Loneliness and Aloneliness as Mediators of the Associations Between Social Withdrawal and Internalizing Problems in Late Childhood and Early Adolescence

Abstract

The main aim of this study was to investigate a conceptual model linking subtypes of social withdrawal, social/asocial dissatisfaction, and internalizing problems in late childhood and early adolescence. Participants were N = 459 students (n = 247 girls) aged 8–14 years (M = 11.24, SD = 1.66), who completed self-reports assessments of social withdrawal subtypes (i.e., shyness and unsociability), loneliness and aloneliness, and internalizing problems (i.e., social anxiety and depression). Results from path analyses revealed that shyness was associated with social anxiety and depression via loneliness, whereas unsociability was related to depression and social anxiety via loneliness and associated with depression via aloneliness. Findings also suggested some moderating effects of age. This study highlights the contribution of loneliness and aloneliness in the link between social withdrawal subtypes and internalizing problems in late childhood and early adolescence.

Keywords

social withdrawal subtypes loneliness aloneliness internalizing problems childhood and adolescence

Introduction

During the transition from childhood to adolescence, peers become an increasingly important part of the social life of boys and girls, affecting their social-emotional and scholastic adjustment (Bukowski et al., 2020; Dirks et al., 2018). As children move to adolescence, they increase their desire for peer conformity (Ngee Sim & Fen Koh, 2003) and autonomy from family (Laursen & Collins, 2009), the value placed on friendship and intimate relationships (Collins et al., 2009), and academic demands (Bukowski et al., 2020). This developmental period also represents an increasingly stressful period for socially withdrawn children, who tend to remove themselves from opportunities for peer interactions (Rubin et al., 2009). In this regard, poorer social participation within peer groups, especially in early adolescence, is generally considered a risk factor for developing internalizing problems, such as social anxiety and depression (Bowker et al., 2016).

Notwithstanding, children and adolescents socially withdraw for different reasons, and these different motivations are linked to distinct experiences of solitude (Coplan et al., 2015). In this vein, some socially withdrawn children may perceive that they are spending too much time alone and be dissatisfied with the quantity and quality of their network of social relationships (i.e., loneliness; Perlman & Peplau, 1981). In contrast, other withdrawn children may perceive that they are not spending enough time alone and be dissatisfied with the quality and quantity of their experiences of solitude (i.e., aloneliness¹; Coplan et al., 2019a). Loneliness and aloneliness are related since both reflect a dissatisfaction with a particular aspect of one’s life. However, these two constructs are distinguished by their root cause stemming from not meeting different core needs (i.e., the need to belong vs. the need for solitude). The primary aim of this study was to test a theoretical model linking different motivations for social withdrawal (i.e., shyness and unsociability) with social versus asocial dissatisfaction (i.e., loneliness and aloneliness; Coplan et al., 2019a; Coplan et al., 2021; Hwang & Lee, 2009), which in turn, would be differentially related to aspects of internalizing difficulties (i.e., social anxiety and depression) in a sample of children and early adolescents (Coplan et al., 2021; Danneel et al., 2020).

Testing this conceptual model allows for a deeper understanding of how socially withdrawn children and early adolescents might display different motivations for social withdrawal - and how these motivations might be related to distinct experiences of solitude (i.e., loneliness vs. aloneliness) and indices of internalizing problems. In other words, children and early adolescents with different motivations for solitude might arrive at a similar outcome (e.g., internalizing problems) via different pathways reflecting either an unmet need to belong or an unmet need for solitude.

Overview of Social Withdrawal Subtypes and Internalizing Problems

Contemporary research describes different motivations for social withdrawal, with some children spending more time alone despite a desire to be with others (i.e., shyness) and others choosing to spend more time alone due to a preference/enjoyment of solitude (i.e., unsociability; Coplan et al., 2015). Shyness is a temperamental trait characterized by experiences of wariness and self-consciousness in the face of social novelty and perceived social evaluation (Rubin et al., 2009). Shy children desire social interactions (high social approach motivation) but are simultaneously inhibited by social fear and anxiety (high social avoidance motivation; Coplan et al., 2015). As a result, shy children tend to withdraw from opportunities for social interactions, which in turn often leads to negative peer experiences (e.g., exclusion and rejection). Notably, shy children are at heightened risk for internalizing problems, including social anxiety and depression (Bekkhus et al., 2022; Kopala-Sibley & Klein, 2017; Ojanen et al., 2017). Indeed, results from meta-analytic studies establish childhood shyness as one of the strongest predictors of later developing clinical anxiety disorders, particularly social anxiety disorder (Clauss & Blackford, 2012; Sandstrom et al., 2020).

