatives	24 (4 from each zone)

Data collection methods and instruments

As noted, a number of qualitative data collection methods were employed for this study. This kind of multi-method data collection procedure was very useful to extract on-the-ground information on the experiences of the displaced people (Islam and Hasan, 2016) on the one hand, and contributed in assessing causal links between the causes and socioeconomic consequences of climate induced human displacement and migration on the other. We conducted six PRAs in the selected agro-ecological zones. The FGDs and in-depth case studies were conducted with disaster affected people who had long experience of vulnerability. The number of participants in each FGD ranged from 10 to 15. We consulted a number of people from diverse groups such as the representatives of the local government, members of CBOs and community leaders in our KIIs. Additionally, we reviewed a number of relevant documents in order to gain a better understanding of the concepts and to develop a conceptual framework for the study. We developed separate guidelines and checklists for the PRAs, FGDs, KIIs and in-depth case studies (see Table 1).

Quality assurance: Data analysis techniques, validity and reliability

The study considered three main variables, i.e. human displacement and migration, types and nature of climate induced human displacement and migration, and socioeconomic consequences. We used an Excel database for the management and integration of different types of data (Hahn, 2008; Islam, 2015). Excel can handle large amounts of data, provide multiple attributes and allow for a variety of display techniques (Meyer and Avery, 2009). This technique allowed us to code and analyse data in a Word document, where our goal was to identify themes and reduce the amount of text to easier-to-manage chunks. We used overarching themes to categorize our qualitative data. We followed a thematic approach in order to analyse the qualitative data, and then triangulated. Triangulation permitted the search for convergence and divergence in the multiple sources of information gathered in order to develop and confirm (or disconfirm) the analytic themes (Golafshani, 2003). The study was pre-tested in one zone (Dhaka). Based on this field experiences, the data collection instruments were further modified. Reasonable precautions were taken so that the field-level data collectors could remain free from any sort of temptation to gain anything from the concerned parties. The qualitative data collected through the different methods were carefully written up and compiled immediately each day after returning from the field. The field-level data collectors transcribed the interviews and quoted verbatim the respondents from their recorded speeches. Data collected in each specific zone were stored in a separate file with a code number, and then compiled and triangulated according to the nature, type and characteristics of the data/information.

Results

Types and nature of climate change induced human displacement and migration

We collected data through the PRAs on the types, impacts, nature and scale of displacement and migration with regard to each disaster event and these are summarized in Table 2.

Table 2.

Disaster events and types, nature and scale of displacement and migration.

Disaster events	Impacts	Types and nature of displacement & migration	Scale
Dense fog	Damages seasonal crops and seedling beds. Reduces working hours of cottage textile workers (hand and power loom).	Routine economic migration, may lead to permanent migration in the long run	Small scale
Drought	Makes people jobless for approximately 180–220 days and forces them to move to other places. Agricultural land is being converted to ‘mango orchards’, which leave agricultural labourers jobless.	Routine economic migration, may lead to permanent migration in the long run	Large scale
Erratic rainfall	Damages standing crops, seed beds and sometimes delays cultivation time due to lack of soil moisture content.	Temporal displacement	Small scale
Excess rainfall	Damages standing crops, seed beds and sometimes delays cultivation period. Continuous rain for 2–3 days also causes joblessness among agricultural labourers.	Temporal displacement	Small scale
Monsoon flood	Makes people homeless and landless or both. Damages standing crops and seed beds. Causes death, injuries and outbreak of water borne diseases. Hampers livelihood opportunities.	Temporal displacement, sometimes leads to migration	Large scale
River erosion	Makes people landless, homeless and severely affects livelihoods. Causes huge economic loss.	Displacement Sometimes leads to both temporal and permanent migration	Large scale
Saline water intrusion	Damages crops, agricultural lands and fisheries. Soil salinity ingression leaves agricultural land unsuitable for crop production, fodder production and affects production of fresh water fisheries. Also causes scarcity of drinking water. Increases the trend of converting agricultural land to brackish water shrimp farms causing mass joblessness.	Both temporal and permanent migration	Large scale
Storm and hail	Damages standing crops resulting in household-level food insecurity.	Temporal displacement	Very small scale
Tidal flood	Destroys homes and habitat, severely hampers livelihood opportunities. Damages standing crops, fisheries and fresh water sources. Creates water logging and increases soil salinity.	Temporal displacement is predominant Also leads to short-distance permanent migration	Small scale
Tropical cyclone	Destroys everything in its way. Causes substantive loss and damage of household assets. Two recent catastrophes, Cyclone Aila and Cyclone Sidr, caused around 3700 deaths and made millions of people homeless, damaged crops and domestic assets.	Mass temporal displacement Cyclone also pushes a significant number of people to migrate permanently	Large scale

