Ethnic Racial Identity Development in a Dual Immersion School: A Narrative Analysis

Ecological Factors

This model’s first component recognizes the myriad of ways environmental elements, directly and indirectly, affect ethnic identity development. Drawing from Bronfenbrenner’s (1989) social-ecological theory, researchers have demonstrated that ethnic identity is shaped by both individuals and their environment (Umaña-Taylor, Alfaro, Bámaca, & Guimond, 2009; Umaña-Taylor & Fine, 2004). Therefore, ERI scholars stress the importance of studying ERI processes and content within the various contexts of individuals’ lives (Rivas-Drake et al., 2014; Umaña-Taylor et al., 2014; Yip, 2018).

Bioecological models help in examining the interplay between individual, family, and community relationships while considering developmental trends, societal influences, and historical context. These overlapping layers inform the processes of ethnic-racial identity formation (Umaña-Taylor et al., 2014). Research has shown that certain aspects of ERI, such as how prominent ethnic identity is to one’s self concept in any given moment, also known as saliency, can shift under different circumstances; ERI is anything but static; it’s interconnected and informed by factors seen and unseen (Rivas-Drake et al., 2014; Sellers et al., 1998; Umaña-Taylor et al., 2014; Yip, 2018). For instance, the ethnic composition of a neighborhood, as discussed earlier, can influence how salient ethnic identity is for children and adolescents. Saliency is different from exploration. While exploration is part of the process of developing ethnic-racial identity, saliency refers to the actual content of that identity and its contextual relevance. Some studies have theorized that ERI saliency for ethnically minority youth can be minimalized in contexts where they are the ethnic majority simply because their ethnic identity is not constantly being brought to their attention (Lee, 2003). A sort of default can occur when no contrasting groups exist. In such environments, ethnicity may become a less distinguishing feature for someone’s self-concept, thus reducing salience.

Conversely, in contexts where these youth are in the minority, as seen in Umaña-Taylor et al.‘s studies, their ethnic identity may become more prominent as a distinguishing characteristic of their sense of self. Saliency can fluctuate across settings and time. Given this in-flux nature, more research is needed to understand how the construct of saliency may vary at the convergence of socialization efforts, school composition, and normal developmental changes (Umaña-Taylor & Fine, 2004). This ecological perspective, therefore, provides the groundwork needed to understand ERI development and its many subcomponents.

Ethnic Socialization Behaviors

The second component of the model focuses on racial and ethnic socialization - the process by which parents transmit information about race and ethnicity to their children (Hughes et al., 2006). This concept aligns with Erickson’s (1959) idea that social identities are shaped by daily social interactions with individuals. As highlighted in Bronfenbrenner’s ecological model, immediate family members are positioned to play an influential role in children’s and adolescents’ ERI. As close contact socializing agents, parents inevitably help shape their children’s cultural orientation and equip them with values and behaviors to navigate various social contexts (Umaña-Taylor et al., 2009). Hughes and colleagues (2006) were the first to assess differences in the nature of messages and practices conveyed to youth under the umbrella of ethnic-racial socialization. Hughes et al. at the time found that a considerable portion of the literature on family ethnic-racial socialization fell under the dimension of cultural socialization. This pattern persisted in Umaña-Taylor and Hill’s (2020) review of 259 empirical articles, where more than two-thirds of empirical articles in the field explored the association of cultural socialization to numerous indices of positive youth development.

Cultural socialization encompasses the messages and practices that promote cultural, racial, and ethnic pride through the teachings of one’s heritage, cultural customs, and history. Examples include talking about historical and culturally significant figures; celebrating cultural holidays; sharing ethnic food; exposure to culturally influenced books, games, music, and decor; and maintaining the native language, to name a few (Hughes et al., 2006). This subset of messages and practices that promote cultural knowledge is not always explicit or deliberate but has been found to be the most salient for parents socializing their youth (Ayón, Ojeda, & Ruano, 2018; Hughes et al., 2006; Umaña-Taylor & Fine, 2004; Umaña-Taylor & Hill, 2020).

This component of ethnic-racial socialization is particularly important for ethnic groups tasked with maneuvering wide-ranging social ills caused by racial inequality. Latino adolescents face the highest risk for mental health disorders; specifically, Mexican-origin youth have been shown to harbor the highest levels of depression compared to their White, Asian-American, and African American counterparts. Anti-immigrant perspectives and policies have plagued the U.S. for close to two centuries, and the current political climate we find ourselves in is anything but different. The development of ethnic pride in racial adolescent minorities has been shown to reduce depressive symptoms, feelings of isolation, and negative self-esteem caused by experiencing discrimination. Mexican immigrant parents have reported using cultural pride as a teaching tool to ward off the effect of discriminatory encounters (Ayón, 2016; Hughes et al., 2006; Umaña-Taylor et al., 2009). For Latino parents, this may come in the form of consejos, or advice and discuss with their youth the utility and importance of retaining the native language in spite of educational language bans found in the Southwest (Gallo, 2017; Valdés, 1996). In these scenarios, parents have traditionally reserved the home as a teaching space for the advancement of the native language.

Empirical studies have shown a strong connection between parents’ cultural socialization practices and the ethnic identity development of youth (Ayón, Ojeda, & Ruano, 2018; Else-Quest & Morse, 2015). For Latino families, where parents play a critical role in their children’s microsystem, cultural socialization practices have been shown to have enduring positive effects. Latino parents engage in this messaging through daily mundane activities such as cooking traditional meals together, conversing in Spanish, attending convivos familiares or family gatherings, sharing experiences through stories and pictures, engaging in religious practices, and traveling to Mexico to visit hometowns, which in some cases youth are encouraged to do alone if parents are undocumented and unable to travel across borders (Ayón, Ojeda, & Ruano, 2018). It’s important to note, however, that family does not solely influence ERI development. Non-familial agents such as peers, teachers, and coaches also play significant roles in this process, as further demonstrated in this study (Umaña-Taylor & Fine, 2004).

