Abstract
This study examined whether two facets of preschool children’s home environment, parenting style and parental emotional intelligence, may be risk factors for challenging behaviors among kindergarten children in Arab society in Israel. The author sampled 524 parents of children ages 4 to 5 years who completed questionnaires about their parenting style, emotional intelligence, and their child’s behavior. Teachers also reported on the children’s challenging behaviors to increase reliability. The findings revealed that authoritarian (high demandingness, low warmth) and uninvolved (low demandingness, low warmth) parenting styles and low parental emotional intelligence were associated with greater challenging behaviors in children (both parent and teacher reports). Notably, authoritative (high demandingness, high warmth) parenting style was related to fewer challenging behaviors in children, suggesting that this may be a protective factor for children. The findings broadly parallel prior research across cultures.
The 2016 National Survey of Children’s Health (NSCH) found that one in six children ages 2 to 8 years in the United States has been diagnosed with a mental, developmental, or behavioral disorder (Cree et al., 2018). It is estimated that 5% to 26% of preschool children have significant challenging behaviors (Brauner & Stephens, 2006). Challenging behaviors contribute to negative relationships with teachers and colleagues (Bulotsky-Shearer et al., 2012a, 2012b), learning disabilities, and academic struggles (Hamre & Pianta, 2001), and have been associated with the development of later behavioral and emotional disorders (Fanti & Henrich, 2010). Studies indicate that challenging behaviors that are not addressed are likely to worsen over time and may become more treatment resistant (Cohen, 1995; Egger & Angold, 2006; Ogundele, 2018; Olweus, 1979; Robins, 1991).
Challenging Behaviors in Children
The number of preschool children in the United States who meet the criteria for challenging behaviors has been increasing rapidly since 1990 (Egger & Angold, 2006). This increase was noticed in a meta-analysis evaluation of 41 studies from 27 Western and non-Western countries, further demonstrating how these results parallel in various worldwide geographical locations (Polanczyk et al., 2015). Preschool children with challenging behaviors often exhibit deficits in social skills and the ability to contextualize emotional cues from the environment (McConaughy et al., 2011). Studies have linked challenging behaviors with more severe emotional problems, such as depression, anxiety, irritability, alienation, and extreme changes in mood that are not appropriate for the situation and developmental age (Sepripal, 2013). Thus, preschool children may later find it difficult to develop and maintain positive peer relationships and cope with social challenges (Barkley, 2006). The negative associations of challenging behaviors with emotional and social functioning highlight the need for improved efforts to identify and treat these children.
Emotional and behavioral challenges in preschool children can have long-lasting impacts, which negatively affect the children’s lives at home, at school, and in public. For example, behavioral problems affect preschool children’s psychosocial functioning, their school performance, and later occupational functioning (Ogundele, 2018). Furthermore, many preschool children who are diagnosed with behavioral problems have a high risk of later developing antisocial behavior and substance abuse (Bradley & Mandell, 2005), an increased risk of injury (Bandyopadhyay et al., 2019), and lower school attendance rates (Lawrence et al., 2019). Prior research has demonstrated the persistent nature of symptoms of behavioral problems throughout childhood and has suggested the utility of early assessment and diagnosis (Keenan et al., 2007; Keenan & Wakschlag, 2004). In a longitudinal study, children diagnosed with behavioral problems at 5 years of age were significantly more likely to continue to meet the diagnostic criteria for behavioral problems after 2 years; after 3 years, these individuals had more behavioral, social, and educational difficulties compared with children who were not diagnosed with the disorder (Kim-Cohen et al., 2005, 2009). Thus, it is important to determine the factors that may predict early onset of challenging behaviors to contribute to better early diagnostic efforts.
Parental Styles and Challenging Behaviors Among Children
The child’s home environment may have significant influence on his or her development of challenging behaviors. One facet of the home environment is parenting style. Parental styles have been associated with children’s social and psychological development, psychological autonomy, and mental health (Hosokawa & Katsura, 2019; Rizvi & Najam, 2015). Baumrind (1991) proposed a multidimensional model that describes four parenting styles (authoritative, authoritarian, permissive, uninvolved) that are characterized by how the parents fulfill the child’s needs. Importantly, preliminary evidence from recent studies has suggested that the four parenting styles have demonstrated differential associations with children’s challenging behaviors. Sangawai and colleagues (2015) conducted a meta-analysis of 86 studies examining the effects of parental styles on children’s challenging behaviors in 12 countries: United States, Canada, United Kingdom, Spain, Portugal, Netherlands, Finland, Croatia, Iran, China, Taiwan, and Pakistan. The researchers found that parental styles are differentially associated with challenging behaviors in children, with authoritative style generally being more favorable. However, inconsistencies were observed that may be attributable to cultural variance. Thus, a closer examination of specific context-based studies examining the effects of each parenting style on children’s challenging behaviors may provide a more nuanced perspective of this literature.