From this diverse data set, we found that there are some disaster events, such as excessive rainfall, monsoon flooding and storm and hail, that were common in all six agro-ecological zones. On the other hand, erratic rainfall was frequent in Naogaon and Sirajgonj; river erosion in Patuakhali, Sirajgonj and Faridpur; and saline water intrusion, tidal flood and tropical cyclone in Khulna and Patuakhali. Findings showed that the types and nature of displacement ranged from temporal to permanent, and the scale from very small to large (Table 2). We found that in some cases, the displacement was not directly related to the disasters or climate change, rather to the socioeconomic consequences, such as poverty, unemployment, lack of income generation activities, social insecurity and social chaos or conflict. For example, in the in-depth case studies, three disaster affected people in Naogaon district, four in Patuakhali and one in Faridpur mentioned that they had migrated due to the lack of income generation activities and in some cases due to social insecurity and conflict in the local communities.

The study revealed that in instances of slow onset disasters, people chose ‘routine economic migration’ during lean periods to seek employment elsewhere, particularly in the urban areas. For example, in Naogaon, people were migrating for longer periods due to the effects on agriculture. According to the findings, increasing salinity in Khulna was leading to migration for economic, but also social reasons. There were a range of health problems among coastal populations with potential links to increased salinity exposure through drinking, cooking and bathing, including hypertension and miscarriage among pregnant women, skin diseases, acute respiratory infection and diarrhoeal diseases. Many respondents in the FGDs, KIIs and in-depth case studies reported that due to these salinity-related diseases, the young women were remaining unmarried. These women were also socially marginalized because of their lower social status. We were told that in many cases, this influenced the family to move elsewhere, usually to a distant place, where they were unknown and after a while the daughter could get married.

The study demonstrated that climate change impacts are not the only driving force for migration. Most of the participants expressed to us that when the disaster events strike, they move to nearby locations from where they can easily return to their homes. More permanent migration occurred when economic and social issues ‘pull or push’ them. The decisions relating to whether migration was long or short distance, or permanent or temporary, depended on the extent to which livelihoods were affected. Box 1 presents the case study of Kader Hawladar (a disaster affected person).

Box 1.

A case study: Kader Hawladar.

‘My sufferings … it’s God’s will’. It is the belief of Kader Hawladar (40), a fisherman from Charipara Village in the coastal region of Patuakhali. There was a time when he owned a fishing boat and net and employed 15 to 20 sailors. Life had its promises and goodness. ‘But fate had something else in store for me’, sighed Hawladar. He and his three children, wife and mother were forced to migrate due to tidal erosion. His house and land plunged into the ocean in May 2010. He faced unemployment and extreme poverty. His house was about one kilometre away from the sea. During the devastating Cyclone Sidr, he took shelter in a cyclone sanctuary. After the wrath of Sidr, Hawladar returned to his land and started reconstruction. But every year the sea kept coming closer. Finally, in May 2010, he left his land and took shelter at the adjoining embankment. Since then, every day has been a struggle for survival. The sea is again approaching his tiny shelter. Then what? He doesn’t know. With a blank gaze upon the sea he utters, ‘it’s God’s will’.

In Khulna, we identified a huge number of people who were forced to migrate after Cyclone Aila hit in May 2009. This cyclone, with wind speeds of up to 120 km/hr, hit the same southwest coastal zone areas that had been affected by the smaller Cyclone Bijli in April 2009, and devastated by Cyclone Sidr in November 2007. The local people reported that they knew from the newspapers that Cyclone Aila only killed 193 people, but it displaced more than 297,000, and severely damaged infrastructure, institutions, crops and cultivable land, and caused a huge influx of saline water into agricultural land and fresh water areas. The local representatives, e.g. from local government, CBOs and NGO workers claimed that many displaced people would have returned home if they had been given access to basic services, such as fresh water and their preferred livelihoods. They mentioned that an assessment was done two years after Cyclone Aila, and the affected people had been forced to migrate to the nearby urban areas due to the lack of post-disaster initiatives, such as embankment reconstruction and provision of basic services. The local people also mentioned that the ‘cash for work’ and ‘food for work’ schemes initiated by the government and humanitarian organizations were very limited. In addition, other social, economic and environmental support services were absent.

