Abstract
This paper provides a review of recent themes in the investigation of small towns in South Africa. The paper is divided into two main sections of review and analysis. The first section furnishes an overview of the different types of research themes that have been engaged with. It is argued that a narrow set of issues, mainly concerning economic expansion and change have formed the key vantage point from which to view small town South Africa. The second section outlines a range of research questions that require also attention. It is argued that there is a need to more closely consider how small town knowledge production takes place and that research themes need to move beyond issues of economic development.
Introduction
For much of the 20th century, South Africa had a predominantly rural population. However, currently nearly two-thirds of South Africans live in urban areas. The rapid growth of the cities following industrial and mining developments from the early 20th century led by the 1970s to a situation in which it was noted that rural South Africa had entered a phase of depopulation and small town decline (Nel et al., 2011: 396; Todes et al., 2010). Recent analyses by Nel et al. (2011) as well as by Todes et al. (2010) have shown, among other trends, that small/rural municipalities had net outmigration rates, while metropolitan areas, cities and large towns were net migrant attractors. These demographic changes are closely linked to transformations in agriculture, through increased exposure to global agricultural markets, mechanisation, changes in labour legislation and scales of production, as well as a shrinking mining sector, which is often linked to resource depletion, lower commodity prices and changing regulatory frameworks (Atkinson, 2007a; Nel and Binns, 2007; Nel and Rogerson, 2007). It is also demonstrated that while towns received displaced farm workers and rural dwellers ‘small town/rural municipalities also experience considerable inflows of migrants, at the same time they tend to shed relatively large numbers of migrants who may be moving on to larger cities and towns’ (Todes et al., 2010: 335). Their analysis further shows that the second highest proportion of migrants to metropolitan cities originates from non-metropolitan local municipalities, with as many as two-thirds of migrants to metropolitan cities originating from other metropolitan areas (Todes et al., 2010: 335). A large proportion of inter-urban migration into non-metropolitan local municipalities is, significantly, from other non-metropolitan local municipalities (Todes et al., 2010: 335). Notwithstanding, rural populations on the whole have grown, although at a far lower rate than large metropolitan areas.
Nel et al.’s (2011: 407) analysis of demographic and economic change demonstrates that many of these changes echo international experiences which indicate that there are cases of absolute population loss in certain small towns and associated evidence of rural depopulation. Key drivers in this regard can include the loss or contraction of former economic mainstay such as mining, farming, forestry and fishing and/or the rationalisation of market activity through improved transport systems by-passing smaller settlements and the extended market area of larger centres. On the whole, however, many small towns have witnessed absolute population growth, which often tends to lead to the concentration of displaced people into larger, more centralised places which further have an economic base that has diversified away from agriculture into a post-productivist state with an increased reliance of service sector economic opportunities and a wider economic base in general (Hoogendoorn and Visser, 2011). It was also established that similar to experiences in the United States, there was a distinctive racial profile for who was predominantly located in these small towns. The white population has stagnated numerically, while black and coloured (i.e. people of ‘mixed race’) populations have grown significantly. In addition, these towns have seemingly moved beyond a dependence on their resident population while also providing services to an external market driven by post-productivist activities such as tourism (Nel et al., 2011: 407). In this regard, Harrison and Todes (2015: 153) note that, with the exception of some metropolitan regions, in all other categories of urban places ‘the story is one of growing alignment between economic opportunity and population concentrating and thus of improved household access to jobs and other socio-economic benefits’. Individuals and households in South Africa are ‘voting with their feet’ by moving into places which are better able to provide livelihoods (Harrison and Todes, 2015: 153). Or at least suggest the prospect that they might be able to provide such. Weakening institutional, service and economic capacity in smaller centres exacerbates these processes. It is against the backdrop of such shifts in small town demography and economic purpose that a range of research trends in understanding South African small towns has developed.