Authoritative Style
Hoskins (2014) described that authoritative parents exhibit a balance of upholding rules and being responsive to a child’s emotional needs. These parents encourage verbal give-and-take, express reasoning behind rules, and use power, reason, and shaping to strengthen objectives. Previous studies have revealed that an authoritative parenting style of both mother and father was established as the most optimal style, evidenced by significant, negative associations with the severity of challenging behaviors in children (Rizvi & Najam, 2015). In further support, authoritative parenting styles have also been significantly, negatively related to both internalizing and externalizing challenging behaviors in children (Shafipour et al., 2015).
Authoritarian Style
Hoskins (2014) characterized authoritarian parents as being highly demanding but less emotionally responsive. In this style, parents emphasize blind conformity and obedience in a less warm environment. Furthermore, authoritarian parents display low levels of engagement with and trust toward their children. Previous studies that have examined the correlation between authoritarian style and challenging behaviors have yielded inconsistent findings. Although some studies have observed a positive relation between authoritarian parenting style and children’s challenging behaviors (Hosokawa & Katsura, 2019; Rizvi & Najam, 2015), other studies have found no association (Azizi et al., 2018; Rosli, 2014) or even a negative association (especially in non-Western societies; Hemmati Alamdarloo et al., 2014; Sheikhi et al., 2015).
Permissive Style
Hoskins (2014) details that permissive parents are highly responsive but less demanding. These parents behave in a manner that often affirms the impulses, actions, and desires of the child and include them in family decisions, which may or may not be developmentally appropriate. In addition, they tend to avoid engaging in behavioral control and do not set many rules or behavioral expectations. Akin to prior studies examining authoritarian parents, previous research that has investigated the associations between permissive parenting style and children’s challenging behaviors has also been inconsistent. Numerous studies have observed a positive association between this style and greater challenging behaviors in children (Hosokawa & Katsura, 2019; Rizvi & Najam, 2015), whereas others have found no significant association (Naeimavi et al., 2015) or negative psychological outcomes (especially in Western societies; Baumrind, 1996; Joshi et al., 2009).
Uninvolved Style
Uninvolved parents demonstrate low levels of being both demanding and emotionally responsive (Kremers et al., 2003). Uninvolved parents are typically low in both responsiveness and demandingness. In extreme cases, this parenting style might encompass both rejecting–neglecting and neglectful parents. Because parenting style is a typology, rather than a linear combination of responsiveness and demandingness, each parenting style is more than and different from the sum of its parts (Baumrind, 1991). Due to the lack of emotional responsiveness and love from their caretakers, children raised by uninvolved parents may also have difficulty forming attachments later in life. Hoskins (2014) and Kotaman (2016) demonstrated that the uninvolved parental style may have the most negative effect on children outcomes compared with the other three parental styles.
Parental Emotional Intelligence and Challenging Behaviors in Children
Another facet of a child’s home environment that has been shown to relate to the child’s likelihood of developing challenging behaviors is the emotional intelligence of the parent(s). Belean and Natasa (2017) reported that parental style relates to parental emotional intelligence. Emotional intelligence has been defined as the ability to attend to, understand, and regulate emotions to guide thought and behavior (Salovey & Mayer, 1990). This definition emphasizes the processing of emotional information. However, Goleman (1995) elaborated on this definition to suggest that emotional intelligence reflects an interaction of processing abilities and natural or learned tendencies to react to emotional situations in positive and efficient ways. Prior studies have suggested that greater parental emotional intelligence may relate to more positive developmental outcomes in children, such as less aggression (Batool & Bond, 2015), good mental ability and positive personality traits (Van Rooy & Viswesvaran, 2004), and physical and psychological health (Tsaousis & Nikolaou, 2005).