The relationship between cultural socialization practices and adolescent ethnic identity formation is moderated by gender in complex ways (Hughes et al., 2006; Umaña-Taylor et al., 2009). Research has revealed intriguing gender differences: while familial ethnic socialization shows stronger connections to ethnic identity resolution for males, possibly due to machismo messaging, females demonstrate stronger associations between familial ethnic socialization and ethnic identity exploration (Umaña-Taylor & Guimond, 2010). This gender difference may be attributed to both developmental factors—as Latinas typically mature faster than their male counterparts, potentially enabling more sophisticated ethnic exploration—and socialization practices, where Latinas often serve as cultural carriers (Umaña-Taylor & Hill, 2020). These findings underscore the importance of examining not just the presence of ethnic socialization, but also the gendered nature of its delivery and reception.

Adolescent Development

Umaña-Taylor and Fine (2004) modified this portion of the model to include the cognitive and social abilities that emerge during adolescent development (Hughes et al., 2006; Rivas-Drake et al., 2014; Syed & Azmitia, 2008; Umaña-Taylor et al., 2014; Umaña-Taylor & Hill, 2020). Much of the literature on ethnic identity development has been conducted during adolescence. That is because this developmental period initiates cognitive and social maturity, leading to greater personal discernment of preferred values, behaviors, and social identities such as ethnic identity. Early adolescence is the developmental period of 10–14 years old, and is characterized by physical changes of puberty, changes in social demands, and a steep progression of introspection and abstract thinking (McDevit & Ormrod, 2013). Adolescents undergo a cognitive maturity that allows them to think autonomously and abstractly, often leading to questioning and distancing from their parents’ ideologies. This developmental age also lends itself to exploring different social hierarchies and meanings. Meaning-making through group membership is therefore incredibly influential for ethnic minority adolescents (Umaña-Taylor & Fine, 2004), making this developmental stage ripe for studying ERI formation (Calderón-Tena et al., 2011; Umaña-Taylor et al., 2014).

Stages of Adolescents’ Ethnic Identity Development

The final component of Umaña-Taylor and Fine’s (2004) model focuses on ERI processes. It adapts the seminal work of several influential identity theorists who have paved the way for conceptualizing identity processes, beginning with Erikson (1959), who proposed that identity development was a lifelong process, evolving with age and experience, with adolescence being a critical formation period. According to Erikson, individuals construct their identities through internal processes such as role confusion, identity crises, continuity, and change. The social environment also plays a crucial role in shaping identity, echoing the relational nature of identity formation as captured by ecological models. Complementing Erikson’s work, Tajfel’s (1981) social identity theory emphasized that individuals’ self-worth and esteem were closely tied to their sense of belonging in social groups, again emphasizing the meaning-making tied to group membership. Tajfel posits that these group memberships fundamentally shape one’s self-concept.

Building on Erikson and Tajfel’s work, Marcia (1966, 1980) introduced two key concepts to identity formation: exploration (initially termed crisis) and commitment. These concepts have become central to our understanding of identity development processes today, particularly concerning ethnic identity. Exploration refers to the period of actively searching and questioning identity alternatives, while commitment refers to the degree of personal investment in a given identity. Marcia (1980) operationalized these concepts to produce four distinct identity statuses, as seen in the far right of the model: (a) Identity diffusion: characterized by low exploration, low commitment; (b) Identity foreclosure: defined by low exploration, high commitment; (c) Identity moratorium: represented by high exploration, low commitment; and lastly, (d) Identity achievement: typified by high exploration, high commitment.

These statuses were created to capture the developmental processes of identity formation, specifically by combining different stages along the continuum of exploration and commitment. It’s important to note that these statuses, or stages are not fixed, but rather fluid and amenable to change over time as individuals continue to develop and have new experiences (Marica, 1980).

The Ethnic Identity Scale: An Evolving Measurement

Considering Marcia’s operational framework, many researchers began applying these processes to racial/ethnic identity development (Helms, 1990). Phinney (1989, 1992), for example, became notable for developing a universal measure of ethnic identity development applicable across different ethnic groups, the Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure (MEIM). It was this measure that prompted the development of Umaña-Taylor et al.’s (2004) Ethnic Identity Scale (EIS).

Phinney’s (1992) Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure (MEIM) assesses three components of identity development: exploration, resolution (or commitment), and affirmation. While the first two components are operationalized based on Marcia’s identity status model, affirmation is a novel inclusion. This added construct captures the affective dimension of ethnic identity, measuring whether individuals view their ethnicity positively or negatively—an aspect not addressed in Marcia’s original framework. By incorporating affirmation, Phinney’s model extends beyond the cognitive and behavioral aspects of identity development to include emotional attitudes toward one’s ethnic group.

This measure, however, was critiqued for utilizing one subscale, and conflating the meaning of these three separate constructs to yield a single yield single score (Phinney & Ong, 2007). Specifically, Phinney’s MEIM assumes that an achieved ethnic identity equates positive identification with one’s ethnic group, which is not always the case (Rivas-Drake et al., 2014; Torres & Ong, 2010; Umaña-Taylor, 2011). The private regard aspect of ethnic identity, which captures one’s personal feelings as measured by affirmation in Phinney’s model, conflates positive affect with achievement. The measures used in his model to capture achievement and affirmation are designed to reflect positive feelings, such as ethnic pride, which can distort the concept of achieved status. As a result, Umaña-Taylor et al. (2004) noted that this did not capture a neutral, achieved status– or the state of assurance of what one’s ethnic identity and group membership means to them. That is especially true for those who do not hold positive sentiments and affiliations toward these identities. For example, one can have an achieved identity and yet display a negative affect toward their ethnic identity after thoroughly exploring what that identity means to them. Consider the scenario where one has explored, undergone moratorium, and resolved what their ethnic identity means to them; however, the nuance lies in that they harbor negative to ambivalent feelings toward their ethnic group membership and thus do not consider that identity as salient to their self-concept.