Socioeconomic consequences of climate induced human displacement and migration

The socioeconomic consequences of climate induced displacement and migration were interrelated with many issues, and these consequences varied according to gender, age and physical inability. We observed that migration was not a choice, but in many cases the option between staying and starving or migrating with its associated risks. Women and children were those who suffered the most. Figure 3 presents how the affected people attempt to migrate or become stuck through the effects of slow and sudden onset disasters, and what were the possible consequences. Some NGO workers argued that the debate regarding whether people were ‘forced’ to migrate or chose to migrate ‘voluntarily’ is ongoing.

Figure 3.

The processes of slow onset and sudden onset displacement and migration due to climate change and disaster events.

A number of development practitioners, e.g. the NGO workers, detailed how migration, especially in response to slow onset climate change, impacts access to money, family networks and contacts in the destination. After a disaster, the affected people have migrated to slum areas without any capital and where there is a lack of basic government services. In the study areas, those who were relatively rich and educated were found to be planning their permanent migration from slow onset disaster areas. Many wealthy people left the southern parts of Bangladesh, where the scarcity of drinking water was becoming a permanent problem. Evidence of planned migration was less common among the poor in the study areas, perhaps because these people felt more insecure about moving to a new place with no kinship ties or preferred livelihood opportunities. From the FGDs, we observed that most of the poorest of the poor, such as the smallholders and subsistence farmers, sheep or cattle farmers and artisanal fisher folk did not migrate, but suffered greatly from climate change and faced a double dilemma. They told us that they were more reliant on ecosystem services and thus more exposed to extreme events, but they were also less able to diversify their incomes when necessary. Men sometimes migrated to find new work, especially to urban areas. In many cases, they took their whole family with them. The poorest of the poor, particularly the women, children, elderly and disabled people, were less able to migrate. Respondents from all six agro-ecological zones informed us that they could not migrate due to vulnerabilities such as financial crisis, physical inability, lack of cash capital, dependency, etc., and thus were more likely to remain stuck in vulnerable locations. The reality differed in terms of people’s gender, age or physical inability. The children and adolescents could not migrate due to their dependency and the disabled people because of their physical inability. On the other hand, the women took responsibility for all family members due to the absence of their husbands, and because their income generation work was not assured in the migration destinations.

However, the women were seen to be both socially and economically vulnerable when the main male household member migrated. The study showed that the context and scale of vulnerability varied according to geographical location, governance structures, power relations and access to services. The women and children were especially vulnerable, as the evidence in Box 2 shows.

Box 2.

Suffering of women and children during disasters.

During severe flooding events, women and children often have to live on a macha (raised platform) and thus risk falling into the water and drowning, especially children. If displaced, women and children usually take shelter besides a road or embankment, making temporary shelters from grass and wood. These lack sanitation facilities so unless it is an emergency, women do not relieve themselves during daytime. Women and children suffer more from the drinking water scarcity characterizing life in drought and salinity prone areas in northwest and southern Bangladesh. Here, women must walk long distances to fetch drinking water for household consumption. Sometimes they consume less water themselves to ensure other family members have a greater share. Due to the unavailability of drinking water and proper sanitation, women and children in areas affected by Cyclone Aila suffer from various diseases like pneumonia (in children), skin diseases and diarrhoea.

The study explored how men from the rural areas often migrated to the urban areas in order to find work for a few weeks during lean periods. This seasonal migration was particularly common in Naogaon and Patuakhali. This has wide-ranging and complex social consequences. Women were left as the sole family ‘caretaker’ and were burdened with more work including securing food for the family while the man was absent. With climate change extending lean periods, the men stayed away for longer. In most cases, men only leave enough money to sustain a family for a couple of weeks, so women must then generate income in addition to doing all the household work. This is not always culturally acceptable. In many cases, the children were taken out of the school and engaged in household and income generation work.