There are few studies that have explored how parental emotional intelligence may contribute to the child’s development of emotional intelligence and challenging behaviors. Costa and colleagues (2018) demonstrated that adolescent emotional intelligence was predicted by material emotional intelligence, and the relationship between parent and child emotional intelligence was also supported by Cumberland-Li and colleagues (2003) and Turculeţ and Tulbure (2014). In addition, studies have related parental emotional intelligence to challenging behaviors among young children. For instance, a significant association has been found between greater maternal emotional intelligence and better behavioral outcomes (Aminabadi et al., 2012) and executive functioning (Finch & Obradović, 2017) in the child.
Current Study and Sample Considerations
In summary, prior literature suggests that the likelihood of children developing challenging behaviors may be differentially associated with the four parenting styles and negatively related to greater parental emotional intelligence. We examined the associations between challenging behaviors in kindergarten-age children with parental style and parental emotional intelligence. We improved upon methodology used in prior research, which has consisted primarily of small, convenience samples that have relied on only parents’ assessment of the child’s behaviors. We used both parent and teacher reports of the child’s challenging behaviors with a larger convenience sample to provide a more comprehensive picture of functioning. We utilized a novel, understudied sample of kindergarten children in Arab society in Israel. Changes have been made recently in Arab society in Israel, such as a change in the parent status as the head of a family, weakening the influence of the clan and the extended family, strengthening the emphasis on higher education, and increasing the status of women (Al-Haj, 1989, 1995). Over the latter part of the 20th century, the Arab family in Israel has been undergoing changes. With respect to children, families may have varied expectations for their child’s behaviors based on whether they align with traditional Arab or more modernized Israeli–Palestinian culture. Thus, the novel population used in the current study has the potential to provide a nuanced perspective on the observed associations between parenting style, parenting emotional intelligence, and children’s challenging behaviors by examining a distinct population. Based on previous studies looking across numerous cultures, the following were hypothesized:
Method
Participants
The sample included reports from 524 parents of children ages 4 to 5 years, as well as from 30 kindergarten teachers of these children. The children were all enrolled in kindergarten in the Triangle area (Islamic Arab population in Israel), and the sample consisted of students from 30 national kindergartens in the northern district, chosen by convenience sampling methods. The children were not identified as being at high risk of behavioral problems through a formal measure, but a convenience sample recruitment method was expected to yield a range of behavioral patterns because the students were chosen from kindergartens from various towns and villages. The majority of parents were age 20 to 30 years (60%), and about 40% of parents had an academic degree (bachelor’s degree or higher). About 40% of children were the oldest or youngest child in the family, 18% of them were the middle child, and others were the second child or the third in the family. The average age of children was about 4.34 years (SD = 0.56 years). Almost half of parents had one to two children and the others had three or more children. In regard to teachers, many had seniority (M = 15.45, SD = 5.76) and were of middle age (M = 36.65, SD = 6.89); 86% had a BA and 14% had an MA.
Measures
Personal Information Questionnaire (for parents)
This questionnaire was developed by the researchers. It collected information about parents’ age, education, gender, their child’s location, and the number of children in the family.
Parental Style Questionnaire (PSQ)
This self-report questionnaire to be taken by parents was developed by Abu-Taleb (2013). The questionnaire contains 49 items indexing the four parenting styles. Parents rated each item on a Likert-type scale ranging from 0 (object) to 2 (absolutely agree). Internal reliability has been found to be high for each subscale (Abu-Taleb, 2013): authoritative (α = .82), authoritarian (α = .74), permissive style (α = .77), and uninvolved (α = .82). In the current study, good internal reliability was replicated for each subscale: authoritative (α = .69), authoritarian (α = .70), permissive (α = .74), and uninvolved (α = .73).
Emotional Intelligence Questionnaire (EIQ)
This self-report questionnaire contains 36 items (Elakaichi, 2004) and is based on Goleman’s model (Goleman, 1995), which measures five domains: self-awareness, emotional thinking, empathy, relaxed mood, and the art of relations. Parents were asked to rate each response on a Likert-type scale ranging from 1 (very opposed) to 5 (very much agree). Elakaichi (2004) reported internal reliability of α = .80 for the overall scale and each subscale: self-awareness (α = .78), emotional thinking (α = .82), empathy (α = .84), relaxed mood (α = .79), and art of relations (α = .82). The current study replicated good internal reliability for the overall scale (α = .70) and each subscale: self-awareness (α = .68), emotional thinking (α = .69), empathy (α = .64), relaxed mood (α = .70), and art of relations (α = .72).