Unsociability reflects a non-fearful preference for and enjoyment of solitude (Coplan & Weeks, 2010). As compared to shyness, unsociability is typically conceptualized as a more benign form of social withdrawal (Coplan et al., 2015). In support of this notion, previous studies typically have not reported a strong association between unsociability and indices of internalizing problems in childhood and adolescence (Borg & Willoughby, 2022; Coplan et al., 2018a; Daly & Willoughby, 2020). As children move to adolescence and increase their desire for peer conformity, unsociable children may evoke more negative responses from peers because their solitary behaviors violate age-related social norms and expectations for peer interactions (Barzeva et al., 2020; Danneel et al., 2018; Kopala-Sibley & Klein, 2017).

To date, we still know little about the underlying processes that may help to account for and explain associations between social withdrawal subtypes and indices of internalizing problems. In the present study, we sought to address this gap by considering the role of social and asocial dissatisfaction (i.e., loneliness and aloneliness) in the links between social withdrawal subtypes and internalizing problems. To date, although social withdrawal might be generally benign in early childhood (particularly unsociability), the increase in peers’ conformity and social expectations would lead to more negative implications for all forms of social withdrawal as children move into adolescence (Rubin et al., 2015).

The Role of Loneliness and Aloneliness

Socially withdrawn children and early adolescents may seek solitude because of different underlying motivational and emotional processes (Coplan et al., 2019a). Loneliness can be defined as the unpleasant feeling that occurs when people perceive that their network of social relationships is quantitatively and/or qualitatively insufficient (i.e., social dissatisfaction), underlying a discrepancy between desired and real social relationships (Peplau & Perlman, 1982; Perlman & Peplau, 1981).

Given that shy children desire but often withdraw from opportunities for social interaction, it is perhaps not surprising that shyness has been consistently associated with feelings of loneliness in childhood and adolescence (e.g., Kingsbury et al., 2013; Sette et al., 2023; Stickley et al., 2016). Such association might even be exacerbated as children move into adolescence, which coincides with increased feelings of social belonging and peers’ acceptance needs (Bukowski et al., 2020; Molinari et al., 2020). For example, Sang et al. (2018) reported a strong association between shyness and internalizing difficulties (i.e., an aggregate measure that also included child self-reported loneliness) among primary and middle-school children. Indeed, a recent cross-cultural study of emerging adults indicated that shyness was consistently associated with loneliness across 10 countries (Bowker et al., 2023).

In contrast to shyness, unsociability would not be expected to be associated with loneliness, given that unsociable children and adolescents prefer to – and are thought to enjoy spending time alone (Asendorpf, 1990). In support of this notion, results from several studies have indicated that, after controlling for shyness, unsociability is not significantly associated with loneliness in childhood (e.g., Bowker & Raja, 2011; Coplan & Weeks, 2010). In Bowker et al.’s (2023) cross-cultural study, unsociability was not significantly associated with loneliness in all countries except for the United States (where the magnitude of the association was small).

Recently, researchers have also begun to explore the negative feelings that can arise when individuals perceive that they do not get enough time alone, a new construct labeled as aloneliness (Coplan et al., 2019a), reflecting the discrepancy between desired and actual time spent alone. This perceived insufficiency with the quantity and/or quality of one’s solitary experiences (i.e., asocial dissatisfaction) has been associated with negative affect, anger, stress, and symptoms of depression in samples of older adolescents and emerging adults (Coplan et al., 2021; Coplan et al., 2019a; Swets & Cox, 2022). There has been only one previous study of aloneliness in childhood. Yang et al. (2023) recently reported that aloneliness was positively associated with depression and negatively related to general self-worth and life satisfaction in a sample of primary and middle school children in Shanghai, P. R. China.

From a conceptual perspective, both shyness and unsociability would be expected to be associated with aloneliness. To elaborate, shy and unsociable children are motivated to spend time alone. In the case of shyness, this motivation is borne of a desire to avoid social situations perceived as stressful. In contrast, for unsociability, there is a general preference for and enjoyment of solitary activities (Asendorpf, 1990). There is some initial evidence to suggest that both shyness and unsociability are related to aloneliness (although this association appears to be stronger for unsociability than for shyness) in late childhood, adolescence, and emerging adulthood (Coplan et al., 2021; Coplan et al., 2019a; Yang et al., 2023). Only two previous studies have explored links between subtypes of social withdrawal, aloneliness, and indices of well-being. Yang et al. (2023) found that aloneliness partially mediated links between both shyness and unsociability and indices of well-being (i.e., symptoms of depression, life satisfaction, and general self-worth) In a sample of primary and middle school children from China. Results also revealed that the strength of the association between aloneliness and indices of well-being did not vary between primary and middle school children. As well, Coplan et al. (2019a) reported that unsociability was related to negative affect via a mediated (indirect) pathway through aloneliness in a sample of emerging adults from Canada and the US. In contrast, shyness evidenced a direct association with negative affect (even after controlling for aloneliness). Although it was not included in the models for either of these studies, both sets of authors speculated that, as opposed to aloneliness, loneliness might be a potentially important variable to consider as a mediator of the links between shyness and indices of adjustment.

