‘The perpetrators are with us,who will help us’: Sexual violence and victimisation of young female refugees in Northern Nigeria

Routine Activity Theory

According to Routine Activity Theory (RAT), crime arises when three conditions are met simultaneously and in the same place: an offender who is motivated, a target that is appropriate, and a lack of capable guardianship (Cohen and Felson, 1979). RAT explains sexual violence in camp settings as the convergence of motivated offenders, suitable targets, and absent or compromised guardianship. IDP camps may concentrate all three conditions: offenders operate within crowded spaces, young women and girls are exposed through dependency and limited privacy, and formal guardianship is weakened when security personnel or camp authorities are ineffective, complicit, or both (Cohen and Felson, 1979). Applied to the present study, RAT draws attention to the everyday organisation of camp space. Crowded shelters, informal surveillance, and resource queues can expose young females to repeated contact with men who have both opportunity and leverage. The theory is especially useful where the formal protectors are themselves implicated, because it helps explain how guardianship collapses not simply through absence, but through corruption or complicity by the guardianship structure. The National Policy on Internally Displaced Persons (2022) recognises these gaps, noting that management structures in the camps are not always able to provide proper protection. These empirical results align with the underlying presumption of RAT that the convergence of motivated offenders, the availability of appropriate targets, and the lack of guardianship are the most favourable circumstances under which sexual violence thrives.

Integrated Theory of Sexual Offending

The Integrated Theory of Sexual Offending (ITSO) by Ward and Beech focuses on a psychological and ecological approach to sexual offending. ITSO proposes that sexual violence is an outcome of the interaction between personal risk factors, immediate situational antecedents, and contextual influences (Ward and Beech, 2006). A major aspect of the theory is neuropsychological functioning, which shows that people with cognitive distortions, emotional dysregulations, or a history of trauma have a greater chance of committing sexual violence. There are high chances that many offenders have been victims of violence or abuse at some point in the past, or they have a mental health issue in refugee camps, which predisposes them to offending. Immediate situational factors, including stress, resource deprivation, and poor living conditions, which are triggers to sexual offending, are another crucial factor. Refugee camps are magnifiers of these stressors and provide an environment in which such offences flourish due to the overcrowded and resource-poor environments. The third element of ITSO is the ecological niche, defined as the broader societal and structural influences on offending behaviour. Systemic vulnerabilities in refugee camps, such as poor legal systems, gender inequality, and cultural values that tolerate violence, increase the risk of sexual violence. ITSO, therefore, focuses on the need to know both the individual vulnerability of the offenders and the contextual stress factors that create environments that support sexual violence.

Theoretical synthesis

The intersection of these theories offers a broad explanatory framework which can be used to explain sexual violence in Nigerian IDP camps. RAT expanded on the structural factors of overcrowding, shortage of resources, and lack of guardianship that provide chances to conduct sexual predation (Idika-Kalu, 2021), whereas ITSO describes how the individual characteristics of perpetrators interact with these environmental stressors. The synthesis is especially applicable when it comes to the Nigerian context, as the integration of insurgency-related displacement, limited institutional safeguards, and deeply rooted patriarchal values forms what Ward and Beech (2006) would describe as an ecological niche that would be favourable to sexual violence and offending. The theories have highlighted that the best interventions should focus on situational (enhancing security, resource allocation) and individual (confronting destructive masculinities, offering mental health) factors to prevent sexual violence in displacement contexts.

Design

The study adopted an exploratory qualitative design to examine the nature of sexual violence and victimisation in IDP camps in North-central Nigeria. This design was particularly suitable for this study, given the sensitive nature of sexual predation in IDP camps and the need to understand participants’ lived experiences, perspectives, and meanings they attach to their victimisation. The exploratory approach provided insights into the dynamics of sexual violence and the latent factors that enable, sustain, and exacerbate these behaviours, needing more concentrated interventions and policies.

Sampling method and participants

The study was carried out in northern Nigerian IDP camps, including those in Benue (Daudu camp), Nasarawa (New Kuchingoro camp), and Abuja (Wassa and Durumi camps), focusing on areas that have experienced substantial displacement due to conflicts, especially the ongoing banditry and farmer-herder crises. These states and Abuja were purposively selected because they host significant IDP populations with increasing prevalence of sexual violence, victimisation, and conflict dynamics: Benue and Nasarawa states are affected by farmer-herders conflict, ethnoreligious conflicts, and banditry and Abuja state by the influx of displaced persons from multiple conflict zones seeking safety in the capital region. The choice of these camps was based on accessibility, security considerations, and prevalent sexual predation and management deficiency. Daudu camp in Benue State comprises four extraction sites (Ortese, John Mark, Ikpam, and Ayouadoor) hosting over 100,000 IDPs. New Kuchingoro camp in Nasarawa and the camps in Abuja similarly accommodate thousands of displaced persons, predominantly women and children, in overcrowded conditions with limited security and resource provision.