Child Behavior Checklist (CBCL)
This is a self-report questionnaire that includes 111 items and was developed by Achenbach (1991) to assess the behavior of preschool children between the ages of 4 and 18 years, according to the report of their teachers and parents. Each item is rated on a Likert-type scale ranging from 0 (not true) to 2 (very true). The form assesses nine dimensions of challenging behaviors: (a) aggression, (b) hyperactivity and lack of attention (attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder [ADHD]), (c) anxiety, (d) social withdrawal, (e) physical complaints, (f) social problems, (g) thinking problems, (h) conduct problems, and (i) other problems. It assessed both internalizing (i.e., anxious, depressive, and thinking problems) and externalizing (i.e., aggressive, hyperactive, noncompliant, and undercontrolled) behaviors. Twina (2012) observed acceptable-to-good internal reliability coefficients for each subscale in the Arabic version: aggression (α = .78), ADHD (α = .67), anxiety (α = .54), social withdrawal (α = .60), physical complaints (α = .41), conduct problems (α = .42), social problems (α = .52), thinking problems (α = .64), other problems (α = .81), as well as the complete questionnaire (α = .81). In the current study, good internal reliability was observed: aggression (α = .77), ADHD (α = .73), anxiety (α = .83), social withdrawal (α = .82), physical complaints (α = .79), thinking problems (α = .88), conduct problems (α = .77), social problems (α = .76), other problems (α = .78), internalizing problems (α = .73), externalizing problems (α = .75), as well as the complete questionnaire (α = .72).
Procedure
The questionnaires were translated from English into Arabic and pilot tested by five Arab professional experts in psychology, counseling, Arabic language, and education. They evaluated the clarity and relevance of the questions and the translation, which was done by the researchers with the help of the professional experts. After completion, the translated draft of the questionnaire was back-translated into English by an independent expert in translation. The study was conducted in 30 kindergartens in the northern region of Israel in 2017. The study was carried out after receiving the relevant permits from the ministry of education and after each parent provided informed consent. Potentially eligible children received a letter addressed to the parents, which briefly stated the subject and purpose of the research and the rights of the participants (e.g., anonymity, ability to withdraw without penalty). If a parent provided consent, the child was given an envelope to give to his or her parent, which included the four measures used in the research study. The questionnaires can be completed independently by the mother or the father, or collaboratively by the parents: 47% of the questionnaires were completed by mothers, 26% by fathers, and the other were collaboratively completed by parents. About 90% of parents returned questionnaires, and for these participants, teacher reports were collected for the child’s behavior.
Data Analytic Plan
Descriptive statistics were first examined for each continuous study variable (CBCL total score from teacher report, CBCL total score from parent report, internalizing problems, externalizing problems, PSQ authoritative-style subscale, PSQ authoritarian-style subscale, PSQ uninvolved-style subscale, PSQ permissive-style subscale, and EIQ total score). Bivariate, zero-order correlations were then explored for these continuous study variables to test associations of parenting style and emotional intelligence with teacher and parent reports of children’s challenging behaviors and internalizing and externalizing problems, also to test the associations between teacher and parent reports of challenging behaviors in the children. Finally, a full multiple regression in steps model including the PSQ subscale and EIQ total score as independent variables was created to examine the unique associations of each parenting style and emotional intelligence with teacher and parent reports of children’s challenging behaviors while controlling for the other variables such as child age and gender.
Results
Table 1 details the descriptive statistics for each of the study variables used in the analyses.
Mean, Standard Deviation, Minimum, and Maximum Values for Research Variables (N = 524).
Hypothesis 1: Parental Styles and Children’s Challenging Behaviors
Table 2 illustrates Pearson’s correlations between the study variables.
Correlations Among Study Variables (N = 524).
p < .05. **p < .01.
The first hypothesis focused on the relation between parental styles and challenging behaviors. A significant negative correlation was observed between parental assessment of children’s challenging behaviors and authoritative parenting style (r = −.32, p < .01), and positives correlations were seen with uninvolved style (r = .34, p < .01) and authoritarian style (r = .35, p < .01). No association was observed with permissive style (r = −.11, p > .05). Similar results were found with respect to internalizing problems.
A significant negative correlation was observed between parental assessment of children’s internalizing problems and authoritative parenting style (r = −.35, p < .01), and positive correlations were found with uninvolved style (r = .38, p < .01) and authoritarian style (r = .30, p < .01). No association was observed with permissive style (r = −.06, p > .05), and the same direction was with externalizing problems.