Finally, although loneliness and aloneliness are conceptually different, both represent a dissatisfaction with a domain of our experiences (Coplan et al., 2021; Perlman & Peplau, 1981) and as such, both are negatively associated with general life satisfaction and well-being (Coplan et al., 2019a). Moreover, it is possible to spend comparatively more time with others but still feel lonely (Verity et al., 2021), as well as to spend more time alone but still feel alonely (Coplan et al., 2021). Thus, loneliness and aloneliness might both be experienced in social and/or solitary contexts.

The Present Study

The goal of this study was to test a conceptual model of the concurrent associations between subtypes of social withdrawal (i.e., shyness and unsociability), social/asocial dissatisfaction (i.e., loneliness and aloneliness), and indices of internalizing problems (i.e., social anxiety and depression) in late childhood and early adolescence. This study tries to fill several gaps in the current literature. First, we expand upon the few previous studies in this area by considering, for the first time, the contributing role of both loneliness and aloneliness in helping to account for the links between social withdrawal and internalizing problems, as well as by including assessments of both social anxiety and depression. As an additional novel contribution, these associations were also tested while controlling for each social withdrawal subtype.

To our knowledge, there has only been one previous study of the recently introduced construct of aloneliness in childhood, with a sample of primary and middle school students from China (Yang et al., 2023). However, the authors did not consider the role of loneliness in linking social withdrawal subtypes and internalizing problems. It is now widely acknowledged that the meaning and implications of social withdrawal subtypes vary across cultures (Chen, 2020). Accordingly, the current study represents the first investigation of aloneliness among Western children and early adolescents, a developmental period when the needs for social belonging and acceptance tend to increase (Bukowski et al., 2020; Molinari et al., 2020).

We presented our conceptual model in Figure 1. Drawing upon previously described theory and empirical findings, we hypothesized that: (1) shyness (while controlling for unsociability) would be strongly directly associated with both loneliness and indices of internalizing problems (Sang et al., 2018); (2) unsociability (particularly as compared to shyness) would be strongly directly associated with aloneliness (Yang et al., 2023); and (3) unsociability would also display an indirect association with internalizing problems via its association with aloneliness (Yang et al., 2023).

Figure 1.

Conceptual Model of the Hypothesized Associations Between Social Withdrawal Subtypes, Loneliness and Aloneliness, and Internalizing Problems. Note. Dashed lines do not represent significant associations.

Finally, we examined differences in the associations among these variables as a function of children’s age. It has been suggested that the transition between late childhood and adolescence represents a developmental period when seeking solitude is particularly maladaptive, given the convergence of heightened expectations for peer interaction, the peak of peer pressure and the desire for conformity, and more negative views toward solitude (Bowker et al., 2016; Danneel et al., 2018; Ngee Sim & Fen Koh, 2003). In later adolescence, spending time alone becomes more normative and solitude becomes increasingly viewed as a positive context for development (e.g., acquiring autonomy and independence; Wood et al., 2021). Accordingly, we also tentatively hypothesized that links between social withdrawal subtypes, loneliness/aloneliness, and internalizing problems would be stronger among early adolescents than younger children.

Method

Participants

Participants were N = 459 children and early adolescents (n = 247 girls, 53.8%) aged 8–14 years (M = 11.24, SD = 1.66). Participants were recruited from primary and middle schools in different regions of Italy (approximately 27% from Northern Italy, 4% from Central Italy, and 69% from Southern Italy). Approximately 14% (n = 62) of participants had an immigrant background. About 20% of mothers and 29% of fathers had a middle school or lower education, and 78% of mothers and 70% of fathers had a high school or higher level of education (this information was not available for the 2% and 1% of mothers and fathers, respectively).

Procedure

This research project was approved by the Ethics Committee of the Department of Developmental and Social Psychology, Sapienza University of Rome. The data were collected using online self-report questionnaires after receiving parental and child written consents. If children needed help, they could ask for support from their parents. However, parents were instructed to let their children work on their own while they completed the questionnaire. Children completed the questionnaire from March to October 2022.

Measures

Shyness

Shyness was measured using the Italian version of the Children Shyness Questionnaire (CSQ; Crozier, 1995). The CSQ is a self-report questionnaire to assess children’s perception of shyness. The Italian adaptation of the scale (Spensieri et al., 2019) is composed of 19 items (e.g., I am usually shy in a group of people; I am easily embarrassed) ranging from 0 (No) to 2 (Yes). The scale demonstrated good reliability (α = .87).