The key population included victims of sexual violence, perpetrators, and camp officials and leaders in IDP camps. A purposive sampling technique was used to select key participants who provided a comprehensive and deep understanding of the dynamics of sexual violence in the refugee setting. The sample comprised 25 young females aged 15–30 years who had experienced sexual violence in camps (see Table 1 in Appendix 1), along with 6 camp officials with extensive knowledge of the issues in the states and Abuja, Nigeria. Among the six camp officials, four were female (including two counsellors, one health worker, and one camp leader) and two were male (one camp leader and one health attendant). The gender composition of camp officials was considered relevant, as female officials often had a greater rapport with survivors and could provide insights into gender-specific vulnerabilities, while male officials offered perspectives on camp governance and security structures. The young female participants represented diverse educational backgrounds (no formal education to secondary education) and had experienced sexual violence and gang rape more than twice, with ages at first assault ranging from 14 to 21 years.

This approach enriched the data by using a snowball sampling technique to identify hidden populations, such as victims who might not have been readily accessible through traditional recruitment methods. Initial participants were identified through gatekeepers, camp leaders, and non-governmental organisation (NGO) workers who had established trust relationships with camp residents. These initial contacts then referred other survivors who had experienced similar sexual violence, allowing the researchers to access individuals who might otherwise remain hidden due to fear of stigma or retaliation. Consequently, this ensured that the study captured a wider range of experiences and perspectives from a diverse group of stakeholders within the refugee camp environment.

Procedure and data collection

Participants were recruited through purposive and snowball sampling. Initially, camp officials, NGO staff, and leaders introduced researchers to residents, especially young females willing to participate. Many young females, including adolescents, were victims of sexual violence, but few consented to interviews, some of whom had experienced or witnessed violence. After identifying initial subjects, snowball sampling was used to recruit more participants from hidden groups. While more participants gave verbal consent, a few others signed informed consent before interviews, with additional parental consent obtained for participants under 18 years of age. Due to the participants’ vulnerability, several ethical safeguards were implemented. The study received ethical approval from the Social Science Ethical Review Committee of the University of Ibadan, Nigeria with Approval Number SSHREC/2024/0053. Confidentiality was maintained through the use of pseudonyms in all research records and publications. Interviews were conducted in private locations within the camps to ensure participants’ safety and comfort. Participants were informed of their right to withdraw from the study at any time without consequence, and all were provided with information about available support services, including referrals to local SARCs and psychosocial support programmes offered by partner NGOs for those who disclosed traumatic experiences requiring professional intervention.

The study used qualitative in-depth and key informant interviews for data collection. In-depth interviews were semi-structured, typically lasting 30–60 minutes, and were conducted in private spaces within the camps to ensure confidentiality. Interviews with the 25 survivors (10 in Benue, 9 in Nassarawa, and 6 in Abuja) explored their experiences with sexual violence, their predators, perceived contributing factors, and views on justice, using open-ended questions. The six key informant interviews were conducted with camp officials who had robust knowledge of camp dynamics and ongoing sexual violence issues. They were selected because of their direct involvement in handling reports of sexual violence, their access to camp residents, and their institutional knowledge of camp governance structures. Their insights provided contextual understanding of how the camp management responded to reports of sexual violence and the systemic challenges in addressing these issues.

Interviews were conducted in local languages, including Hausa, Tiv, and Nigerian Pidgin English, with professional interpreters engaged when needed to ensure accurate communication. The research team included trained female interviewers who had prior experience working with survivors of gender-based violence. Sensitive questions about sexual violence were approached gradually, beginning with general questions about camp life and experiences before moving to more specific inquiries about violence. Participants were given control over the pace of disclosure and were reminded they could skip any questions or pause the interview at any time. While some participants allowed audio recording, most preferred detailed note-taking due to concerns about confidentiality and potential identification. Interviewers took comprehensive field notes immediately after each interview to capture non-verbal cues and contextual observations.