A significant negative correlation was observed for parental assessment of children’s externalizing problems with authoritative parenting style (r = −.30, p < .01) and positive correlations for uninvolved style (r = .32, p < .01) and authoritarian style (r = .37, p < .01). No association was observed with permissive style (r = −.07, p > .05).
These results were replicated based on teachers’ assessment of children’s challenging behaviors: with a negative correlation for authoritative parenting style (r = −.35, p < .01) and positive correlations for uninvolved style (r = .37, p < .01) and authoritarian style (r = .33, p < .01). Again, no association was observed with permissive style (r = −.13, p > .05). Similar results were found for internalizing problems. A significant negative correlation was observed between parental assessment of children’s internalizing problems and authoritative parenting style (r = −.38, p < .01), and positive correlations for uninvolved style (r = .35, p < .01) and authoritarian style (r = .34, p < .01). No association was observed with permissive style (r = −.05, p > .05) and the same direction was seen for externalizing problems. A significant negative correlation was observed between parental assessment of children’s externalizing problems and authoritative parenting style (r = −.34, p < .01), and positive correlations for uninvolved style (r = .37, p < .01) and authoritarian style (r = .35, p<.01). No association was observed with permissive style (r = −.09, p > .05).
Regression in steps analyses were used to further understand the predictive associations of parenting style in predicting children’s challenging behaviors according to parental report, while controlling for parental emotional intelligence. Table 3 shows the regression coefficients for these associations.
Regression in Steps to Predict Challenging Behaviors According to Parents (N = 524).
p < .05. **p < .01.
Paralleling correlational analyses, parental report of children’s challenging behaviors was significantly, positively associated with uninvolved parenting style (β = 0.18, p < .01) and authoritarian style (β = 0.15, p < .01), and significantly, negatively related to authoritative style (β = −0.17, p < .01). No significant association was observed with permissive parenting style (β = −0.02, p > .05).
Findings were replicated when teachers’ report of child’s challenging behaviors was specified as the outcome variable. Again paralleling correlational analyses, teacher report of children’s challenging behaviors was significantly, positively associated with uninvolved parenting style (β = 0.13, p < .01) and authoritarian style (β = 0.18, p < .01), and significantly, negatively related to authoritative style (β = −0.17, p < .01). No significant association was observed with permissive parenting style (β = −0.06, p > .05).
Hypothesis 2: Parental Emotional Intelligence and Children’s Challenging Behaviors
The correlational analyses detailed in Table 2 revealed a significant negative correlation between teacher report of children’s challenging behaviors and parental emotional intelligence (r = −.38, p < .01); also, a negative significant association was observed between parental report of children’s challenging behaviors and parental emotional intelligence (r = −.34, p < .01). Regression in steps described in Tables 3 and 4 demonstrated significant associations of parental emotional intelligence with parent and teacher reports of children’s challenging behaviors (β = −1.78, p < .01 and β = −1.58, p < .01, respectively).
Regression in Steps to Predict Challenging Behaviors According to Teacher Assessment (N = 524).
p < .05. **p < .01.
Discussion
We examined the associations between parenting styles and parental emotional intelligence with parent- and teacher-reported challenging behaviors among kindergarten children in Arab society in Israel. In line with the first hypothesis, authoritative parenting style was related to fewer challenging behaviors in children, based on both parent and teacher reports. In contrast, authoritarian and uninvolved parenting styles were associated with increased challenging behaviors in children, again based on both parent and teacher reports. No associations with children’s challenging behaviors were observed with the permissive parenting style. The second hypothesis was supported by correlational analyses and multiple regression models, which demonstrated significant associations between parental emotional intelligence and both parents’ and teachers’ reports of children’s challenging behaviors.
Parental Styles and Challenging Behaviors in Children
Authoritative style
Consistent with the hypothesis, authoritative parenting style was related to fewer challenging behaviors in children, based on both teacher and parent reports. These findings align with previous studies that have indicated a negative relation between authoritative parental style and behavior problems among young children (Rizvi & Najam, 2015). The authoritative parenting style includes support, guidance, supervision, and consistency and thus may be ideal for promoting appropriate expectations for children while being sensitive to their emotional experience (Dekovic et al., 2003). Authoritative parents understand their children’s feelings and teach them how to not only regulate their emotions but also compassionately guide them to learn from any mistakes they make (Marsiglia et al., 2007). These parents understand developmentally appropriate activities and emotions and conscientiously help their children problem solve (Baumrind, 1966, 1971). Each of these characteristics likely contributes to authoritative parents raising children with the fewest challenging behaviors.