Unsociability

Unsociability was assessed using items from the Preference for Solitude Scale (Burger, 1995; Coplan et al., 2019a). In the present study, to make the scale age-appropriate, we used five of the nine items of the original version of the scale (e.g., I enjoy being by myself; Time spent alone is important for me), rated from 1 (Strongly Disagree) to 7 (Strongly Agree). The original items were translated into Italian and then back-translated. Since the scale has not previously been used in the Italian context, we conducted a Confirmatory Factor Analysis (CFA) that confirmed the one-factor solution of the scale. The final factor solution displayed a good model fit, Satorra-Bentler (S-B) χ²(4) = 6.39, p = .017, CFI = .991, RMSEA = .037, 90% CI [.000, .088], SRMR = .021. Overall, the scale demonstrated good reliability (α = .71).

Loneliness

To assess children’s loneliness, we used the Italian version of the Children’s Loneliness and Social Dissatisfaction Scale (Asher et al., 1984). This measure is a self-report questionnaire composed initially of 16 items on a 5-point scale ranging from 1 (Not at all true) to 5 (Always true). For the present study, we used the shortened ‘pure’ version of the scale (Rotenberg et al., 2004; for the use in the Italian context, see Sette et al., 2023), composed of 5 items (e.g., I feel lonely; I feel left out of things). In this study, the scale demonstrated good reliability (α = .83).

Aloneliness

Aloneliness was measured using a newly translated Italian version of the Solitude and Aloneliness Scale (SolAS; Coplan et al., 2019a). The scale is composed of 16 items, rated on a 5-point scale ranging from 1 (Strongly disagree) to 5 (Strongly agree) that assess how much participants agreed with each statement (e.g., It would be nice if I could spend more time alone each day; I am always craving more time alone). In the current study, we selected 5 more appropriate items for use with children and early adolescents. The original items were translated into Italian and then back-translated. Since the scale was not previously used among children or in the Italian context, we conducted a CFA that confirmed the one-factor solution. The final factor solution revealed a good model fit, S-B χ²(5) = 15.62, p = .008, CFI = .985, RMSEA = .070, 90% CI [.032, .110], SRMR = .024. The internal reliability of the scale in this sample was α = .87.

Social Anxiety

Social anxiety was assessed using an adapted Italian version of the Social Anxiety Scale for Children – Revised (SASC-R; La Greca & Stone, 1993; for the use of the scale in the Italian context, see Sette et al., 2023). The original scale was composed of 18 items on a 5-point scale ranging from 1 (Not at all) to 5 (All of the time). In the Italian context, Sette et al. (2023) removed six items, as they had low saturation with the main factor. The final solution, composed of 12 items (e.g., I feel other kids talk about me behind my back; I worry about what other kids think of me), showed good internal reliability also in the current study (α = .93).

Depression

Finally, depressive symptoms were assessed using the Italian version of the Children Depression Inventory – Second Edition (CDI-SE; Kovacs, 1992; for use in the Italian context, see Babore et al., 2016; Sette et al., 2023). This study used the short version of the scale, comprising 10 items on a 3-point scale (0 – 2). For each item, the participant has to choose the statement that feels most appropriate (e.g., 0 = I am sad once in a while, 1 = I am sad many times, and 2 = I am sad all the time; 0 = I do most things O.K., 1 = I do many things wrong, 2 = I do everything wrong). In this study, we did not include item 8, which referred to feelings of loneliness. The reliability of the scale was good (α = .87).

Data Analytic Plan

First, we conducted descriptive analyses (means and standard deviations) and Pearson’s correlations among the study variables. Then, we tested a mediational path model to understand the direct and indirect associations between social withdrawal motivations, social/asocial dissatisfaction, and internalizing problems, controlling for child age and gender. This model was tested by controlling for each social withdrawal subtype. In addition, we investigated the moderating role of age in this model’s causal pathways. We used simple slope analyses to probe significant interaction terms and have mean-centered all the continuous predictors (Cohen et al., 2002). We conducted the analyses with SPSS 27 and MPlus 8.4 (Muthén & Muthén, 1998–2017).

Results

Preliminary Analyses

Table 1 displays descriptive statistics and intercorrelations among study variables. Among the results, both shyness and unsociability were related to loneliness, aloneliness, social anxiety, and depression. As well, both loneliness and aloneliness were related to social anxiety and depression. Girls also reported greater shyness, loneliness, social anxiety, and depression than boys, whereas age was positively associated with unsociability, loneliness, aloneliness, social anxiety, and depression.

Table 1.

Means, Standard Deviations, and Correlations Among Study Variables.