The researcher acknowledged that their own position could affect data collection and interpretation. First, the research team familiarised themselves with the culture of the research settings, as they were affiliated with an academic institution in Nigeria, which increased the likelihood of rapport-building with the participants. Nonetheless, the researchers also recognised the power dynamics in the relationship between the researcher and participants, especially when dealing with vulnerable displaced populations. There were male and female assistants on the team, and many of the interviews with survivors were conducted by female interviewers to reduce the possible discomfort. The fact that the researchers were educated professionals who were not members of the camp communities might have affected participants’ responses, some of whom might have sought to present their cases in ways they believed would elicit sympathy or action. To address these biases, the researchers conducted frequent debriefing sessions, maintained reflective journals, and used member-checking methods wherever possible to confirm interpretations with participants. The analysis was conducted by the research team in teams to ensure diverse viewpoints were used to interpret the findings.

Analysis

Recorded interviews were translated and transcribed verbatim. Atlas Ti, version 21, was used to organise and code the data. Thematic analysis was employed, following Braun and Clarke’s (2006) six-phase approach: familiarisation with data, initial coding, searching for themes, reviewing themes, defining and naming themes, and producing the report. Researchers developed a codebook based on the interview protocols and emergent themes, with particular attention being paid to gender dynamics, power relations, and camp governance structures influencing sexual violence. Inductive analysis ensured findings reflected participants’ experiences rather than imposing pre-existing theoretical frameworks. The analysis was conducted iteratively, with regular team discussions to refine coding categories and ensure inter-coder reliability. Member-checking was conducted with a subset of participants to validate the emerging themes and interpretations. The findings are presented thematically, with verbatim quotes from participants (identified by participant number and type) used to illustrate key themes and ensure the voices of survivors and camp officials are central to the analysis.

Hostilities and sexual violence in IDP camps

The study highlights the pattern of sexual aggression in Northern Nigeria refugee camps, where displacement increases vulnerabilities due to poor living conditions and systemic lapses in protection. The study shows sexual aggression is widespread, with victims and community leaders noting predators exploiting women, girls, and boys in camps. Sexual harassment is common, and rape normalisation is rising. Predators use sexual violence for bargaining, offering essentials in exchange for compliance, and leaving victims little choice but to submit or face further abuse. The dire camp conditions make food access a luxury, pushing women to consent to sex for shelter and safety. Many face vulnerability and abuse, with exploiters shaming them over health issues. Victims highlighted the normalisation of rape, revealing their distressing reality endured:

Those forcing us for sex know we are helpless. Suppose we do not consent to their demands for sex. They will harass us, deny us food, shame the young women with their conditions, especially those having health issues, physically abuse us and get away with it. Young women who refuse sex advances risk missing a meal; our aggressors are with us. The children are from the rapes I endured by different men here. The condition is pathetic here in Benue. (Participant 5, Female Survivor, Benue)

The study found that sexual violence was described not as isolated incidents but as a recurring feature of camp life. Benue accounts were the most severe, with survivors more often describing gang rape, repeated assaults, and leading to pregnancy amid precarity arising from poor conditions in the camps, with more children born from rape. Nasarawa accounts emphasised intimidation, threats, and pressure not to report. Abuja narratives reflected vulnerability, but key informants described somewhat more external oversight and fewer disclosures of severe sexual assault. From the RAT perspective, the camps created a setting in which suitable targets were exposed, and effective guardianship was weak or unreliable. The study also found that forced sexual aggression in camps was predatory, often driven by power imbalances and poor oversight. Perpetrators exploited authority over resources to coerce victims. Another woman with a history of sexual violence noted that sexual aggression is notably pervasive:

It is painful to admit, but even those meant to protect us sometimes turn against us. Before becoming a leader in this refugee camp, I was a victim and lost count of the men who forced me into sex without any action being taken. Younger females come to me crying about guards demanding sex in exchange for food or risking being brutalised; hardly any young females have not been forced and impregnated. (Participant 31, Female Camp Leader, Benue)

Women linked abuse to hunger, inadequate shelter, limited privacy, and dependence on men who controlled food, protection, or access to camp resources. In Benue, like in Nassarawa camps, women were gang raped at will and subjected to systemic vulnerability while camp management observed without accountability for the crimes committed. A young survivor remarked,