Although the current study confirmed prior research showing that authoritative parents may minimize negative outcomes, such as children’s challenging behaviors, other research suggests that this parenting style maximizes positive outcomes, such as overall well-being (Furnham & Cheng, 2000; Rizvi & Najam, 2015). For instance, children with authoritative parents exhibit lower levels of stress and depression (Baumrind, 1966, 1971; Steinberg et al., 1994). As may be expected, these facets of overall well-being have been associated with fewer challenging behaviors in children (Agbaria & Daher, 2015; Agbaria & Natur, 2018). Future research in this area, or with this population of kindergarten children in Arab society living in Israel, may benefit from assessing both challenging behaviors and positive behavioral outcomes. This may provide a more comprehensive understanding of the mechanisms that contribute to the relation between authoritative parenting style and children’s behaviors.
Permissive style
The current findings paralleled prior research that did not observe a significant association between permissive style and children’s challenging behaviors (Naeimavi et al., 2015; Rothrauff et al., 2009). However, the broader picture of this association remains inconclusive, as other research has observed a positive (Hosokawa & Katsura, 2019; Rizvi & Najam, 2015) or negative (Azizi et al., 2018; Rothrauff et al., 2009) association. The inconclusive results may be attributable to individual differences in how children respond to little boundaries. Hoeve and colleagues (2009) noted that permissive parents show high emotional responsiveness for their children but limited control exerted over their behavior. Permissive parents encourage children to do whatever they want to do (Timpano et al., 2010), which may hinder some children in developing good judgment (Milevsky et al., 2007). However, it is likely that other children may assume greater responsibility at a younger age to make up for their parents’ lack of guidance. Some children may also have other role models whom they observe and learn from. Thus, one possible explanation for the current finding is that individual differences among children may determine whether permissive parenting style has a positive or negative effect on challenging behaviors, and the overall association could not detect this nuance. Thus, future research may consider exploring factors that may further elucidate which children may find benefit or detriment from permissive parenting.
Authoritarian style
The current study observed that authoritarian parenting style was associated with greater children’s challenging behaviors, according to both parent and teacher reports. This finding is supported by prior research suggesting that authoritarian parental style has been associated with negative psychosocial outcomes (e.g., anxiety, fear, and loneliness) and various risk factors that may affect mental welfare among children (e.g., depression, aggression, and challenging behaviors; Hosokawa & Katsura, 2019; Rizvi & Najam, 2015). However, the relation between authoritarian parenting style and children’s challenging behaviors has been inconclusive in the literature, as some studies have demonstrated no association (Azizi et al., 2018; Rosli, 2014) or a negative relation (Hemmati & Almardo, 2014; Sheikhi et al., 2015).
Contrary to the findings of the current research, studies in non-Western samples have claimed that the highly regulated authoritarian parenting style contributes to harmonious functioning within the family, close involvement of the children, and parents’ willingness to make sacrifices that favor the child (Chao, 1994; Chao & Sue, 1996). Thus, cultural differences may be contributing to the inconsistency of this relation within the literature. Interestingly, Dwairy and colleagues (2006) observed that authoritarian parenting style was the most common parenting style among the Arab population living in Israel. However, within the wake of the modernization process that has continued to progress within the last 10 years, the traditional Arab family structure has undergone significant changes. Notably, the younger generation has demonstrated less conformity to traditional views, such as favoring individualism over collectivism. As such, more recent studies have demonstrated more favorable views toward authoritative, rather than authoritarian, parenting style among Arab parents living in Israel (Agbaria et al., 2017).
Furthermore, the nature of authoritarian parenting style may speak to the relation with increased challenging behaviors observed with children in the current study. Authoritarian parents have a restrictive style of interaction with their children that may discount the child’s opinions in a manner that has been associated with anxiety, fear, and frustration in children (Hosokawa & Katsura, 2019; Rizvi & Najam, 2015). Moreover, children of authoritarian parents have been shown to be less content and secure and are more likely to become hostile and have greater difficulties with stress management (Eisenberg et al., 1995; Weiss et al., 1992). Because an authoritarian parent is harsh, demanding, and strict, children from these homes may develop delinquent behavior in a way to compensate for high levels of restriction within the home (Hoeve et al., 2008).