	M (SD)	Observed range	1	2	3	4	5	6	7	8
1. Shyness	.71 (.41)	.00–1.89	-
2. Unsociability	3.48 (1.34)	1.00–7.00	.22**	-
3. Loneliness	1.70 (.76)	1.00–4.80	.42**	.31**	-
4. Aloneliness	2.01 (.90)	1.00–5.00	.24**	.66**	.42**	-
5. Social anxiety	2.27 (.89)	1.00–5.00	.64**	.21**	.58**	.31**	-
6. Depression	.32 (.37)	.00–2.00	.40**	.38**	.70**	.46**	.60**	-
7. Gender	.54 (.49)	.00–1.00	.21**	.05	.11*	.05	.17*	.14**	-
8. Age	11.24 (1.66)	8.00–14.00	.09	.23**	.27**	.24**	.22**	.39**	−.01	-

Note. Gender (0 = boys, 1 = girls). Cohen (1988) considers correlations <.30 as weak, between .30 and .50 as moderate, and >.50 as strong. Theoretical range: shyness (0–2); unsociability (1–7); loneliness (1–5); aloneliness (1–5); social anxiety (1–5); depression (0–2); age (8–14 years). *p < .05, **p < .001.

Path Analysis

We tested all possible associations in the path model, including child age as a control variable² (Figure 2). In the full path model, shyness was positively related to loneliness, which, in turn, was positively associated with social anxiety and depression (while controlling for unsociability). The standardized indirect path from shyness to social anxiety via loneliness was significant, 95% CI is [.083, .178], indicating the role of loneliness in accounting for the association between shyness and social anxiety (the upper and lower values for the 95% CI of the mediated effect were calculated with the Rmediation package; Tofighi & MacKinnon, 2011). In addition, the standardized indirect path from shyness to depression via loneliness was significant, 95% CI is [.132, .251], highlighting the contribution of loneliness in accounting for the relation between shyness and depression. Shyness was also significantly associated with aloneliness, which, in turn, was associated with depression but not significantly associated with social anxiety. The standardized indirect path from shyness to depression via aloneliness was not significant, 95% CI is [.000, .025]. However, after controlling for both loneliness and aloneliness, shyness maintained significant direct associations with both social anxiety and depression.

Figure 2.

Full Model - Links Among Shyness, Unsociability, Loneliness, Aloneliness, and Internalizing Problems. Note. Dashed lines do not represent significant associations. Standardized values (with their respective unstandardized and standard errors) are represented in the model.

After controlling for shyness, unsociability was positively associated with loneliness, which, in turn, was related to social anxiety and depression. The standardized indirect path from unsociability to social anxiety via loneliness was significant, 95% CI is [.035, .105], highlighting the contribution of loneliness in accounting for the relation between unsociability to social anxiety. In addition, the standardized indirect path from unsociability to depression via loneliness was significant, 95% CI is [.053, .15], indicating the contribution of loneliness in accounting for the association between unsociability to depression. Unsociability was also positively related to aloneliness, which was positively associated with depression but not with social anxiety. The standardized indirect path from unsociability to depression via aloneliness was significant, 95% CI is [.005, .132]. However, after controlling for loneliness and aloneliness, unsociability was no longer significantly associated with social anxiety and depression.

Results also indicated that older children reported higher levels of loneliness, aloneliness, social anxiety, and depression. Because all possible linkages were tested, the model fit had no degrees of freedom.

Moderating Role of Age

Additional analyses were then conducted to test the moderating role of age³ in the model’s causal pathways. In the full model, results revealed significant interaction terms between (1) shyness and age in association with loneliness; and (2) unsociability and age in association with depression. No other significant interaction terms between shyness and age and unsociability and age with the study variables were found. Therefore, a reduced model was tested, deleting these non-significant interaction terms. Results indicated significant interaction terms between: (1) shyness and age in the association with loneliness (b = .14, β = .12, p = .003); and (2) unsociability and age in the relation to depression (b = .01, β = .08, p = .016). The model displayed a good fit, S-B χ²(6) = 2.84, p = .828, CFI = 1.00, RMSEA = .000, 90% CI [.000, .036], SRMR = .013.

Results from follow-up simple slopes analyses indicated that the association between shyness and loneliness was stronger among early adolescents (b = .83, β = .46, p < .001) than children (b = .39, β = .22, p = .001; see Figure 3(a)). Further, the standardized indirect path from shyness to social anxiety via loneliness was significant in early adolescents, 95% CI is [.108, .231]., and in children, 95% CI is [.032, .13], but the association was stronger for early adolescents. In addition, results suggested that the standardized indirect path from shyness to depression via loneliness was significant for early adolescents, 95% CI is [.149, .289], and children, 95% CI is [.048, .186], but the association was stronger for early adolescents. As well, unsociability was positively associated with depression among early adolescents (b = .04, β = .13, p = .047) compared to children (b = −.01, β = −.03, p = .539; see Figure 3(b)), where the association was not significant.