The Ethnic Identity Scale, therefore, was designed to address these limitations by measuring these three distinct components with three separate subscales. The Ethnic Identity Scale expands the identity status measure and its three distinct components (exploration, commitment, affirmation) by including a score for each and one additional consideration: whether each is positively or negatively expressed. This created the eight typologies illustrated in Table 1. This table provides hypothetical examples of Latina adolescents demonstrating each typology based on the Ethnic Identity Scale.

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Table 1.

Ethnic Identity Typologies as Delineated by Ethnic Identity Scale.

Typology	Exploration	Commitment	Affirmation	Hypothetical examples
Diffuse positive	Low	Low	Positive	Maria, 13, knows she’s latina and feels good about it but hasn’t thought much about what it means. She enjoys her family’s traditions but hasn’t explored her heritage deeply
Diffuse negative	Low	Low	Negative	Sofia, 14, doesn’t know much about her latina background and feels somewhat embarrassed by it. She hasn’t explored her heritage and wishes she could fit in more with her non-Latina friends
Foreclosed positive	Low	High	Positive	Isabella, 13, is proud to be latina and feels sure about what it means to her, based on what her parents have told her. She hasn’t explored much on her own but accepts and values her family’s cultural practices
Foreclosed negative	Low	High	Negative	Valentina, 14, has a clear idea of what being latina means based on stereotypes she’s heard, but she hasn’t explored it herself. She feels negatively about her ethnic background and tries to distance herself from it
Moratorium positive	High	Low	Positive	Camila, 13, is actively learning about her latina heritage through books, movies, and talking to family members. She feels positive about being latina but is still figuring out what it means for her personally
Moratorium negative	High	Low	Negative	Gabriela, 14, is researching her family’s history and latina culture, but feels conflicted about her findings. She’s unsure how she fits in and currently feels negatively about her ethnic background
Achieved positive	High	High	Positive	Lucia, 14, has spent time learning about her latina heritage, has a clear understanding of what it means to her, and feels proud of her ethnic background. She actively participates in cultural events and educates others about her heritage
Achieved negative	High	High	Negative	Elena, 13, has extensively researched her latina background and has a clear understanding of her ethnic identity. However, due to experiences with discrimination, she feels negatively about her ethnic group membership despite her deep knowledge

While components of the ethnic identity scale continue to produce validity, after nearly two decades, the affective component in this scale is facing pushback (Umaña-Taylor, 2024). Recent literature challenges our current understanding of affect in ethnic-racial identity. Psychometric studies (Meca et al., 2021) and quantitative meta-analyses have examined the significant variability of affect and its impact on social adjustment (Gale et al., 2020; Rivas-Drake et al., 2014). These studies suggest that the current linear conceptualization of affect is flawed. Instead, affect may be better understood as two distinct components: positive and negative. This new perspective proposes that positive and negative feelings about one’s ethnic-racial identity can coexist, rather than existing on a single continuum.

The emerging shift in the literature prompts a reevaluation of coding methods and interpretations in previous studies (Umaña-Taylor, 2024). However, rather than viewing this as a limitation, the current study leverages the outcomes of the Ethnic Identity Scale as a comparative baseline for the captured narratives. This approach not only acknowledges the evolving understanding of ERI but also provides an opportunity to further elaborate on its reconceptualization. This reconsideration of affect in ethnic-racial identity (ERI) research underscores the dynamic nature of ERI as a meta construct, necessitating adaptable and innovative interpretative approaches.

Elaboration of ERI Process and Content

While the ethnic identity scale captures the ERI process of exploration and commitment, the affirmation construct falls within the ERI dimension of content. As discussed earlier, ERI constructs can be categorized into one of the two ERI dimensions: process and content, with content answering the question: “What does ethnic identity look like?” A challenge when investigating content is the myriad of ways in which it has been operationalized across studies (Syed & Azmitia, 2008). To address these challenges, the Ethnic and Racial Identity in the 21st Century Study Group was formed (Umaña-Taylor et al., 2014), with the aim of synthesizing the vast literature on ethnic and racial identity across various fields, providing guidance for conceptualizing and operationalizing ERI components, and aligning this research with current understanding in human development.

The Study Group has identified several constructs central to youth ERI development. Process components include exploration/search and commitment (as captured by the ethnic identity scale), which capture all facets of information seeking or exposure to one’s ethnic-racial group; negotiation; elaboration; internalization of cultural values; and collective self-verification. Content constructs, on the other hand, encompass various aspects of how individuals perceive and relate to their ethnic-racial identity. These include certainty, which extends beyond ethnic-racial labeling to encapsulate an adolescent’s critical thinking about their ethnic identity’s meaning; saliency, which “refers to the extent to which one’s ethnicity-race is relevant to one’s self-concept in a particular situation” (Umaña-Taylor et al., 2014, p. 26); and centrality, which “refers to the extent to which a person considers his or her race to be an important aspect of his or her self-concept” (p. 26). Additional content constructs include affect (as discussed above), which pertains to feelings toward one’s ethnic-racial group; public regard, which refers to perceptions of how others view one’s ethnic-racial group; and identity self-denial, which may emerge when individuals attempt to hide or minimize their ethnic-racial background due to low public regard. The school context can play a pivotal role in the formation of these ERI constructs, influencing both process and content aspects of ethnic-racial identity development.

