Abstract
While sociology is uniquely suited to study the democratic nature of institutions and social capital–based foundations of democratic societies, there has been a relative absence of sociological studies of democracies in recent years. This makes Robert Wuthnow latest book, Why Religion Is Good for American Democracy, a welcome contribution. With multiple nations experiencing democratic backsliding and an abrupt awareness among US scholars that the United States is not immune to this, Wuthnow offers compelling arguments, bridging interdisciplinary literatures, on how religion helps US democracy thrive. Wuthnow integrates an impressive array of findings from history, political science, sociology, and theology and integrates them into a coherent sociological narrative.
In Chapter 1, Wuthnow introduces his argument acknowledging that democracies are threatened by tyranny from within. Providing a helpful point of reference for subsequent examples, Wuthnow details religious individuals’ and organizations’ warranted concern over federal overreach throughout US history. He begins with Roosevelt administration. Critics, religious and otherwise, were concerned that the centralization of powers supporting economic reform would give the government excuses to intrude upon civil liberties. With fascism rising in Europe, critics were increasingly concerned that the United States was next. However, not all were opposed to Roosevelt’s New Deal policies. In fact, many turned to theological concerns for the poor as a means of promoting Roosevelt’s reforms. And this state of disagreement safeguarded US democracy at least as much as anti-authoritarian movements themselves. Not only were potentially authoritarian impulses public warned against, and a strong administration had its policy moves scrutinized, but a diversity of views on the New Deal among US religious groups led to a robust public sphere, built on civic engagement and healthy debate. This itself provides healthy grounds for democratic consolidation in multiple theoretical traditions.
Chapter 2 details religious advocacy for the freedom of conscience, particularly in the context of wartime policies. Following a similar model observed in Chapter 1, Wuthnow documents groups of religious leaders who advocated for pro-democratic policies for peace and against militarism. The existence of peace churches and other religious anti-war populations beckoned federal recognition of rights, preventing efforts like conscription from being absolute. Following the model laid out in Chapter 1, other religious groups disagreed with anti-war positions. It was common for groups to debate methods for implementing wartime policies. With public engagement and debate embraced, the religious climate safeguarded democracy during wartime. Further aiding the democratic climate, discussions led to the protection of rights of conscience for people of diverse religious backgrounds. Religious populations came to understand, and express in religious terms, that the nature of freedom of conscience requires a commitment to ideological diversity.
Chapter 3 offers a multi-layered discussion of religious contributions to the freedom of assembly. Readers in the sociology of democracy are likely aware that voluntary associations are critical to the health of a democracy and that scholars often highlight the function of religious congregations in creating these spaces. Wuthnow builds on this and adds novel contributions. Religious congregations were not simply additional voluntary association. They are increasingly diversifying organizations that tailor presentations to increasingly diversifying publics. Throughout the history of the United States, diverse religious communities became sites where religious leaders, laypeople, and activists could function as the critical audience for the state. This creates a robust democratic environment, which Wuthnow details across multiple eras. The critical audience Wuthnow focuses on takes an increasingly self-aware position in this chapter, as religious people debate about the best ways to promote democracy and for religion to contribute. Scholars of democracy emphasize that expanding the reach of democracy to the marginalized is important for democracies. It is thus helpful that Wuthnow details religious voluntary associations’ promotions of racial equality, hosting of refugees, promoting civil rights activism, and facilitating international aid. Hosting social activism in this area promotes democratic activities toward democratic ends.
Chapter 4 addresses how religious groups elevated the view of human dignity before the state and public. This is important as human dignity is essential to US democracy but is not explicitly protected in the US Constitution. Wuthnow appeals to religious emphases on the divinely imbued values individuals receive from their creator. In discussions of poverty, religious organizations led in casting debates on explicitly moral terms – something scholars observe secular media and governments fall short in. Moral arguments are present in arguments for and against increasing aid to the poor. There was also plenty of middle ground and need for deliberation within categories. And it is these political and religious conservative/liberal divides and internal debates that Wuthnow emphasizes. Rather than attempting to smooth over differences and emphasize vague areas of consensus, diverse religious organizations promoted robust debates. Religious communities contributed to a democratic public sphere by embracing disagreements, sometimes going as far as to publish competing perspectives. Acting in the interests of religious, political, and ideological others speaks to critical foundations for democracies.