This paper is divided into two main sections of review and analysis. The first section furnishes an abridged overview of the different types of research themes that have been engaged with of late regarding small town geographies in South Africa. It is argued that a narrow set of issues, which main concerning economic expansion and change, has, rightly or wrongly formed the key vantage point from which to view small towns in South Africa are understood and analysed, which may in itself be a challenging situation. The second section, which comprises the main contribution of the paper, outlines a range of critical research issues and questions regarding the current and future status and understanding of small towns and their hinterlands that require further academic attention and interrogation.
Key themes of small town research in South Africa
In reviewing recently completed research, a few general observations must first be made. 1 On the whole, the body of small town focused literature published on South Africa to date is relatively limited in both scope and scale. As Steyn and Ballard (2013: 2) observe, ‘with a few exceptions, such as Donaldson and Marais (2012), rural areas have not received the same attention as cities’ in the country’s academic research to date. Where this has taken place, in terms of spatial scope, around a third of current small town research focuses on the national level, in terms of the analysis of current trends and processes. For the most part, however, investigations are region-specific or place-specific (e.g. Donaldson et al., 2012; Ferreira, 2007). The geographic focus is generally rather narrow, often located in the empirical realities of the Free State province and parts of the Karoo region which straddles parts of the Eastern, Northern and Western Cape Provinces. A smaller secondary spatial focus is on the Western Cape. A further observation is that a relatively small number of researchers are investigating small town South Africa, with the glaring absence of contributions from parts of South Africa where a large number of small towns are located (e.g. Limpopo, Mpumalanga and Northwest provinces) and, significantly, given South Africa’s complex and brutal legacy of apartheid social and spatial engineering very few studies have focussed on towns in the form Black Homelands (i.e. areas designated as black racial reserves under apartheid). This, despite the fact that a significant proportion of the country’s rural and small town population are to be found in theses centres.
A range of themes can be discerned from the relevant body of literature which has been published to date by South African scholars of small town geographies. The majority of investigations are concerned with an overview and analysis of locally driven strategies for economic development designed to respond to the economic changes which theses centres have experienced. In the light of the economic restructuring of rural South Africa, particularly with regards to the changes in role of agriculture and mining have played as key employment actors – and the resultant demographic change which has followed as a result of mine closures and agricultural down-scaling – this type of research is to be expected. At the macro level of analysis, efforts to classify small towns and their general economic potential into defined categories have seen a range of investigations in this regard (Toerien, 2012; Toerien and Marais, 2012; Toerien and Seaman, 2011; 2012a, 2012b, 2014; Van der Merwe et al., 2005; Zietsman et al., 2006). Some of these studies have employed quantitative and GIS (Geographical Information Systems) derived data to statistically analyse process of economic and demographic change and to identify patterns of convergence and divergence within the national or regional space economies. Parallel efforts have sought to develop classificatory systems for small towns into defined classes and to identify business opportunities based on the degree to which current business structures fully exploit available market opportunities. With the restructuring of the South African economy in general – and the rural economy in particular, to that of a more defined post-productivist landscape (Hoogendoorn and Nel, 2012; Kotze, 2003), there has been a keen interest in analysing this aspect of small towns and their hinterlands. Increased attention has been given to new identifying and analysing the role and place of new economic actors and processes that are transforming and reworking the economic purpose of rural areas and small towns (Hoogendoorn and Visser, 2011; Hoogendoorn et al., 2009a). The national government’s policy support for sustainable local economic development (LED) has provided a strategic vantage point from which to analyse small towns (Houghton et al., 2014; Nel 2005; Pelser et al., 2012; Reynold and Antrobus, 2012; Rogerson, 2012), by putting ‘developmental local governance into practice’ (Binns and Nel, 2003; Rogerson, 2014). Government policy and its relevance to small towns, particularly that which deals with community planning, economic restructuring and governance have emerged within these studies as key avenues of enquiry. That said, institutional shortfalls, weak local governance and concerns regarding capacity constraints within small towns have emerged as impediments to change and to successful structural transformation. Infrastructure development in small towns has received some attention (Ingle, 2012) as have overviews of the key challenges that prevent development (Ingle, 2014; Van Rooyen, 2012). The changing accommodation landscape of small towns has been highlighted, particularly with respect to the role selected towns now are playing as tourism destinations. While this at one level reflects the growth of service sector activities and the important role which tourism is now playing in the post-apartheid South African economy, as research shown VFR (visiting friends and relatives) has also emerged a significant activity and economic generator, often in towns now on the traditional tourism routes (Rogerson, 2013a, 2013b, 2013c). A theme of investigation that has gained increased relevance is the impact of the changing fortunes of the mining sector on small towns. Apart from Nel and Binns (2007) work on South Africa coal and gold mining sector, other linked investigations include those focused on the nexus of public finance, labour migration and its impact on settlements, owing to mine closure in the arid regions of South Africa (Marais and Cloete, 2009, 2013; Marais et al., 2005). Given the historic dependence of the country’s economy on mining, which served as a catalyst for the country’s industrial revolution from the 1870s and the rich mineral resources of the country, it is inevitably that, following the ‘boom and bust’ cycle of mining, there are now inevitably dozens of settlements which owed their origins to mining but which are now shadows of their former selves economically. This is particularly noteworthy in the case of the former coal-mining towns of KwaZulu-Natal province and the former gold-mining towns of the Free State and the North West provinces. Mine down-scaling, economic rationalisation of economic activities and services, loss of skilled workers and the often desperate attempts to diversify economies and seek out new opportunities forms the basis of many of the above-mentioned studies.
Most of the investigations into small towns in the country are, however, framed as single case studies, at the individual town scale (see for example, Qayi, 2012; Rule and Fryer, 2012; Spocter, 2012; Xuza, 2005) and are closely aligned to the above-mentioned strategy of LED). This lense leads to a focus on local authority economic strategies and efforts to crate jobs through the introduction of Small, Medium and Micro Enterprises (SMMEs) and Public Works programmes which are seen as vehicles through which to attain such ambitions. In many studies, this work suggests that a focus on tourism SMME development is a route through which LED objectives could be achieved. A range of investigations have aimed to gauge the potential of tourism as a driver of small town development in this regard (Booyens and Visser, 2010; Halseth and Meiklejohn, 2009; Irvine et al., 2015). This approach has been endorsed by studies which indicate that SMME development and broader LED objectives might be achieved through efforts to promote tourism in general (Van Staden and Marais, 2005), as well as particular types of tourism – for example, book tourism (Donaldson and Vermeulen, 2012), heritage (Van der Merwe, 2014), agritourism (Rogerson and Rogerson, 2014) second homes (Hoogendoorn and Visser, 2004, 2010a, 2010b, 2011; Hoogendoorn et al., 2005, 2009b; Visser and Hoogendoorn, 2015), and the associated risk (Marais et al., 2012) and cost (Gibb and Nel, 2007) of tourism development for local development. A tourism-driven approach is seen as one of the few opportunities to tap into underutilised or unused local assets and to draw in external expenditure given the exhaustion of traditional economic mainstays in many areas. At another level, in terms of changes to the physical and symbolic form of small towns, a range of studies have investigated additional dimensions of small town geographies through research into particular issues; for example, desegregation (Lemon and Clifford, 2005) and gating (Donaldson, 2012; Spocter, 2013). The gentrification of small towns owing to tourism development has also received some attention (Atkinson, 2009; Donaldson, 2009) and exemplifies the dual reality of wealthy, often retired city dwellers and second home owners moving to towns where a parallel economic reality exists for the economic marginalised local residents for whom few economic opportunities exist and who derive little or any benefit from post-industrial changes in their towns.