Sexual aggression, or call it rape is common to all young girls in this Benue camp; even the mothers are tired of hearing their daughters were raped; we have accepted our situation; my first experience of sexual aggression started when a guard sent some of the young male refugees to me that he wants to make me his wife, he eventually came that he wants me to be his wife and that I have a beautiful body. When I told him I was not interested, he took offence and constantly insulted me. A few weeks later, he arranged for me to come for some food; at that time, my mother and young siblings barely ate a meal a day, and when I arrived there, a few boys grabbed me and forced me into his cubicle, and I was overpowered. He had sex with me. Subsequently, his boys (four boys), who are fellow refugees, jointly and agonisingly raped me and not even the camp managers and leaders took meaningful actions. (Participant 4, Female Survivor, Age 15, Benue)

The study noted the pattern of abuse varied by camp but followed a common logic: deprivation reduced refusal power, and weak oversight made sexual violence appear normal, expected, or futile to challenge. This addresses the first research aim by showing that the lived experience of sexual violence in these camps was repetitive, survival-linked, and spatially patterned rather than incidental. Noting the Abuja camps’ situation, a health attendant said:

In this camp, there are a few incidents of sexual violence. The cases are not as frequent as those of domestic violence, which I observed when I first joined the health team at this camp in Abuja. However, there are other standard reports, such as domestic violence, where a man physically assaults his wife for speaking or having sexual relationships with other men. (Participant 28, Male Health Attendant, Abuja)

The severity of sexual violence and victimisation also varied across the displacement settings. Many survivors described assaults in numerical terms, while others noted the abuse was ‘countless’ or that they were no longer certain how many times they had been gang raped, impregnated, and silenced. The variation itself indicates chronic victimisation, memory fatigue, and the normalisation of violence rather than isolated one-off experiences.

‘Predators are with us; they move freely’

The discourse on sexual violence in IDP camps emphasises a complex issue requiring nuanced understanding and action. Studies rarely reveal the perpetrators’ or the camp management’s roles, underscoring the importance of this study and the need for urgent interventions. Displacement and conflict conditions worsen power imbalances, enabling male dominance and increasing the vulnerability of women and children to abuse. Survivors and key informants most often identified security personnel, male refugees, camp-linked insiders, and males from host communities as the main offenders. The evidence did not point to a single perpetrator type; rather, violence was organised through networks of proximity and authority. Men who controlled access to food, movement, or informal protection used that leverage to make sexual demands, while some gang molestation involved collaboration between guards, male refugees, and male members of host communities:

I experienced my first sexual assault at age 16; thereafter, I have been raped many times. The sexual aggressors here feel they have power over us, and worst still, when we report the case, it dies naturally; nobody takes up sexual violence cases for us, so we are voiceless because when you speak, you are not attended to, we are powerless as well because nowhere to go to, no house, no food, so leaving this camp means being exposed to more dangers. These men here are responsible for the sexual violence; they live with us, our fellow refugees, and some oversee policing the camps. (Participant 6, Female Survivor, Age 19, Benue)

I have two children from my rape experience, I was ganged raped on many occasions, I know those who raped me, and two of these men have previously approached me several times, and I rejected their advances; both were security guards in the camp here in Benue, after some weeks, two of them along with two other friends not from the camp, successfully raped me in the camp, a situation like this happens a lot. I reported the case to the camp authority, and to date, no action has been taken. I no longer see these guards in the camp, but no steps have been taken for justice. (Participant 10, Female Survivor, Age 20, Benue)

The study documented the systematic tactics perpetrators used to evade accountability or being processed for justice. Security guards were found to collaborate with male refugees to gang rape women who refused their advances. Young male refugees acted as scouts and informants, helping predators identify vulnerable targets and optimal timing for attacks. Perpetrators gained control over aid distribution, withholding food and essentials to create dependency and silence the victims. A camp counsellor described these dynamics,

Sometimes, the camp officials are the culprits, and they often exploit the situation; they would downplay reports of rape. Some cases have been found among fellow male refugees and community members who collaborate with camp security personnel. I do get reports directly from young females; the management sometimes wants to protect its name and prefers to handle these cases internally, only to send the culprits away while they have assaulted the victims. What the aggressors now do is to assault the females in a group so that the victims would not be able to identify their violators. There was a case of a girl who was bleeding severely after being gang raped; she could not recognise all her predators as it happened at night. (Participant 30, Male Counsellor, Benue)

The study found that perpetrators frequently targeted young women who refused romantic or sexual advances, denying these women and their families access to food and sanitation. Women who refused advances are punished with serial rape or, in many cases, as in Benue and Nassarawa, were forced into gang rape for multiple days in a week. Key informants confirmed that some camp officials prey on young women, downplay reports of rapes, and revictimise these survivors, thereby reinforcing a culture of fear and silence in the camps.