Uninvolved style
The current study observed that uninvolved parenting style was also associated with greater children’s challenging behaviors, according to both parent and teacher reports, which is consistent with prior studies (Triguero Veloz Teixeira et al., 2015). Uninvolved parents are “hands-off” in terms of both rule setting and emotional responsiveness, and this style has been associated with poorer academic performance that may contribute to increased challenging behaviors (Gonida & Cortina, 2014; Hoskins, 2014). Uninvolved parents do not help with school tasks that could contribute to the development of a positive, study-related behavioral repertoire (Gonida & Cortina, 2014). The absence of parental involvement in school-related activities may be considered negligence and may be a significant reason not only for these children’s poorer academic performance but also their increased challenging behaviors. Broadly uninvolved parenting style demonstrates bad behavioral modeling for children and may lead to feelings of being unwanted and neglected. Thus, these children may act out for attention or seek other, potentially negative, external behavior models for imitation.
Emotional Intelligence in Parents and Challenging Behaviors in Children
The second hypothesis was supported, as a negative correlation was found between parent and teacher reports of children’s challenging behaviors and parental emotional intelligence, and these associations were replicated in the multiple regression models. These findings align with previous work that has observed a negative relation between parental emotional intelligence and challenging behaviors among children (Finch & Obradović, 2017; Lovell & Wetherell, 2016). Parents with greater emotional intelligence skills may have increased capacity to teach their children awareness, expression, and regulation of emotion, which has been related to adaptive psychosocial adjustment and healthy peer relations (Katz et al., 2012), and thus, greater emotion coaching from parents, which has been related to better social and emotional competency (Denham et al., 1997; Ramsden & Hubbard, 2002).
Applications and Limitations of the Research
Given the persistent nature of challenging behaviors throughout childhood and the benefits of early diagnosis (Keenan et al., 2007; Keenan & Wakschlag, 2004), the most significant contribution of the current work is the identification of characteristics that may aid in early identification of and treatment for children who may be at risk of developing challenging behaviors. The present study identified that children in Arab society who are living in Israel may be more prone to challenging behaviors if they have parents with an authoritarian or uninvolved parenting style. In contrast, children whose parents adopt an authoritative style or have higher emotional intelligence may be protected from the development of challenging behaviors. Thus, it may be useful to establish workshops for new parents to raise awareness among them about the importance of adopting an authoritative parental style and fostering their own emotional intelligence. These workshops could be led by psychologists who may provide expert counseling to parents to improve self-awareness, emotion coaching, and open communication with their children.
Although the current study had numerous novel contributions to the literature, there were also some limitations that warrant attention in future research. First, the sample was a convenience sample from a defined geographical area consisting of 30 kindergartens in the Triangle area, which was not a random sample. However, the current research intentionally recruited individuals from this demographic group to provide novel insight into the possible influence of Israeli society on these associations. Thus, a larger study with a more random sample will improve the generalizability of the present findings to a more diverse Arab population. For instance, a study that examines parents from within and outside of Israel may provide further insight into the social influences on parenting style, particularly authoritative and authoritarian styles, which are perceived differently cross-culturally. Second, the research relied on self-report methodology, which may be more subject to reporting bias in a way that conforms to social conventions. Therefore, future studies could benefit from adding behavioral reports or observations to add reliability and validity to self-report results. Third, parents completed the questionnaires at home, which limited their opportunity to ask clarifying questions of the researcher or observe their child’s behavior in real time. Finally, although the study provided insight into the associations of parenting styles and emotional intelligence with children’s challenging behaviors, there are numerous factors related and unrelated to parenting practices that have demonstrated potent influence on children’s behavioral outcomes. This complexity warrants further attention in future research, particularly in additional samples within Arab society in Israel, which may provide insight into culturally sensitive mechanisms that may influence children’s behavior.
Conclusion
We examined the contribution of parental styles and emotional intelligence in prediction of challenging behaviors among kindergarten children in Arab society in Israel according to parents’ and teachers’ assessment to understand risk factors within a child’s home environment. In line with prior studies in samples from Western cultures, authoritarian and uninvolved parenting styles and low parental emotional intelligence were associated with greater challenging behaviors in the current sample of kindergarten children in Arab society living in Israel. In contrast, the authoritative parenting style appeared to be a protective factor and was related to fewer challenging behaviors. Thus, early identification of children who may be more or less prone to challenging behaviors may be possible based on parenting style, which may foster intervention efforts for both children and parents.
Footnotes
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
