Confucian Heritage Culture,parental differential treatment of siblings and music learning: A hermeneutic analysis of a musical family

Abstract

This phenomenological study focuses on the effect of parenting rooted in Confucian Heritage Culture (CHC) on music learning of four American-born Chinese siblings from the same family. It investigates parental differential treatment (PDT) and sibling interactions on the musical development of the participants raised by musician parents. Participants’ music practice habits and their learning and performing opportunities can further account for their music identity formation. Hermeneutic inquiries explore how individuals make sense of their experiences. Data consisted of six semi-structured interviews conducted among this family and their email correspondences, and was analysed using Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis. Four overarching themes emerged from the family narratives: parenting rooted in CHC-inspired music learning in this family; parental musicianship and continuous support, combined with kin role modelling and siblings’ sound practice habit positively facilitated their successful music learning; optimal learning and performing opportunities were highly beneficial in the siblings’ music learning process; and sibling relationships affected by PDT did not have long-term aversive effects on their learning or wellbeing. The findings show that PDT occurs among CHC families and children need to have a safe environment to thrive. Scholars and health practitioners should acquire intercultural knowledge to effectively work with families of diverse cultures.

Keywords

Confucian Heritage Culture Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis moral cultivation and self-perfection music education aims music learning parental differential treatment sibling interaction

Given the prevalence of music students from diverse cultural backgrounds in formal and informal music teaching and learning, it behoves the contemporary music educator to be cognisant of the cultural frame that surrounds and influences music learning. A cultural psychology approach to music education research provides opportunities to examine the role that culture plays in the development of musical thought and practice (Barrett, 2011), and to identify the characteristic features of an “enabling culture” of music learning (Bruner, 1996, p. xv). This study draws on an extensive project exploring Confucianism and identity and music learning among Chinese musicians across the globe. In music psychology, little is known about the role that diverse cultures play within families. Studies on the quality of parent–child and sibling relationships and how they affect the holistic development of diasporic Chinese musicians are non-existent. Among the family research literature investigating sibling relationships, most samples (non-musicians) were drawn from two-child Caucasian families; and very few coordinated the responses from multiple family members or examined diverse ethnicities (Kowal, Krull, & Kramer, 2006).

Using sociocultural and psychological lenses, this phenomenological study focuses on the effect of parenting rooted in Confucian Heritage Culture (CHC) on music learning of four American-born Chinese siblings from the same family. Specifically, it investigates the influence of parental differential treatment (PDT) and sibling interactions on the musical development of participants raised by musician parents. Participants’ music practice habits and their learning and performing opportunities can account for their music identity formation. The phenomenological method is apt for this study because understanding the impact of social experiences across the lifespan can only be assessed through an exploration of the individual’s subjective experiences (O’Neill & Green, 2001). This study is informed by research in Chinese-American studies (Chao, 1994, 1996, 2001; Chao & Tseng, 2002; Chen, Dong, & Zhou, 1997; Yee, Debaryshe, Yuen, Kim, & McCubbin, 2007), family psychology (Bodovski, 2010; Brody & Stoneman, 1994/2013; Feinberg, McHale, Crouter, & Cumsille, 2003) and music education relating to culture, learning and identity (Barrett, 2010; Hargreaves, Marshall, & North, 2003; Hargreaves, McDonald, & Miell, 2012; Haston & Russell, 2012; Lamont, 2011).

Conceptual framework

Parenting is an influential variable in child development (Guajardo, Snyder, & Peterson, 2009). Parents’ ethnicity and cultural beliefs affect parenting styles (Kotchick & Forehand, 2002). Two intersecting theoretical positions informed the conceptual framework for this study: CHC and parenting styles. These are explored in relation to family structure, PDT, and sibling interactions, and are then applied to music learning of the four youngsters. Four headings provide useful signposts to guide this exploration: The characteristics and values of Chinese families; CHC and the benefits of music education; Chinese parenting styles; and Parental differential treatment.

The characteristics and values of Chinese families

In CHC, Chinese families are organised in a hierarchical kinship system where the young respect, honour and care for the old, based on the principle of filial piety (D. Ho, 1996). The relational interdependence requires that every family member is obliged to cultivate harmony, offer advice and assistance, and maintain emotional ties with parents across the lifespan (DeBaryshe, Yuen, & Stern, 2001; Phinney, Ong, & Madden, 2000). Sibling relationships are important in child development (Brody, Kim, Murray, & Brown, 2003). Siblings are a source of nurturance and caregiving experiences benefit cognitive, language and psychosocial development. Siblings who experience a balance of nurture and conflict will become socially skilled, able to cope with crises and have positive peer relationships (Brody, 2004; Brody & Stoneman, 1994/2013). In patriarchal Chinese families, the first-born male child has the highest status in the family, but the last-born male child is said to steal the mother’s heart. Older siblings often act as kin tutors and co-parents who provide teaching and support to younger siblings over a lifetime (Li, Holloway, Bempechat, & Loh, 2008). These characteristics continue to operate in contemporary families among diasporic Chinese around the world (Chao & Tseng, 2002). CHC can contribute to the exceptional educational outcomes of students from Asian backgrounds (Phillipson, Ku, & Phillipson, 2014; Phillipson, Stoeger, & Ziegler, 2013). The subjects of this study are Chinese Americans. It is noted that Asian Americans have been regarded as a resilient “model minority”. Asian American adults aged 25+ are almost twice as likely to have graduated from college (44.1%) compared to the overall US adult population (24.4%; Reese & Bennett, 2004). Resiliency is a process through which families experience adversities, but are able to mobilise resources and maintain healthy outcomes (Luthar & Zelazo, 2003).