Revictimisation in pursuit of justice

In Nigeria, victimisation from sexual violence arises from a lack of ‘consent’, leading to humiliation and rights violations. Laws like Section 360 of the Criminal Code and the Violence Against Persons (Prohibition) Act 2015 condemn aggression and coercion against women and girls, especially in refugee camps, as fundamental human rights violations. Penalties range from 7 years to life imprisonment. The Violence Against Persons Prohibition Act (VAPPA, 2015) mandates a minimum of 12 years and a maximum of life imprisonment for sexual aggressors. However, the lack of justice for victims of sexual violence in refugee camps underscores this reality. There remains a pressing need for more effective justice implementation, particularly concerning the vulnerable situation of young female refugees, who are continually at risk of sexual predation and often silenced when pursuing justice:

The process of reporting rape and assault has been deeply compromised by those assigned to handle these cases for referral to law enforcement agencies and the courts. Unfortunately, victims are often stigmatised and insulted with claims that these young girls must have exchanged sex for money and gifts they have been collecting from their aggressors, which inadvertently encourages perpetrators to continue their actions. Even when victims identify their aggressors, rape cases are often poorly judged. We often get victimised for wanting justice, and in the process, we have been silenced. (Participant 15, Female Survivor, Age 28, Nasarawa)

Survivors across Benue and Nasarawa repeatedly observed that reporting channels were unsafe or ineffective and reinforce secondary victimisation. They feared blame, disbelief, retaliation, eviction, and further loss of access to shelter or food. Female camp leaders explained that they often received complaints first, but lacked the power to pursue sanctions when senior camp actors discarded reports of rape while accusing the young women of promiscuity to protect the reputation of the management or were simply the predators. In RAT terms, formal guardianship failed at the point where survivors sought protection; in practice, institutions that should have interrupted abuse became part of the problem:

I was gang raped when I was at age 16; how do I tell my son I do not know his father? Thereafter, I was assaulted several times, and I had to take contraceptives at some point. My mother tried to take up the case, but the management suppressed it; we could not afford a lawyer, and we did not even have shelter over us; we were threatened with being thrown out of the refugee camp should we press further. I am suffering; who will take care of my son? There are many children here like my son, and we pray they do not end up in the street like the older ones here because, after some time, these boys will run away from the refugee camps. (Participant 19, Female Survivor, Age 17, Benue)

The burden of sexual violence extended beyond the assault itself. Many survivors were caring for children conceived through rape, while camp insiders worried about the social abandonment of both mothers and children. The accounts suggest that revictimisation occurred through stigma, procedural neglect, and pressure to absorb the consequences of violence privately. This buttressed the revictimisation of survivors, establishing that the aftermath of abuse in camp settings includes institutional betrayal and intergenerational insecurity, not only immediate trauma:

We are first to receive reports of rape cases, often involving young girls, on rare occasions, older adults, before taking them to the camp officials. In the case of sexual violence, the management decides the actions. Unfortunately, young women rarely get justice; they are often told to forget the violence against them, and we are not empowered beyond advisory roles in camps. The young girls are powerless in their case and are expected to bear the burden of pregnancy and foster the children who now roam the streets and join gangs. This damages the young girls more. (Participant 31, Female Camp Leader, Benue)

The participant reported feeling completely powerless during their abuse, emphasising that many young girls are not only gang raped, but are also silenced in their struggle to deal with their trauma and powerlessness. Since the authorities of the camps know their vulnerable position, they tend to shield the abusers to preserve the reputation of the management, which unintentionally fosters not only sexual violence but also the revictimisation of the victims.

Practice impact statement

This study underscores the emerging patterns of sexual predation and victimisation of young females in refugee camps in Northern Nigeria. Victims were not merely silenced in their pursuit of justice; rather, the management and security personnel of the camp frequently revictimised these young females by denying them and their families access to essential necessities. The study strongly advocates for a comprehensive overhaul of Nigeria’s justice system, along with significant reforms to the existing legislation of sexual crimes. It recommends the establishment of an institution aimed at addressing the cases of victims of sexual violence and aggression, not only within refugee camps but also in communities with prevailing crises. The study warns that the consequences of sexual predation in refugee camps are not only injurious to victims, but that a greater number of children born from this sexual violence are being recruited into insurgent groups, escalating its spread from the northern region to the southern region of the country.