Figure 3.

(a) the moderating role of age in the association between shyness and loneliness. (b) The moderating role of age in the association between unsociability and depression.

Discussion

The primary aim of this study was to examine a conceptual model describing the concurrent associations among subtypes of social withdrawal (i.e., shyness and unsociability), both loneliness (i.e., social dissatisfaction) and aloneliness (i.e., asocial dissatisfaction), and internalizing problems (i.e., social anxiety and depression) in late childhood and early adolescence. Results indicated a complex set of inter-associations among these variables. For example, loneliness significantly contributed to the indirect pathways linking both shyness and unsociability with both indices of internalizing problems (i.e., social anxiety and depression), whereas aloneliness significantly played a central role in the indirect link between unsociability and depression. Of particular note, shyness (but not unsociability) retained significant direct associations with both social anxiety and depression. Some age differences were also found. For example, the indirect path from shyness to social anxiety and depression via loneliness was stronger among early adolescents than children. Overall, these results highlight the different roles of loneliness and aloneliness in linking shyness and unsociability with internalizing problems.

Social Withdrawal Subtypes and Internalizing Problems

Results from the present study add to the growing body of literature demonstrating unique patterns of associations between social withdrawal subtypes and indices of internalizing problems (Rubin et al., 2009). For example, in both correlational analyses and the broader model, shyness was directly associated with social anxiety and depression (with the strongest link evident for social anxiety). These results are in line with previous studies of children and adolescents (Bekkhus et al., 2022; Coplan et al., 2013; Karevold et al., 2012) and further establish shyness as a risk factor in the development of internalizing problems (Sandstrom et al., 2020). Such findings do not bode well for shy children, as early sub-clinical symptoms of anxiety and depression are significant predictors of later mental health problems (Beesdo et al., 2007; Goodwin et al., 2004).

A different pattern of results was observed for unsociability. Although unsociability was significantly associated with social anxiety and depression in the initial correlational analyses, these direct associations were not evident in the path model. The results are consistent with the notion that unsociability is a comparatively benign subtype of social withdrawal in Western children and adolescents (Asendorpf, 1990) and replicate previous findings (Borg & Willoughby, 2022; Daly & Willoughby, 2020; Sette et al., 2023). However, as mentioned previously, late childhood and early adolescence represent developmental periods where unsociability appears to carry some increased risk for negative outcomes (Coplan et al., 2019b). In this regard, and as will be discussed, unsociability was indirectly associated with internalizing problems via loneliness and aloneliness.

Social and Asocial Dissatisfaction

In both correlational analyses and the broader model, loneliness was positively associated with social anxiety and depression. These findings are consistent with previous research indicating that the perception of poor social relationships that do not meet expectations common in childhood tends to increase negative feelings, especially depression (Cacioppo et al., 2006; Danneel et al., 2020). Also consistent with previous studies (Kingsbury et al., 2013; Sette et al., 2023; Stickley et al., 2016), loneliness was strongly associated with shyness (while controlling for unsociability). Shy children are conceptualized as being dissatisfied with their network of social interactions because their desire to interact with others is inhibited by social fear and avoidance (Coplan et al., 2004; Hwang & Lee, 2009).

Noteworthy, unsociability was also associated with loneliness, even in the path model when controlling for shyness. However, the magnitude of this association was smaller than for shyness. A few studies have previously reported such a link (Bowker et al., 2023; Sang et al., 2018). In late childhood and early adolescence, there are increasing demands and expectations regarding social interactions (Coplan et al., 2019b), which may cause unsociable children to experience heightened negative peer experiences, which in turn, might lead to increased feelings of loneliness (Barzeva et al., 2020; Coplan et al., 2021; Kopala-Sibley & Klein, 2017).

As noted earlier, to our knowledge, this was the first study to assess the novel construct of aloneliness in a Western (i.e., Italian) sample of children and early adolescents. An adapted 5-item age-appropriate version of the Solitude and Aloneliness Scale (SolAS, Coplan et al., 2019a) evidenced the expected one-factor structure and good psychossmetric properties. In support of the validity of this measure for use with older children and early adolescents, aloneliness demonstrated expected associations with motivations for social withdrawal (i.e., shyness and unsociability), loneliness, and depression. Our findings replicate the results of previous studies with samples of primary and middle school children in Shanghai (Yang et al., 2023), as well as older adolescents and emerging adults in North America (Coplan et al., 2021; Coplan et al., 2019a; Swets & Cox, 2022). These results suggest that older children and early adolescents in a Western country can also provide reliable and valid self-report assessments of aloneliness.