Research Design

In critical ethnography, research questions are guided by theory, which cycles through context and allows context to inform the modes of inquiry. This approach safeguards theory from overriding the experiences of communities. The “critical” in critical theory refers to the critiquing of a wide range of social and political contexts; it questions positions of power, issues in inequity, and ethics and encompasses many forms of social injustices (Noblit, 2003). Marginalized feminist scholars have long included themselves as authors with transparent subjectivities with culture-bound, evolving voices (Fitzpatrick & May, 2022). Scholars doing this work acknowledge that individuals like Gloria Anzaldúa and Derrick Bell, amongst many other prominent critical race feminists and Black scholars that interrogate positionality, subjectivities, and phenomena under their politically charged contexts, do the work required of critical ethnographers, albeit in the form of autoethnography (Foley, 2010; Noblit, 2010; Preissle & Grant, 2010). While critical ethnography is intentional in its objection to abuses of power, it also heavily hinges on the theoretical orientation of the inquiry (Fitzpatrick & May, 2022). Critical ethnography seeks a reciprocal relationship between the field, theory, and one’s ontological orientation. Researchers must seek a synchronization between these elements, which also extends to writing; it is about deep exploration, continued engagement, and earnest understanding- all elements which complement the ongoing evolution of the ERI literature.

Ethical Consideration

Critical ethnography extends beyond being a method; it is a methodology, a philosophical approach that frames the research direction. As a methodological approach, it concerns itself with the ethical alignment of the ontological and epistemological dimensions of research, or what scholars such as Barad (2007) refer to as “ethico-onto-epistemology.” This methodological framework acknowledges that researchers are inextricably linked to their research and, as such, contribute to any project with their own embodied experiences and ways of knowing (Geerts & Carstens, 2019). An embodiment allows ethnographers to engage in knowledge through the body, through the sensations and sensory experiences they have in the field. An ethico-onto-epistemology, or researchers’ embodiment of their ethical and epistemological ways of knowing and being, lays the foundation for relational considerations stemming from the researcher.

For the primary researcher in this study, a native of the research site, her experiences as a first-generation Spanish speaker who navigated similar linguistic borderlands shaped the interview process. These conversations transcended traditional interview formats, becoming sacred spaces for shared meaning-making. As Fierros and Bernal (2016) note, such spaces create opportunities to “witness shared memories, experiences, stories, ambiguities, and interpretations.” Over snacks and casual conversation, these adolescents revealed a spectrum of engagement with their ethnic identity that traditional developmental frameworks alone couldn’t do justice.

Population and Sample

Recruitment for this study took place in the city of Ocean Oaks, a predominantly Latino coastal city in Southern California. This city has origins to a not-so-distant past that indulged in the systematic exploitation of Mexican laborers who contributed to the economic boom of the agricultural sector in Southern California during the early 1990s. Even as U.S. policies ‘welcomed’ Mexican laborers to developing regions across the U.S. through initiatives like the Bracero program, White-Anglo community members actively resisted them as neighbors and citizens. Education officials of the time went so far as to label Mexican children as “handicapped,” viewing them as a burden and liabilities to Anglo-Americans. Today’s Ocean Oaks, while still bearing these historical scars, has become a unique space for examining how Latinos navigate and reclaim historically denied spaces.

This study was part of a larger study conducted over the course of two academic years. The research site school was chosen for an extensive study funded by the Spencer Grant Foundation, specifically investigating the experiences of Latina students in math classrooms. Based on a previously established working relationship with the school district, the Superintendent orchestrated numerous meetings involving the Assistant Superintendent of Educational Services, several math teachers from the district’s middle schools, and a research team led by two university faculty members. After securing willing participation from a 7th-grade and an 8th-grade math teacher, this particular school was selected as the research site. We selected participants through a purposive sample with a component of self-selection (Patton, 2015). Over the span of these two years, rounds of interviews, observations, and field notes were taken of 7th and 8th-grade students across multiple math periods. This smaller study, however, focused on the experiences and narratives of nine (three 7th-grade and six 8th-grade) middle school early adolescent students, all in Mr Little’s class, who were identified over the course of these two years as willing and eager participants to share their thoughts and experiences in and outside the classroom. All nine youth self-identified as being of Mexican descent and had been enrolled in the dual immersion school since their Kindergarten year. Demographics on participants are provided under the results section.

The study site, Raíces School, is a unique public K-8 school with a dual immersion program, serving only 682 students. The percentage of Latino students is between 95 and 100%. Additionally, 57% of the student population comes from low-income backgrounds. While the school district has a 90% minority enrollment rate, the dual immersion program at Raíces School sets it apart from other middle schools in the area, making it an ideal location for investigating the ethnic identity developmental experiences of Latina students in dual immersion educational environment, an understudied context for ERI development.

Data Collection Procedures

Students interested in the study were required to return signed parental consent and assent forms before participating. All participants were either assigned or given the opportunity to choose pseudonyms to protect their privacy. Human subjects approval was obtained through the university. Data was collected using a variety of methods, including field observations in the classroom, surveys, and one-on-one semi-structured interviews. Field observations provided a feel for the classroom and broader school environment. These observations spanned several math periods of Mr Little’s 7th and 8th grade classes and included all students and instructors, as well as one student teacher.

Students were asked if they wanted to participate in an in-depth, one-on-one interview to gather further insights. One-one-one interviews were conducted on-site in the school administration building. Participants were asked questions that probed various domains of interest, ranging from their families, their co-curricular involvement, their feelings on math, their perceptions of their math identities, their dual immersion experiences, and their ethnic and cultural identities. All students were audio-taped and only one student opted out of being video-taped during the interview. The video footage was relevant to the larger study and the missing video did not impact analysis for this paper. The interviews ranged in time from 30-55 minutes.