The short-term displacement following sudden onset events in Bangladesh is associated with significant environmental and public health concerns. Equally, the influx of poor migrants to urban areas is problematic, especially when the entire family migrates. Whether migrants end up in large slums or smaller ‘poverty pockets’, or even another char, their houses (and workplaces) are often in environmentally vulnerable locations and characterized by poor sanitation, safe water scarcity and insufficient food supplies and livelihood opportunities. We can see in Box 3 the cases of Karimon Bibi, Ishak Mollah and Alim Uddin in the Faridpur district who migrated from one char to another.

Box 3.

Three case studies.

The River Jamuna wrecked the life of Karimon Bibi

Karimon Bibi’s life was wrecked by floods in July 2011, when the great and unpredictable River Jamuna forced her to migrate from Hat Gorjan Char to Bhat Dighulia of Kaijuri Union leaving her only asset behind, a tiny piece of land and an even tinier house. But this was not the first time she had been displaced. She migrated a few times from one char (island) to another due to river bank erosion until 2004. ‘Disaster, migration and increased suffering is all that is left in my life’, she said, wiping away uncontrollable tears. Her husband died in 2007 and her home on Hat Gorjan Char was devastated by floods a year later, forcing her and her children to take shelter on an adjacent char temporarily. On returning to Hat Gorjan, to her anguish she discovered her home in ruins. She had no savings and local livelihood opportunities didn’t pay enough to help her feed her family. Against all the odds, she started to rebuild her house and search for livelihood opportunities. Her son, Saddam (12), goes fishing while she and her daughter, Bahela (15), work as day labourers. Right when the pieces of life were falling into order, the rage of the River Jamuna wrecked it again in 2011.

Ishak Mollah and Alim Uddin: Playing hide and seek with the River Padma

Ishak Mollah (62), from Ishak Mollah’r Char at the north channel of Faridpur district, has migrated between chars 13 times due to river erosion. He now struggles to recall all the names of chars he has shifted to and from over the years. Alim Uddin Matbor (80) from Tara Majhi’r Dangi of Faridpur district has migrated from one char to another more than five times. Most recently in 2006, he and his family moved to his present village, Taramajhir Dangi. He is unsure how long he can reside here. It is as if the River Padma is chasing him from one char to another. Years back, he used to migrate every 10–15 years, but recently, life has become a ‘game of hide and seek’ with the river becoming increasingly unpredictable.

Discussion

Based on a qualitative investigation in the six agro-ecological zones, i.e. Dhaka, Khulna, Patuakhali, Faridpur, Naogaon and Sirajgonj, this study presented the types and nature of climate induced human displacement, and their socioeconomic consequences in Bangladesh. The study had a number of limitations. It was based on a purposive sampling as there were no records at the government offices on displaced/migrated people in those areas. Consequently, we depended on oral information to select the resettlement areas and respondents. As a result, there is a possibility that the numbers (migrants, loss of properties, etc.) stated in this study may differ from the actual numbers. Moreover, we collected data from a very small number of respondents from a large population in those six zones. Therefore, the results of this study could not be generalized.

While considering these limitations, we could argue that the results of the study provided in-depth analysis about the geographical dimensions of the types and nature of climate induced human displacement, and their socioeconomic consequences. This study showed that both the pull and push factors were influential towards displacement and migration linked to climate change. Factors such as unemployment, lack of housing and poor social facilities, social insecurity, risk of further disasters, lack of government post-disaster initiatives and shortages of livelihood support and public services in the affected areas pushed them to be displaced to other places. On the other hand, factors such as employment and income and housing facilities, better livelihood options and social services including better security pulled them to migrate to another char or nearby cities. These kinds of findings are similar to a number of previous studies (e.g. Islam and Hasan, 2016; Islam MM and Herbeck, 2013; Mallick and Vogt, 2014; Poncelet et al., 2010; Tacoli, 2009). Although migration occurs when extreme weather events such as flooding affects a region, people might not necessarily leave because of the event itself but for other related factors, such as increasing indebtedness (Bradatan, 2013). Our finding differs in some cases from the previous studies, where the migration was not directly related to climate induced displacement, rather to some other social factors/consequences such as lack of income generation activities and social insecurity in the local community.