Since both shyness and unsociability reflect motivations for spending time alone (albeit for different reasons), it would seem plausible that children and early adolescents displaying either of these characteristics would also be more likely to report feeling like they were not getting enough time alone. These results align with the few previous studies of these constructs (e.g., Coplan et al., 2019a; Yang et al., 2023). However, and also consistent with these previous findings, when both social withdrawal motivations were included in the same model, unsociability was more strongly associated with aloneliness than shyness. This finding aligns with the notion that because a higher need for solitude characterizes unsociable children, they will generally be more likely to have this unmet need, leading to heightened feelings of aloneliness. In contrast, shyness is characterized by a higher social approach motivation than unsociability, which may impact upon the perceived need for solitude. However, the association between unsociability and aloneliness was stronger than the relation between shyness and aloneliness.

Also of note, aloneliness was positively associated with loneliness. Indeed, both loneliness and aloneliness are conceptualized as dissatisfaction (i.e., social vs. asocial dissatisfaction, respectively), and both were positively related to negative affect (Coplan et al., 2019a; Qualter et al., 2013). Moreover, since both loneliness and aloneliness represent dissatisfaction with both the quantity and quality of one’s social and solitary experiences (Coplan et al., 2021; Perlman & Peplau, 1981), it is possible to spend time with others frequently but still feel lonely – as well as frequently spend time alone but still feel alonely. Our findings indicate, for the first time, that both aloneliness and loneliness are uniquely related to indices of internalizing problems in childhood and early adolescence.

Social Withdrawal, Social/Asocial Dissatisfaction, and Internalizing Problems

The main aim of the current study was to test a conceptual model of the concurrent associations between social withdrawal subtypes, social/asocial dissatisfaction, and indices of internalizing problems. Specifically, we postulated that shyness and unsociability would display unique patterns of indirect links with internalizing problems via specific pathways through loneliness and aloneliness (see Figure 1). Results indicated complex inter-associations among these variables and partially supported the hypothesized pathways. From a conceptual perspective and our results, shyness represents a risk factor for developing internalizing problems, such as social anxiety and depression. At the same time, shy children tend to experience high levels of loneliness, as we observed and based on earlier work (Bowker et al., 2023). Results also indicated the role of loneliness in helping to account for the links between shyness and social anxiety/depression. In other words, higher levels of loneliness lead shy children to experience internalizing problems such as social anxiety and depression. Thus, loneliness feelings represent a risk factor that may increase social anxiety and depressive symptoms in shy children, especially when the need to approach others socially is not satisfied. Consistent with other initial studies of these phenomena (e.g., Coplan et al., 2019a), our results indicated that aloneliness did not help account for the relation between shyness and both social anxiety and depression. However, a direct association between shyness and aloneliness was observed. The results suggest that loneliness, but not aloneliness, appears to play a more important role in contributing to experiences of social anxiety and depression among shy children.

With regard to unsociability, our findings did not indicate direct associations with social anxiety and depression in the full model (controlling for shyness), which is consistent with previous results indicating that unsociability is a comparatively benign form of social withdrawal (e.g., Borg & Willoughby, 2022). However, unsociability was directly associated with both loneliness and aloneliness. In turn, loneliness and aloneliness were associated with depression (although the link between aloneliness and depression was weaker than the association between loneliness and depression). These novel results suggest that, despite overall positive dispositions toward solitude, unsociability can still be associated with loneliness, which may promote symptoms of internalizing problems. In other words, unsociable children may experience higher levels of social anxiety and depression because they feel lonely. Thus, despite the comparatively benign nature of unsociability (Coplan et al., 2015), our results revealed the potential risks of loneliness for unsociable children, especially when they feel isolated and left out of things.

Coplan et al. (2019a) previously reported evidence of the mediational role of aloneliness in linking unsociability and negative affect. Our study further supported the role of aloneliness in helping to account for the association between unsociability and depression. Hence, unsociability was positively related to aloneliness (Coplan et al., 2019a; Yang et al., 2023) that, in turn, was positively associated with depression. However, no indirect pathway from unsociability to social anxiety via aloneliness was evident. In other words, unsociable children reported higher levels of depression because they also felt more aloneliness and asocially dissatisfied, but higher aloneliness was not enough to experience social anxiety. Therefore, although more studies are necessary to investigate these associations in other cultural samples better, it is possible to hypothesize that aloneliness, compared to loneliness, may involve a lower risk for the development of internalizing problems.