Instrumentation

Data Analysis Methods

This study employed both narrative analysis (Syed & Azmitia) and a deductive approach to data analysis. Given that ethnic-racial identity (ERI) developmental research is a dynamic and evolving field, the analysis began with established ERI constructs while remaining open to new understandings that emerged from participants’ narratives. This dual approach provided both theoretical grounding and the flexibility to capture nuanced identity development processes. As noted above, research questions were informed by theory and adjusted to meet the needs of the context. A priori codes taken from Umaña-Taylor et al. ‘s (2014) integrated conceptualization of ethnic identity development, were used during the first level of coding (Johnson & Christensen, 2000). A principal list of potential codes and definitions was therefore developed prior to coding. Once the first level of coding was completed, a content analysis of the ERI dimensions were conducted. These dimensions included ERI Process (contestation, elaboration, negotiation, internalization of cultural values, exploration/search, and collective self-verification) and ERI Content: public regard, ideology, affect (affirmation, private regard), salience, centrality, importance, understanding of common fate/destiny, identity self-denial, certainty). Fieldnotes were used to provide descriptive profiles of the early adolescents and an overall understanding of their dispositions.

Student 1: Xochitl (Achieved Positive Typology)

Xochitl uses she/her pronouns. She is a first generation 8th grader who identifies as Mexican. She excels in Mr Little’s 7th-period math class, proudly sharing that she “always [has] an A, never a B or C, always an A in his class.” As a result, Mr Little has recommended her for AP math next year as a freshman in high school. Xochitl identifies with the Achieved Positive typology as outlined by Umaña-Taylor et al.,‘s (2004) ethnic identity scale, defined as having high exploration, high commitment, and positive affirmation. Xochitl has actively sought to learn about her Latina ethnic identity and has developed a clear sense of what being Latina means to her. Her attitude toward her ethnic identity is positive, viewing it as an asset. The following identity-relevant experiences illuminate Xochitl’s Ethnic-Racial Identity (ERI) development, revealing both the process of how her identity has formed and its core elements.

Student 2: Alexis (Diffuse Positive Typology)

When asked about his preferred gender pronouns during our interview, seventh-grader Alexis indicated that he uses he/him. Though this conversation occurred near the conclusion of our two-year study, Alexis had kept this information private, sharing it only with his closest friends. Alexis did not disclose his generation status, but did share that he self-identified as Mexican, which will be discussed further below. When asked about his extracurricular involvements, he expressed not wanting to engage in any: “I just want to go straight home cause like I’m already tired by seventh period. Just like all the running around constantly. Like, being fed information by like teachers and stuff.” This very much characterized Alexis’s quiet and often fatigued demeanor in class. However, he did share, “I read when I get home…you know like, what Four Nights at Freddy’s is? The horror series?” Alexis goes on to share that he’s trying to collect all of the books, and is currently waiting to make an online purchase. Alexis presents a contrasting case of ethnic-racial identity (ERI) development. His narrative reveals a Latino adolescent still in the early stages of exploring and understanding his ethnic identity.

Student 3: Onyx (Foreclosed Positive Typology)

Onyx, an eighth grader in Mr Stewart’s seventh-period math class, has been vocal about preferring they/them pronouns since our study began. Onyx’s evolving gender expression has resulted in two to three name changes over the course of the study. Despite this, Onyx maintains a quiet demeanor in class—soft-spoken yet confident. Naturally an introvert, they have made efforts to become more social in their eighth grade year. According to Mr Little, Onyx has blossomed socially since he’s known them, and he has become a strong source of support for them, consistently honoring their preferred pronouns and correcting himself when needed. According to the ethnic identity scale, Onyx displays the foreclosed positive typology, which indicates low personal exploration but positive commitment to their ethnic background as a result of ethnic socialization behaviors by those around them. Notably, this low exploration stands in stark contrast to Onyx’s personal evolving gender exploration. However, unlike Alexis, whose ERI development was not apparent, Onyx demonstrated theirs through the following remarks.

Onyx’s ERI Process

When asked to describe their school, Onyx shared the following:

It's good that it’s dual immersion. And also, you are able to speak both Spanish and English… I am able to express myself if I want to speak Spanish, too. And when someone speaks both languages, they're not judged for it.

This admission or expression of comfortability in the ability to speak Spanish at school illustrates the process of negotiation. Public regard, or public perceptions of one’s ethnic identity and native tongue are factors one takes into account when choosing when to use their linguistic abilities. Moreover, as a child of Mexican immigrants, Onyx talked about the responsibility that befalls on both them and their sister:

I think more in English. Since I started learning English throughout the years, I now speak a bit more English than Spanish. We speak Spanish more with my parents because they don't know English. I have to speak Spanish with them and with other family members. Like, I have to translate stuff or my sister also does that, too. But with my sister and her boyfriend, I can speak English and Spanish… Yeah, if they [parents] have any document or they got a message or something like emails and they’re in English [we translate them because my parents] don't understand. So they ask either me or my sister for help.

Translating for their parents is an example of an identity-relevant experience. These experiences are best captured by the process of negotiation, albeit unconsciously, these experiences demonstrate strategic moments and circumstances under which they deploy their linguistic abilities. This compartmentalization of Onyx’s linguistic responsibilities, helping family translate in Spanish and socializing in English, offers real-world examples of negotiation within the ERI process, where language choice becomes a tool for both facilitating communication and managing social dynamics. As Onyx manages their linguistic options, they reveals deeper complexities in their relationship with their first language:

In Spanish class, we can only speak Spanish which can be a bit hard for me. I don't even understand why myself. Like why… I'm just used to speaking English at school so I speak [English] in that class. Even though I know that when I'm at home with my parents, I speak Spanish easily and in that class it's hard… I don't know. I'm not sure why.