The results showed two types of displacement/migration: temporary and permanent. The temporary migration/displacement occurred due to dense fog, erratic and excess rainfall, massive rainfall, storm and tidal flooding, and permanent migration was due to tropical cyclones, saline water intrusion and river erosion. The slow onset disasters such as droughts in Naogaon and salinity in Khulna made people chose ‘routine economic migration’ during lean periods to seek employment in the urban areas. The forced migration happened due to the big disasters such as Cyclones Sidr and Aila in Khulna district. We presented the case study of Kader Hawladar, who was forced to migrate by Cyclone Sidr. Islam and Hasan (2016) reported that following Cyclone Aila, there was a major increase in seasonal migration from affected areas, with an estimated 100,000 people – primarily men looking for work – migrating from four Upazilas (administrative areas) alone – Koyra, Paikgacha, Dacope and Batiaghata. The people who were relatively rich and educated were found to be planning their permanent migration from the slow onset disaster areas. The study showed that many of the wealthy people had already left the southern parts of Bangladesh, where scarcity of drinking water is becoming a permanent problem. On the other hand, the poor people choose temporary migration and men migrate first to other nearby cities to seek employment and income. This was a common practice among all of the affected people in the six agro-ecological zones.

Our findings revealed the complex and wide-ranging social consequences of displacement and migration. We observed that the poorest of the poor, particularly the women, children, elderly and disabled, were less able to migrate and thus more likely to be stuck in vulnerable locations (Black et al., 2011). The health and hygienic conditions of these areas were usually very poor, which in the long run might cause health hazards (Mallick and Vogt, 2014). Paul and Islam (2015) found that such people live with inadequate social services and limited access to public services. In another study, Islam and Hossain (2014) found that the government and NGO services are very limited for those displaced people and most of them live in khash land (government owned fallow land, where nobody has property rights) where further displacement can effect their livelihoods. From this finding, we can see that the disaster maximizes ‘exclusion’ for the original community and ‘inclusion’ pressures in the new community (i.e. where they move to) (Mallick and Vogt, 2014). Due to the absence of her husband, a woman has to take on all the family responsibilities, including food, shelter, family management and her adolescent girls’ security. This finding is supported by a number of studies. For example, a study by UN Women (2015) showed that due to climate change and migration, women, mostly living with children, other female family members and in-laws, faced adversity on a day-to-day basis. In most of the cases, the migrated male family members were unable or simply unwilling to send money back to their households, leaving the women to find other means of survival during these periods of migration. This study also mentioned that due to the absence of their husbands, existing social norms and practices lead to the discrimination of women and their rights. It has also been found in another study (Hunter and David, 2009) that gendered migration and household divisions of labour often result in increased workloads for the women left behind by male-dominated migration streams in the agriculturally dependent rural Mexican communities. There are also concerns regarding the risks of trafficking and sexual exploitation of young women and children in the affected areas (IOM, 2009).

Conclusion

Based on a qualitative research approach, this article presented the types and nature of climate induced human displacement and migration, and their socioeconomic consequences in the agro-ecological zones of Bangladesh. Though data were collected from a small number of respondents through purposive sampling, the results offer an interesting analytical discussion about the geographical dimension of the types and nature of climate induced human displacement and migration, and their socioeconomic consequences. The results showed that push factors such as unemployment, lack of housing, poor social facilities, social insecurity, risk of further disasters, lack of government initiatives post-disaster, shortages of livelihood support and lack of public services in the affected areas gave people little option but to move to another places. On the other hand, factors such as employment, income, housing facilities, higher livelihood options and social services including better security pulled them to migrate. The study found two types of displacement/migration – temporary and permanent. Forced migration was due to the big disasters. Poor people chose temporary migration. The poorest of the poor, particularly the women, children, elderly and disabled people, were less able to migrate and thus more likely to be stuck in vulnerable locations.

Policy makers must therefore consider how best to deal with future migration in a way that can maximize win-win solutions where possible, and protect those who are the most vulnerable. Climate change is not the sole factor influencing migration, and it is important to understand the interplay between the various local ‘drivers of migration’ such as lack of employment opportunities and social insecurity at the local community level in order to design and develop appropriate local and national-level plans. But in a scenario of increasing temperatures, it is possible that the loss and damage experienced due to climate change will become the primary driver of migration in the future. People do not want to migrate from their locality. A sense of belonging, invested social capital and other cultural factors drive people to stay in hazardous places. However, their resilience and adaptation might be very useful in interventions for the people affected by disaster. Additionally, the poor and marginalized have fewer social networks and economic choices so often choose not to migrate. They rely more on their local economic base, ecosystems and environmental services.