Moderating Role of Child Age

Finally, we further examined whether links between social withdrawal subtypes, social/asocial dissatisfaction, and both social anxiety and depression varied as a function of children’s age. Results indicated that the magnitude of the association between shyness and loneliness increased as a function of children’s age. As a result, the indirect path connecting shyness and internalizing problems via loneliness was stronger among early adolescents than younger children. We also found that the magnitude of the direct association between unsociability and symptoms of depression increased as a function of the child age. This finding is consistent with the aforementioned theoretical model proposing that the negative implications of unsociability ‘peak’ in early adolescence (Coplan et al., 2019b). As children move to adolescence, the increased social demands, peers’ conformity, and intimate relationships may make this developmental period particularly stressful for shy and unsociable early adolescents (Bukowski et al., 2020; Collins et al., 2009; Ngee Sim & Fen Koh, 2003). Although excessive solitude may come with a cost for both shy and unsociable children, as they move to adolescence, distinct motivations for social withdrawal appear to lead to different negative consequences (i.e., loneliness and depression, respectively). It seems clear that failing to meet one’s social needs carries a particular risk for early adolescents at this time.

Strengths, Limitations, and Practical Implications

The present study was the first to investigate contemporaneous links between social withdrawal subtypes, both aloneliness and loneliness, and internalizing problems in childhood and early adolescence in a Western country. However, some limitations should be considered, with an eye toward future research lines. First, although we had a theoretical model to underlie the proposed linkages among variables, the cross-sectional design is a clear limitation with regard to mediation analyses and necessitates the consideration of alternative directions of effects among variables (O’Laughlin et al., 2018). For example, the experience of social anhedonia (i.e., inability to derive pleasure from social interactions) that often accompanies symptoms of depression (Blanchard et al., 2000) might cause children to refrain from social interactions (Coplan et al., 2015). Thus, whereas our study allowed us to understand these associations at a specific moment, in our future research longitudinal studies are necessary to explore the temporal ordering of the variables further and test potential developmental processes.

Data was also comprised only as self-report measures, which may inflate associations among variables due to shared-method variance. A related limitation is that it could be argued that the central constructs assessed are related within the same nomological network. We will engage in future studies to include other informants such as parents, peers, and/or teachers. Our study used a self-reported scale of only five items to assess aloneliness. In terms of future research directions, we will use child interviews with vignettes to assess children’s need for solitude or belonging deeply. Such future studies will also help to build a deeper model of how various aspects of solitude and aloneness (e.g., loneliness, aloneliness, isolation, etc.) are conceptually and empirically intertwined (Kubistant, 1981).

Other factors should also be considered in our model. For instance, we could include additional subtypes of social withdrawal (e.g., social avoidance; Coplan et al., 2018a; Sang et al., 2018), direct assessments of the amount of time that children spend alone and what activities they engage in when alone (Hipson et al., 2021), as well as additional outcome variables related to socio-emotional functioning and school adjustment (e.g., self-esteem, peer exclusion, and school avoidance).

Data were also collected only in Italy and in a privileged sample (i.e., approximately 70% of parents reported at least some higher education). Therefore, it is difficult to generalize results for other Countries or samples with lower socio-economic status. It would be useful to replicate the investigated model in less developed countries in our future studies. Finally, because our sample covered a small age range (8–14 years), in our future research, it would be useful to consider other developmental periods to investigate the cost and benefits of solitude across development.

Finally, our results have potential implications for intervention programs designed to assist socially withdrawn children and early adolescents. Many such interventions aim to alleviate loneliness by ameliorating peer relationships (for a review, see Coplan et al., 2018b). It may also be important for future intervention programs to consider experiences of solitude among socially withdrawn children and adolescents. A better understanding of the different underlying motivations for spending time alone – as well as an acknowledgment that some withdrawn children may benefit from more time alone – may help to improve socio-emotional outcomes for withdrawn youth.

Footnotes

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: This work was partially supported by Sapienza University of Rome [grant number RM12117A8AE3B2CC, 2021].

Ethical Statement

ORCID iDs

Matilde Brunetti

Stefania Sette

Notes

Author Biographies

Matilde Brunetti is a PhD student in the Department of Dynamic and Clinical Psychology, and Health Studies at Sapienza University of Rome, Italy. Her research project focuses on social withdrawal, solitude, and loneliness in childhood and adolescence.

Stefania Sette is an Associate Professor in the Department of Developmental and Social Psychology at Sapienza University of Rome, Italy. Her main research interests focus on the protective factors that may improve socially withdrawn children’s socio-emotional functioning.

Emiddia Longobardi is a Full Professor of Developmental and Educational Psychology at Sapienza University of Rome, Italy. Her current research interests focus on theory of mind, linguistic and cognitive development, social competence, and executive functions.

Fiorenzo Laghi is a Full Professor of Developmental and Educational Psychology at Sapienza, University of Rome. His primary research interests focus on prevention of risk behaviors and promotion of positive outcomes for at-risk child and adolescent populations.

Robert J. Coplan is a Professor in the Department of Psychology at Carleton University. His research projects focus on the “costs and benefits” of solitude in childhood and the implications of shyness and social withdrawal across cultures.

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