Onyx’s ERI Content

Onyx expands below on why they self-identify as Chicana:

Because I learned what it is through my cousin… So like I have family that was born over there, my parents were born in Mexico and I was born here. So that's the term that I use when I talk about my ethnicity… It's good to know what your ethnicity is. It's not something that you should feel bad about.

Their statement “It’s good to know what your ethnicity is” suggests a positive attitude toward ethnic identity. This relates to the affirmation component of ERI content, which involves positive feelings about one’s ethnic group. There is a certainty about her ethnic identity communicated through this quote.

Student 4: Flora (Achieved Negative Typology)

Flora, a first generation student 8^th grader, uses she/her pronouns, and ethnically self-identifies as Mexican-American. She stands out for her enthusiasm and confidence, particularly in math class. Flora takes her schooling seriously, and has communicated on more than one occasion that she hopes to attend college one day, emphasizing being the first to attend a four-year college, “Well, both my parents didn't make it past high school because they started working really young… I just gotta keep going. I'll also be the first one to graduate at a university if I make it all the way up there.” In spite of Flora's classification as Achieved Negative according to the EIS typology (high exploration and commitment with a negative affirmation), her narrative reveals active cultural engagement, strong cultural commitment, and an overall positive affect toward her ethnicity. Additionally, she reported the highest score on the familial ethnic scale with a perfect 60/60, meaning she perceived her family to be highly engaged and intentional with imparting cultural knowledge.

Xochitl: “Orgullo Bilingüe y Bicultural” (Bilingual and Bicultural Pride)

At the macro-ecological level, Xochitl’s understanding of work ethic in relation to immigration history demonstrates how broader societal contexts influence ethnic identity development. Her awareness of the need to “work harder” due to one’s immigration background aligns with the framework’s emphasis on the role of macro race/ethnic narratives in shaping individual meaning-making. Anti-immigrant narratives have historical holdings in the local context, further amplifying the influence of larger societal perspectives on ethnic socialization and identity formation (Umaña-Taylor et al., 2014). She illustrates this broader concept through her personal experience with her math class- drawing a meaningful parallel to her community’s experience. She embraces the cultural value of hard work amidst challenging environments. Both represent different but equally valuable forms of achievement and contribution to society, moving beyond limiting perceptions.

Even though her school is in a predominantly Latino neighborhood, its distinct microecological features compared to other schools in her district heightened her awareness of her ethnic identity and made it more central to her experience. As Xochitl describes her school, she attributes components of her ethnic identity development to its ethnic composition and linguistic inclusivity. This finding stands in contrast to studies that have found lower saliency of ethnic identity in minority adolescents attending minority majority schools (Yip et al., 2006). This observation expands our understanding of how subtle contextual changes can influence identity development. The juxtaposition of her academic setting against the non-dual bilingual schools became enough of a distinguishing factor to create heightened awareness of ethnic identity (Lee, 2003; Umaña-Taylor et al., 2014). Xochitl distinguishes her school from others in her largely Latino coastal city by its unique linguistic features. This further supports Umaña-Taylor and Fine’s emphasis on the importance of environmental context in identity formation, highlighting the range of local community influences on ethnic identity exploration.

Familial ethnic socialization is evident in Xochitl’s comments about her parents’ choice of school for language retention. This demonstrates the critical role that family plays in shaping ethnic identity, a key component of the theoretical framework. Her high score on the Familial Ethnic Socialization (FES) measure (53/60) indicates strong perceived family engagement in ethnic socialization practices. Furthermore, Xochitl’s internalization of the value of hard work, comparing parental occupations to her own academic efforts, illustrates the influence of community socialization in ethnic identity formation.

Notably, Xochitl’s cognitive and social development have facilitated her ethnic identity development. Her spontaneous use of a culturally relevant metaphor- comparing learning math to handling tortillas on a comal- demonstrates how deeply her ethnic identity is woven into her everyday thinking and meaning-making. When expressing her prolonged frustration with the fast pacing of math instruction, she draws from her cultural knowledge on daily behaviors, like handling tortillas quickly to prevent getting your fingers burned, to anchor this reflection of her academic work. Xochitl’s ability to critically evaluate and articulate the advantages of her bilingual skills within a broader social context also reflects a high level of social cognition and supports the framework’s consideration of developmental factors in ethnic identity formation.

Overall, Xochitl’s narrative illustrates how a dual immersion school setting can provide unique opportunities for ERI exploration and affirmation, particularly through language skills and cultural knowledge. Lastly, her explanation of how she self-identifies ethnically demonstrates her refined understanding of what binds her to her specific culture, providing nuance in how her Mexican identity differs from other Latin American cultures. By contrasting Mexican and Argentinian cultural elements- from linguistic differences to celebration styles- she reveals critical thinking about what makes her identity specifically Mexican. She demonstrates a mature ability to analyze and articulate the complex components that shape her ethnic identity. Her narrative reveals a Mexican adolescent whose active engagement in cultural practices, strong academic performance, and positive affirmation of her ethnic identity coexist harmoniously. Her responses exemplify how adolescents develop not just awareness of their ethnic background, but a deeper, reasoned understanding of its unique characteristics and personal significance. She is an example of an achieved positive identity as defined by the EIS typologies; however, she embodies much more. While her ERI constructs can be categorized into Umaña-Taylor et al.‘s typologies, they lack accessibility, tangability, cultural resonance. Ameliorating this facet of ERI research urges more descriptive and contextual classifications: “Orgullo Bilingüe y Bicultural” (Bilingual and Bicultural Pride).