CHC and the benefits of music education

Confucian scholars maintained that music education is moral cultivation through arts immersion (Kong-Zi, 1885/2008); music can “harmonise human beings into the well-ordered Confucian society” (W. C. Ho, 2003, p. 289). The concept of virtue, attained by self-cultivation of discipline, deeply influences Chinese musical aesthetics (Huang, 2012). Diasporic Chinese across the globe acknowledge the functional aspect of music education as being more related to character building than skill acquisition (Kim, 2006; Kong-Zi, 1885/2008). Western classical music has transcultural affinities in Confucian values because “symphonies will make their listeners into better people” (Kraus, 1989, p. 212). In mainland China, parents urge their children to excel at instrumental music as American parents push theirs to perform well in soccer (Lin, 2008). In the US, there is a norm that Asian American mothers set up instrumental music lessons for their children in early childhood. These competitive, ambitious, determined and self-sacrificing “music moms” are the architects of their children’s musical development (Wang, 2009). Music making integrates multiple brain systems; it primes the brain for learning and promotes development that benefits the whole person (Merrett & Wilson, 2011; Wilson, Abbott, Lusher, Gentle, & Jackson, 2011). The extrinsic and instrumental benefits of music education are fostering language learning, reading and improving memory (Henriksson-Macaulay, 2014).

Chinese parenting styles

Baumrind’s (1967, 1991) parenting offers a canonical model where parents use three styles to regulate their children: authoritative, authoritarian, and permissive parenting. Authoritative parenting is characterised by democratic responsiveness, firm control with emotional support and warmth; and is associated with psychosocial maturity and adolescents’ academic success (Steinberg, Elmen, & Mounts, 1989; Steinberg, Lamborn, Dornbusch, & Darling, 1992). Authoritarian parenting demands obedience without much explanation or affection, and relies on punitive measures. This leads to negative outcomes where the child can become withdrawn and have low self-esteem (Chen et al., 1997). Empirical research has found that the first two types of parenting are valid and reliable in describing the Chinese American samples (Baumrind, 2005; Chao, 1994).

Chinese parents have been described as controlling and self-sacrificing in order to provide for their children. The parents tend not to be physically affectionate, democratic or use verbal praise, and hold high expectations for academic excellence and shared family responsibilities (Chao & Tseng, 2002; Lau, Lew, Hau, Cheung, & Berndt, 1990; Wang, 2009). Guan (“governance with love”) is the intensive guidance and training of one’s children. This is rooted deeply in Confucianism where personal moral cultivation is the goal of learning (Kong-Zi, 2010). Parental control is interpreted as concern, duty, love and interest in the child, so it has a positive meaning among Chinese (Chao & Aque, 2009; Yee et al., 2007). Chinese parents encourage their children to excel, provide close supervision, and limit television viewing and internet usage (Kao & Tienda, 1998; Mau, 1997). Concerning the role of parents in children’s musical attainment, researchers have focused on parents being home teachers (Sloboda & Howe, 1991), parent–child interaction (Creech, 2010; Creech & Hallam, 2009; Davidson, Howe, & Sloboda, 1996; McPherson, 2009), and parents providing psychological and intellectual support (Crozier, 1999; Noack, 1998; Pomerantz, Groinick, & Price, 2005; Pruett, 2004).

Parental differential treatment

Parent–child harmony and supportive parenting accompanied by positive reinforcement, affection, active involvement, and consistent and moderate discipline are related to children’s academic competence, high self-esteem, positive peer relations and fewer child behavioural problems (Armistead, Forehand, Brody, & Maguen, 2002; Brody & Flor, 1998). Inconsistency of parenting with overly harsh disciplinary strategies and absence of warmth is associated with maladaptive child behaviours (Baumrind, 1978; Dwairy, 2008; Harris & Howard, 1985). PDT can be understood as parents’ unequal treatment of their children and its effects are complex depending on the reason, magnitude, direction and fairness (Feinberg et al., 2003; Feinberg, Neiderhiser, Howe, & Hetherington, 2001; Feinberg, Neiderhiser, Simmens, Reiss, & Hetherington, 2000; McHale & Pawletko, 1992; McHale, Crouter, McGuire, & Updegraff, 1995; McHale, Updegraff, Jackson-Newsom, Tucker, & Crouter, 2000; Quittner & Opipari, 1994; Weinstein, 1993). Since children are the active constructors of their environments, their understanding of PDT can lead to adaptive or adverse emotions and behaviours (Brody, Stoneman, & McCoy, 1992; 1994; Brody & Stoneman, 2013; Dunn, 1991; Kowal & Kramer, 1997; Kowal, Kramer, Krull, & Crick, 2002; Kowal, Krull, & Kramer, 2004, 2006; Richmond, Stocker, & Rienks, 2005; Stocker, Dunn, & Plomin, 1989; Tamrouti-Makkink, Dubas, Gerris, & van Aken, 2004; Wolf, Fisman, Ellison, & Freeman, 1998).