Given the lack of local development, this has often been seen as reflecting the inability of local and provincial government structures and institutions to provide appropriate leadership, in terms of infrastructure provision, service delivery and social interventions. Atkinson (2007a), Pillay and Durrheim (2012), as well as Van Niekerk and Marais (2008) are among the few that have interrogated this nexus. They argue that there appears to be a lack of appreciation of these issues and that the impact of national and sub-national public policies on small towns cannot be expected to be the same across space and settlement types. Instead, the emphasis from the side of national government has tended to fall on policy frameworks and formulas which can be applied in blanket fashion across settlement types. South African developmental policies, as the above-mentioned investigations suggest, have made no provision for coherent socio-economic developmental support strategies specifically aimed at small towns and the numerous struggling local governance structures, which are in many cases fighting for their long-term sustainability. Overlaying this context, as suggested above, is the reality of weak levels of local government capacity, shortages of skilled staff, the reality that many of the smaller local authorities are bankrupt and the towns themselves are too economically deprived to generate adequate, locally sourced revenue to meet local council and development needs, forcing local authorities into a dependent relationship with the central state to address revenue short-falls.
Shortcomings in governance have no more clearly been expressed than in a range of service delivery protests that have been witnessed across small town South Africa, as well as leading to new forms of organising civil society in opposition to the exiting political and institutional status quo. A small number of investigations, mainly located in the Free State, have focused on these issues and the associated contestation which has occurred (Atkinson, 2007b; Marais and Botes, 2007; Marais et al., 2008). Although the metropolitan regions have seen the development of an extensive scholarship in this regard (for a summative example, see Bond, 2014), these issues have not been explored to any great degree in the small town context, where local government provision and capacity is arguably significantly worse than in major metropolitan areas.
Finally, issues of citizenship have seen some attention. The recent focus issue of Diversity (15(2)) with Ballard and Steyn as editors, argued that the fact that small town South Africa has seen little research attention generally (Ballard and Steyn, 2003: 2) and served to open the investigatory and analytical window to an encouragement of fine-grained analysis of issues concerning Whiteness and Indian minority experiences vis-à-vis a black majority citizenry and political institutions, which often, they feel, ignores their presence. Perhaps the most unexpected small town investigation in recent years is from Reid (2013), representing the only single-authored book, entitled How to be a Real Gay, in the recent small town literature, focused on issues such as everyday practices of gayness in hair salons, churches, taverns and meeting halls – the ambivalent space that homosexuality occupies in the newly democratic South Africa: on the one hand, protection of gay rights is a litmus test for the constitutional democracy, yet, on the other, homosexuality is seen to threaten traditional values, customs and beliefs.
Issues going forward
A case for small town knowledge production
Many of the investigations discussed in this paper have had their original genesis in some form of consulting work. In this case, the rationale behind investigations is located outside of a purely academic or interest-based frame, and rather reflects the interests of a commissioning body, in most cases a government department or contracting agency. As a result, not unsurprisingly, nearly all of the commissioned work shares some sort of concern with the economic base of small towns and what options for change exist. As a consequence, the bulk of published research seeks to cushion economic decline by suggesting alternative options and local development strategies that might stem or perhaps momentarily avoid trends of stagnation. It is the very notion that small town populations are realigning with economic opportunities, as Harrison and Todes (2015) highlighted, that explains a central concern with local economic issues and the studies being commissioned.
One of the clear gaps which has emerged given the relatively skewed nature of research to date is that of a compromised understanding of the nature of the current urban hierarchy within the country, and of the nature of the linkages and flows which exist between places. The lack of locational and regional diversity in the empirical base of research potentially also limits understandings of the place of small towns in the South African urban hierarchy. Generic challenges in the development of small towns cannot convincingly be extrapolated from such a narrow evidential base, nor, we would argue, from the suggestions of the current body of scholarship. An investigatory oversight at the mesoscale and highlighted many years ago by the Centre for Development and Enterprise (1996) study of small towns nationally, was that strategies for growth and development of small towns were intimately linked to whether they were located in the former apartheid homelands or in former ‘White’ South Africa. What is possible in the one type of context was not seen as necessarily applicable to the other type. This conclusion was based on the reality that whilst Homeland towns often developed in deprived rural areas often as dumping points for displaced and impoverished black residents moved from the cities, towns in the rest of the country had developed, over time, in a more symbiotic fashion with their hinterlands and local resources. This starkly different legacy has led directly to differential skills, economic, capacity and institutional levels between the two types of towns, and associated with this different level of integration with hinterland economies and, by implication the emergence of two distinctly different systems of support which are required in this dualistic scenario. Our review reveals that even at this coarse level of analysis, little progress has been made in terms of this conceptual distinction (see Thornton, 2008, as a rare exception). Indeed, the towns focused on in current scholarship have seldom been those located in former homeland areas. It stands to reason that these types of issues will need to frame any kind of development interventions and strategies for local development. In addition, these towns now fall within the national government’s priority districts for special development intervention. The limited understanding of such towns, their history, development challenges and prospects and role they currently play in the national urban hierarchy should become of topic of research significance if effective intervention and support mechanism for what are clearly the most marginalised towns are to be conceptualised, developed and applied.