Alexis: “Buscando Mi Camino” (Finding My Path)

In Alexis’s case, ecological factors do not extend beyond the immediate academic and home environment. In conversations with Alexis, his reference points regarding ethnicity and culture do not extend beyond the observational characteristics of the school. His response of “I don’t know” to being asked about the utility of learning two languages suggests Alexis has not critically considered the impact of his bilingual education on his identity or life experiences. Out of the nine participants in this study, Alexis scored the lowest on the Familial Ethnic Socialization (FES) measure. A (26/60) indicates low perceived family engagement in ethnic socialization practices. As he states, “We barely like talk about it and stuff, so I don’t know...like culture and ethnicity,” Together, this corroborates a general perceived absence of ethnic socialization behaviors from familial and non-non familial sources, such as school peers and teachers. This finding is noteworthy given the unique linguistic curriculum of the academic environment. However, this low ethnic identity saliency falls in line with previous studies that have attributed low saliency in ethnically homogeneous environments as a common default for minority adolescents.

Alexis’s ethnic identity development is difficult to gauge given the absence of ethnic identity-relevant experiences, suggesting it is not yet an awareness or central part of his self-concept. As a result, his ethnic identity holds low saliency and centrality in his daily life, resonating with a diffuse positive status, characterized by low exploration and commitment (as measured by the EIS scale). Notably, while the diffuse positive typology includes positive affirmation of one’s ethnic identity, elements of positive affect were not explicitly captured through Alexis’s narratives or observations. Instead, an emotional neutrality appears to exist in the absence of significant feelings regarding his ethnic identity. He identifies as Mexican primarily because his school comprises Mexican individuals - a self-label influenced by environmental demographics rather than emotional connection. This pattern raises important questions about the construct of affect in measures such as the ethnic identity scale (Umaña-Taylor, 2024), particularly how affect manifests in contexts of low ethnic identity saliency.

Alexis shows cognitive capability for identity exploration, as evidenced by his articulate gender identity expression. This further suggests his limited ethnic identity exploration isn’t due to developmental limitations, but rather key environmental and socialization factors. His selective identity exploration- gender but not ethnicity- challenges assumptions about uniform identity development across different domains. Given the context of gender differences in ethnic identity development, the case of Alexis offers several notable insights worth exploring. While separate research has shown strong FES-resolution and exploration relationships for males and females, respectively, Alexis’s case presents an intriguing example for understanding identity formation in the absence of familial ethnic socialization. His low FES score (26/60) severely limits gendered cultural messaging, which may be contributing to his gender identity formation. Latino households have historically held traditionally rigid gender roles, and a lack of familial cultural socialization (and its implications) merits further attention. This case suggests several areas for future research: how different identity domains interact during adolescent development, whether findings about gender differences in ethnic identity development hold true across varying levels of familial ethnic socialization, the role of affect in low-saliency ethnic identity situations, and how gender identity development might inform ethnic identity development.

Alexis’s story is at this moment characterized by a quiet presence and a complex journey of self-discovery in Mr Little’s 7th-grade math class. Rather than looking at Alexis’s experience as lacking, he embodies someone that is “Buscando Mi Camino” (Finding My Path). Alexis’s gender identity is an evolving, and related aspect of his ethnic identity, the two exist alongside one another, and will inevitably intersect, to which degree remains to be seen. At this present moment, Alexis’s gender identity holds a more central role in their self-concept over their ethnic identity. Hernández-Truyol (2003) writes, “Gender identities are rigorously and authoritatively delineated and enforced within la cultural Latina. These parameters are then used as tools of oppression and pressure to marginalize those mujeres (and hombres) who do not conform to culturally designated gender and sex roles and norms” (p. 57). As Alexis grapples with the meaning of his gender identity, he remains situated within a society that will inevitably racialize his body and language (Crenshaw, 1991; Ghavami et al., 2016; Umaña-Taylor et al., 2014).

Onyx: “Descubriéndose en Cada Idioma y Cada Nombre” (Discovering Themselves in Every Language and Every Name)

Onyx presents another compelling case of identity exploration and self-discovery in Mr Little’s 8th-grade math class. Onyx’s statement “when someone speaks both languages, they’re not judged for it,” describes the influence of micro ecological factors, such as the school’s dual immersion designation, on ethnic identity formation. The socialization processes in Onyx’s case are particularly evident when it comes to their family. Onyx’s role as a language broker for their family, translating documents and messages from English to Spanish, demonstrates active engagement with their bilingual identity and highlights the importance of familial contexts in ethnic identity development. Additionally, Onyx’s learning about ethnic labels from family members, such as the term “Chicana” from their cousin, underscores the significant role that familial ethnic socialization plays in shaping their understanding and expression of ethnic identity. Furthermore, Onyx’s understanding of their family’s immigration history and its connection to their ethnic label choice demonstrates an emerging ability to synthesize personal experiences with broader cultural narratives.

Onyx mentions thinking more in English now but speaking Spanish with their parents and some family members. This shows how they adapt their language use and expression of their ethnic identity based on the social context. Onyx also mentions having to translate for family members, which is another form of negotiation between their bilingual abilities and their family’s needs. Their ability to speak both English and Spanish with their sister and her boyfriend indicates a flexible negotiation of their bilingual identity. Through these strategic decisions, Onyx navigates the complexities of language use based on the needs of the situation, illustrating how negotiation is not just about exchanging information but also about adapting to the relationships and environments that language shapes

Their reflection on their language use shows a growing capacity for self-analysis, particularly when they ponder why speaking Spanish in class is challenging despite ease at home. This cognitive dissonance in language use across contexts reveals a level of self-awareness about their bilingual identity. This aligns closely with their Foreclosed Positive typology, particularly the low exploration aspect. Onyx’s responses show a need for more certainty about their bilingual experiences and abilities. It shows that while they have committed to their ethnic identity and generally feel positive about it, they haven’t engaged in deep exploration or critical reflection about the complexities of their bilingual experience. Onyx’s story is one of continuous evolution and self-discovery. From changing names and pronouns to engaging in discussions about identity, Onyx demonstrates a deep commitment to understanding and expressing their true self.