Chapter 5 is striking, as anti-democratic policies often capitalize on nativism. Wuthnow highlights how religious commitments to the rights of migrants and migrants’ contributions to religion buttress US democracy. These developments increase opportunities for debates on what it means to be American, the nature of religion in the United States, and the future of denominations. Furthermore, by integrating immigrants into religious communities, new perspectives are integrated into discussions on migration policies. Religious organizations provide a check on state power by elevating the strength of the institution of the family in opposing family separation policies. Readers are likely aware of US Christians, notably White, US-based, voting, evangelical Christians, opposing immigration. Following a now familiar pattern, Wuthnow details how debates within and between religious communities foster a robust, pro-democratic, public sphere.
In Chapter 6, Wuthnow addresses wealth and income inequality as a threat to democracy in the United States. Wuthnow details opposition to income inequality going back to the 1700s, highlighting the early role of religion. Religious revival produced politically active, pious populists who opposed income inequality on religious grounds. Theologies elevating the commoner promoted anti-elitist politics and laid critical foundations for active dissent. The diversity of religious activism also contributed to a healthy democratic environment. The Social Gospel helped establish wide-reaching cultures of joiners and bridging social capital, by including religious activists from Protestant, Catholic, Jewish, and other backgrounds. Religious groups provided checks on corporate power by appealing to religious doctrines to advocate for corporate social responsibility. As important as these movements were, Wuthnow warns against generalizing based on these or any others. Notable counterexamples, such as religious participation in the Tea Party, are detailed. Again, Wuthnow highly prefers diversity and debate as the most important feature of democracy.
In Chapter 7, Wuthnow details religious consent, dissent, and negotiation in response to COVID-19 and public health measures. Wuthnow does cover religious populations who are skeptical of public health officials and argue health regulations should not apply to them. The first major section of this chapter covers ‘resistance’ in a threefold typology. Wuthnow notes that extreme forms of resistance were rare, even if highly publicized. Concerns, he carefully notes, were more often about the state of democracy than theology. But Wuthnow also details how religious individuals and groups pursue the needs of others, which is critical in democracies. The ‘adaptation’ theme in his typology details how common it is for the religious to take public health measures as seriously as others while maintaining religious commitments. These are perhaps most easily recognized in distanced and online services. This goes beyond daily practice and contributes to a very needy infrastructure in unprecedented times. Religious congregations were some of the fastest to be ready to contribute to public needs as life was quickly shaken by the pandemic. Wuthnow notes that Catholic hospitals alone may have treated one-sixth of all patients during the pandemic. Religious organizations also took efforts to advocate for new programs and policies in response to the economic cost of the pandemic. Debate was essential as well. Religious groups debated with each other and society at large about how to best address the pandemic. Some religious groups went as far as to combat conspiracy theories within their denominations. How this fits into Wuthnow’s main argument is now clear.
Wuthnow closes by formalizing his concept of agonistic religious practice. Summarizing the evidence presented, this form of practice is manifest among religious populations who promote socio-religious praxis involving diverse values, theologies, traditions, and people groups. It embraces these differences being in conflict, in contrast to models of tolerance and coexistence that attempt to smooth over differences and represent diverse religious expressions as essentially similar. Agonistic religious practice shares some common ground with reconciliation efforts, by aiming to collectively reach solutions to social problems, but ultimately differs by promoting spirited advocacy among diverse populations. This has come to characterize much of US religious practice, reshaping public controversies into healthy democratic practices.
Wuthnow’s latest book should inspire sociologists to return to the study of democracy. Wuthnow makes a strong case for religion’s unique contributions to the health of US democracy with a fair, integrative treatment of counterevidence. He provides careful challenges to assumptions sociologists may have on the COVID-19 pandemic, the role of government, sacralization ideology, and other controversies. As a final nod to his central argument, this makes the book a useful contributor to thoughtful and important debates. This book is also well written. It can be enjoyed by scholars and laypeople alike. It is worth citing in peer-reviewed publications, and it would make a great teaching resource for undergraduate and graduate courses.