Themes that require further empirical investigation
It is clear that there is considerable interest in the economic base of small towns. In many cases, the settlements have very limited and narrow resource bases and the challenge is to address that issue and promote economic diversification and employment. However, there are limits to those possibilities and, as a result, most small towns are dependent upon central government transfers through a range of social and welfare grants – such as old-age pensions, and grants for children and the disabled. There is an urgent need to consider the impact of welfare payments on small towns in far greater detail, especially given that research has shown that many towns, particularly in the former Homelands, often now are in the situation where state welfare payments have become the primary form of income. This is often exacerbated by the reality that in terms of the formal economy, what little there is, is often dominated state service employment (Nel, 2005). It can be argued that in itself, this is a factor that is responsible for maintaining a great part of the populations of many small towns. However, owing to a lack of effective governance, often these already limited resources are generally poorly allocated (Marais and Cloete, 2009). Unlike metropolitan-based research, in which an extensive literature has developed around issues of governance, this is not the case which can be discerned when reflecting on the situation within small towns. Some of the threats to small towns can be attributed to poor governance, sub-optimally functioning political institutions and the politics connected to this nexus. There is a need to engage those intersections more rigorously. In addition, given the on-going debates around these and related, there is surprisingly little research conducted on issues of land restitution (exceptions such as Battersby, 2012) and other forms of land utilisation, for example, municipal commonages for local development (Atkinson, 2007c) and peri-urban agriculture (Thornton, 2008). Environmental issues related to small town land use have, with some exceptions (Van Eeden, 2012), been overlooked. Given the critical role of food and environmental considerations in concerns regarding the plant’s long-term sustainability, this gap is surprising and represents a clear avenue deserving of future attention and scholarship. Given national commitments to national and international climate and environment protocols the role of local agents and agencies clearly needs to be a greater focus of attention.
The theme of local – particularly economic – development, linked to tourism expansion, has seen considerable attention within this small body of scholarship. As Xuza (2012) notes, with which we concur, an overdependence on tourism, particularly in amenity-rich coastal towns, for example, presents challenges for the local housing market and employment practices trying to mitigate against the impact of seasonality. ‘By focusing all development efforts on attracting tourists, local people are pushed into the small corner of seasonal, low-wage employment and local municipalities left with no adequate powers to retain control over land’ (Xuza, 2012: 342). Closely linked to this issue is the further deepening of structural inequality in housing markets. Despite a very extensive body of research on housing in larger urban places, surprisingly little is known of housing issues in small towns generally and tourism-driven small towns, in particular (Paquet and Donaldson, 2012). The expansion of second homes in many small towns, for example, has brought this issue into sharp focus (Hoogendoorn and Visser, 2010b, 2015). In addition, extremely little is written about coastal small towns, whether are often anchored by tourism, retirement, or marine activities, or combinations thereof and the challenges they face.