The Bangladesh Climate Change Strategy and Action Plan stresses that the Government of Bangladesh must be prepared for a worst case scenario. While making efforts to keep the local economy functioning by creating employment opportunities and restoring the environment and ecosystem services, investment is also needed to build human capacity (MoEF, 2008). We found that those who are stuck, usually women, children, disabled and elderly people, were particularly vulnerable as they stay and starve in unsafe locations where they faced other forms of oppression. The government must support these affected people through the Social Safety Net programmes. Roy and Sultana (2010) argued that many displaced people would have returned home if they had been given access to basic services such as fresh water and their preferred livelihoods. Support such as supply of water purification and housing facilities in the coastal zones (especially Patuakhali and Khulna districts), and social security in Naogaon, Faridpur, Sirajgonj and Dhaka are vitally important for these areas. We would suggest establishing special funding and payments for women, children, the elderly and disabled. The Government of Bangladesh has set up the Bangladesh Climate Change Trust Fund (BCCTF) supported through domestic resources: 60% of funds were provided for over 200 projects, which include food security, social protection and health, disaster management, infrastructure, knowledge management, climate change mitigation and capacity building and institutional strengthening (Planning Commission, 2015). NGOs’ role is also crucial for the affected people in the agro-ecological zones, as they can provide relief and microcredit, develop occupational-based support groups (such as fishing groups, farmer clubs, etc.), and enhance livelihood opportunities (such as fish processing and ship recycling industries, income generation programmes, etc.) (Islam and Walkerden, 2015). A holistic management approach, community-based intervention, community-led post-disaster recovery initiatives and boosting livelihood opportunities would be the priority options in disaster management policy (Islam and Hasan, 2016). In addition, a proper and health-focused rehabilitation programme is needed to prevent people ending up in slum areas with no sanitation, shelter or services. The case studies showed that migration to other exposed areas did not solve the problem. However, a rehabilitation policy or mechanism is needed to stop further displacement, particularly for the affected people in the coastal zones in Khulna and Patuakhali and river erosion areas in Sirajgonj.

This article has not examined the causes and consequences of human displacement and migration from the climate hot-spots in Bangladesh on a particular/specific climate/disaster issue. It would be difficult to generalize this study’s findings to a particular climate issue. In addition, the regional variations were not a dominant aspect in this study. We believe that the socioeconomic causes and consequences that we presented in this article were related to many other issues, such as local politics, local exploitation, lack of employment, local community conflict, lack of local public services and lack of livelihood options. Further research on these issues is needed. Another research opportunity would be to conduct a comparative study that could explore the causes of human displacement/migration due either to human-made causes or climate/disaster-related causes.

Footnotes

Acknowledgements

This article is based on the study ‘Displacement and migration from climate hot-spots in Bangladesh: Causes and consequences’ by ActionAid Bangladesh. We acknowledge ActionAid Bangladesh and the Centre for Participatory Research and Development (CPRD) for facilitating this study. We also acknowledge the support and information supplied by our respondents affected by climate change migration.

Funding

Research for this article was funded by ActionAid Bangladesh.

Author biographies

M Rezaul Islam is a Professor in Social Work at the Institute of Social Welfare and Research, University of Dhaka. He worked as Visiting Senior Lecturer at the Department of Social Administration and Justice, University of Malaya from 2012 to 2016. His research interest focuses on poverty, social exclusion and social justice. He works on labour migration, climate change and disasters, NGOs and community development, which are embedded in a human rights approach and inspired by people who are vulnerable and affected by the structural causes of poverty, unemployment and inequalities.

Md Shamsuddoha is the Chief Executive of the Centre for Participatory Research and Development – CPRD (), a research-based non-government organization in Bangladesh. He is a member of the delegation of the Government of Bangladesh to the UNFCCC and has been persistently involved in negotiations especially on loss and damage, finance, adaptation and technology transfer.

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