Flora: “Orgullo Bicultural con Fe y Ambición” (Bicultural Pride with Faith and Ambition)

Flora demonstrates ambition and a clear vision for her future, aspiring to be the first in her family to attend a four-year university. Her ethnic identity development is profoundly shaped by strong familial ethnic socialization. She describes strong family connections evident in cultural practices, stating, “Me and my family have a tradition of putting up an altar for Day of the Dead.” Her role as a language broker for her parents, translating papers since she was young, further emphasizes the family’s influence on her ethnic identity. Religious traditions passed down through her family, such as “Cineza, nos ponen la cruz de cineza during pascua” and “Nuestro Primera Comunión,” also contribute to her cultural socialization.

Flora’s ethnic identity narrative and EIS typology presents a seemingly paradoxical picture. Classified as Achieved Negative, she demonstrates high levels of exploration and resolution regarding her ethnic identity, yet her EIS affect score implies that she maintains a negative affect toward this self-identification. This apparent contradiction challenges the conventional understanding and measurement of affect in standardized scales like the EIS. Umaña-Taylor’s (2024) article on reconceptualizing the measurement of affect in Ethnic-Racial Identity (ERI) research highlights the limitations of current measurement approaches and proposes a more nuanced understanding of affect. Flora’s case demonstrates a disconnect between quantitative measures and qualitative experiences. This discrepancy underscores Umaña-Taylor’s point that current quantitative measures may not accurately capture the complexity of individuals’ lived experiences. Flora’s narrative reveals various positive emotional experiences related to her ethnic-racial identity (e.g., feeling happy and connected when dancing Folklorico), alongside potential challenges (e.g., concerns about forgetting Spanish). This aligns with Umaña-Taylor’s (2024) argument that effect is multidimensional and can’t be adequately captured by a single positive-negative continuum.

Flora’s Self-Concept is characterized by the high centrality of her ethnic identity in daily life, a strong connection between her ethnic and religious identity (as evidenced by her wearing a cross necklace), and the importance she places on being a cultural and linguistic bridge for her family. Flora’s narrative implies positive social and cognitive outcomes, including positive self-esteem related to her cultural knowledge and abilities, a strong sense of family obligation and responsibility, and motivation for academic achievement tied to her family background.

Flora’s ethnic-racial identity is more accurately captured by the label “Orgullo Bicultural con Fe y Ambición” (Bicultural Pride with Faith and Ambition) rather than the “Achieved Negative” typology. This culturally relevant descriptor encapsulates her bilingual abilities, cultural integration, religious affiliations, and future aspirations. The “Achieved” classification, while asset-based, is culturally subjective, failing to reflect Flora’s living narrative. This discrepancy underscores the limitations of standardized measures in capturing the nuanced experiences of individuals. The proposed label offers a more holistic and culturally sensitive representation of Flora’s identity formation.

Future Directions

One important finding of this study was the unexpected high ethnic identity salience of the majority of the participants, specifically, Xochitl, Onyx, and Flora. These findings stand in contrast with most studies that have found low saliency for minority youth in minority majority environments. This begs further research into the significance of contextual differences when studying ERI development. This paper adapts existing ERI stages and typologies to capture ERI developmental trajectories through a narrative format, making these concepts accessible beyond academic spaces and aiding community members in understanding their own ERI development. Marcia (1966, 1980) developed terms like ‘foreclosure’ and ‘diffuse’ to describe different states of identity development, introducing this terminology to the field of identity research. Ascribing these terms to culturally relevant descriptors represents a forward moving evolution of ERI literature. By using narratives to explore ERI development among early adolescent Latinas, the study demystifies ERI terminology, making it applicable to everyday experiences, and demonstrating a rich spectrum of ERI development. Chicana feminist scholars like Flores (2000) emphasize the importance of centering Latina narratives, which inherently capture the processes of negotiation—deciding what to share, expand upon, or omit.” As Huber et al. (2024) suggest, “Chicana Feminisms consider how experiences within these institutions become inscribed upon our bodies, minds, and spirits.” In a study that underscores the power of language, it is crucial to factor in the significance of re-naming and ascribing descriptions that stem from participants’ voices, and not academia rhetoric.

Another key area for future inquiry is the role of intersectionality in ERI development, particularly how race, ethnicity, and gender intersect in shaping youth experiences (Rivas-Drake & Umaña-Taylor, 2019; Syed & Azmitia, 2008). For instance, while this study illuminated gendered dimensions of ERI among Latina adolescents, additional research should examine ERI among non-binary, gender nonconforming, or transgender youth of color, whose experiences may challenge dominant frameworks of identity development. Additionally, research should critically engage with Umaña-Taylor and Fine’s (2004) model, while also drawing on culturally sustaining pedagogies (Paris & Alim, 2017) to continue framing ERI development as an ongoing, socially constructed process rather than a static outcome. Future studies should also explore how structural factors, such as school policies, community environments, and broader socio-political dynamics, shape ERI processes in diverse educational and social settings. By expanding the theoretical and methodological scope of ERI research, scholars can ensure that their work not only captures the depth of identity formation but also contributes to actionable strategies for supporting youth in navigating their ethnic-racial identities within complex social landscapes.

Limitations

A limitation of this study is that it is not longitudinal, meaning it does not track the changing ERI process over time. Additionally, the results are not intended to be generalizable to other populations. Due to time constraints imposed by the school, interview times and observations outside the classroom were limited to avoid disrupting the students’ daily activities. Finally, within the context of ethnic identity development, it is challenging to separate gender identity from the students’ self-concepts, highlighting the need for an intersectional approach to ERI.