A further concern, often underpinned by local development ambitions, is that of non-nationals’ presence in small towns – an increasing phenomenon in South Africa. The expanded presence of foreign-owned/migrant small businesses in many, if not most, small towns by often Chinese, Indian and Pakistani foreign nationals represents an increasing internationalised presence in small towns (Park and Chen, 2009). On the one hand, this offers employment opportunities for local South Africans to a certain degree and offers greater access to low-price point products which small town residents may otherwise be deprived of. On the other hand, the presence of foreign-owned/migrant businesses can lead to conflict where local residents are frustrated by their own attempts at finding employment, especially where foreign-owned/migrant businesses have succeeded and their own attempts might have failed. Xenophobic attacks in urban areas in May 2008 and 2015 have often been connected to foreigners supposedly ‘stealing’ local jobs (see for example Dodson, 2010) and it could be just a matter of time before this may occur in small towns across South Africa. Over and above the fact that the (il)legal presence of these businesses is suspicious to many local residents, it also frames which local development strategies can or cannot be pursued.
In addition, empirically and methodologically, the issue of the actual number of small towns in South Africa presents a major obstacle for research. Many investigations argue that South Africa has 500 small towns with up to 50,000 residents (Nel, 2005). This is undoubtedly incorrect, as there are 234 local municipalities in South Africa with many small towns in each municipality. It is problematic that the Census counts no longer distinguish between urban areas that can be considered small towns or suburban areas in cities and therefore do not provide an insight into the size, number and scope of small town spatial distribution in South Africa. While it may not be empirically helpful to have discussions about the definitions of what constitutes a small town, it is crucially important that representative research on small towns in South Africa should at least have an idea, if not an accurate number, of the tally of small towns in South Africa. This point is important in terms of spatially marginalised small towns which may fall outside of the research currently conducted. This debate can be extended into questions of definition and whether small towns can be defined solely in terms of population numbers, and is so what the numerical criteria should be. Additionally, adopting more holist definitions which consider issues of services, employment activities and administration can, arguably provide nuanced insight into the role and place which small towns play in the country’s settlement hierarchy.
Finally, there is a need for longer term investigations. In the light of the considerable volume of research that has been conducted on how apartheid impacted on large cities there is a noticeable lack of historical, integrative investigations on small towns.
Conclusion
In conclusion, perhaps the investigatory elephant in the room is that some small towns in South Africa are simply redundant and the harsh reality is that some small towns might simply not survive economically in the long term (Nel, 2012). This is a reality that cannot be ignored and holds a myriad cultural, economic, political and social challenges, as many towns purely become places of welfare pay-outs, which is essentially negative to the development of an already sluggish economy in South Africa (Nel, 2005). This position is not assisted, nor remedied, by a recent national government pronouncement. As Turok (2015: 12) notes The emphasis devoted in February’s budget (2015) to cities as a way to boost growth signals a sea change in the government’s stance towards metropolitan areas – from ambivalence to explicit support … The Treasury has led the conversion in recognition that cities are crucial to the prospects for reviving South Africa’s sluggish economy.
As this discussion has shown, it is apparent that while small towns are a relatively under-researched phenomenon in South African scholarship, they clearly do play a vital place in the national urban hierarch as numerous studies have illustrated (Nel, 2005). While small towns will, inevitably, experience the effects of rural and small towns population change and economic restructuring, they remain key elements in the livelihoods of their residents and will continue to play a vital role as places of services and welfare support and provision. A clear need exists to extend existing scholarship beyond the current economic and development focus and to play greater attention to a diverse range of themes which, as has been argued, have been under-researched to date. Amongst others, these include concerns over issues of governance, institutional capacity, land and resource access, environmental considerations, food supply and skills development. At a broader level, there is a need for national level research to better understand what is happening across the country in terms of the national settlement hierarchy and functional linkages and processes occurring within it. As highlighted above one of the most obvious foci needs to be addressing the imbalance in research undertaken to date which has generally paid inadequate attention to the very real development challenges and tenuous future faced by the former Homeland towns, which are a significant, but which too date, from a research point of view, are a seemingly marginalised aspects of the small town research. While national policy clearly is a adopting a big-city bias it would be to the detriment of the country if all urban places did not receive measures of support appropriate to their needs and their respective roles in the national settlement hierarchy. The topic of small towns while having been a focus of a degree of research in South Africa, clearly is deserving of greater attention.
Footnotes
Declaration of conflicting interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