Disparities among parent–child perceptions of family processes are normal (Larson & Richards, 1994), but little is known about whether different children in the same family share the same meanings concerning PDT. Siblings are able to have positive adult relationships with their family provided that the PDT was legitimate, their negative feelings are validated, and they have a shared belief and understanding of why the PDT occurred (Fivush, Bohanek, Robertson, & Duke, 2004; Kowal et al., 2004). In CHC, parents view differential treatment of individuals as part of the family hierarchy and regular societal functioning (Bond & Hwang, 1986; D. Ho, 1996; Tu, 1998). PDT holds different meaning for Chinese families (Barrett Singer & Weinstein, 2000; Ying, Coombs, & Lee, 1999).

Individual learning and achievement outcomes are significantly influenced by family characteristics and values; parenting styles, parental goals and aspirations for children are mediated by culture. In CHC, music education is highly valued as a means for moral cultivation. Two research questions can be derived from the literature reviewed for the current study. How do the members of this musical family understand CHC and the PDT of siblings? How do these affect the music learning of siblings?

Methodology

Participant profiles

There are four adult children in this musical family. Although not the focus of the study, the parents of the siblings, Charles and Joy (pseudonyms; ages 57 and 60), born in Sarawak and Macau, respectively, were interviewed separately about their demographic background and their views on their children. Charles attended graduate school in engineering in the US in his mid-20s. After her high school graduation, Joy joined the workforce in the accounts department of a company run by a foreigner. She later migrated to the US for marriage and became a full-time housewife. Both parents are proficient in playing one musical instrument besides voice and have been amateur musicians and community choral directors for three decades. Incidentally, they were both late starters to instrumental music for financial reasons. Charles (clarinet) and Joy (piano) commenced private music lessons when they could self-fund their lessons in their early adulthood. They both became accomplished musicians by their 30s. This middle-class, first generation migrant couple are proud to maintain their heritage language and culture even after living in the US for 30 years. None of their adult children currently live at home. Table 1 shows the siblings’ gender, age of lesson commencement, current state of residence and their music learning profiles. Pseudonyms Jasmine, Peony, Cherry and Vincent were assigned to them.

Table 1.

Demographic details of the four siblings.

Pseudonym	Gender	State of residence	Age of lesson commencement, years receiving music lessons
Jasmine	F	New York	Began at 6, learned piano for 8.5 years
Peony	F	Texas	Began at 6, learned piano for 10 years, flute for 7 years
Cherry	F	Maryland	Began at 5, learned violin for 14 years so far
Vincent	M	Maryland	Began at 7, learned piano for 11 years so far

As amateur musicians and choral directors at church, Charles and Joy engaged in active music making both inside and outside the home. Their children reported that Joy sang spontaneously while she did household chores; and Charles listened to classical music when driving and played music trivia games with the family on their road trips. These parents passionately imparted their love of music to their children. Slowly, the children accumulated their knowledge about Western composers and learned to appreciate different music genres.

Although a competent pianist, Jasmine self-identified as a music hobbyist because she was the only one of the four siblings who did not take music studies at tertiary level. Her three younger siblings gained music scholarships and became professional musicians, besides being trained in a second discipline at university. Jasmine graduated with a Bachelor of New Media with a fee-exemption scholarship; she has been working as a creative web designer for five years. Peony received a fee-exemption scholarship to study biochemistry with flute as her minor study. Since graduation, she has been working as a researcher for three years and concurrently receiving a stipend to pursue a PhD in pharmacology. Both Cherry and Vincent received full scholarships to do their bachelor degrees in the same university in their home state. Cherry had completed third year Bachelor of Arts with a double major in violin and psychology; Vincent recently commenced his double degrees in material science and music. All members of this family have regularly contributed their musical skills at church, but Cherry and Vincent are also involved in serving as instrumentalists voluntarily at their local hospitals.

Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis (IPA)

IPA, a qualitative method devised by Smith (1999), has been extensively employed in health psychology and increasingly in music psychology/education (Bainger, 2011; Fung, 2016a, 2016b, 2016c; Joseph, 2014; McPherson, Davidson, & Faulkner, 2012; Southcott & Joseph, 2013; Taylor, 2015). IPA is phenomenological (interrogating/understanding experience), hermeneutic (inductive reasoning/interpretation) and idiographic in nature (in-depth case study; Brocki, & Wearden, 2006; Shinebourne, 2011; Smith, 2011). Triple hermeneutics occur in IPA since the researcher is trying to make sense of how participants make sense of their experiences, with the reader as a third party in mind (Smith, 2015). Data collection in IPA is commonly done through semi-structured interviews that attempt to explore participants’ own understandings of their lived experiences (Larkin & Thompson, 2012). Researchers bracket their preconceptions when analysing the data to avoid biases (Smith, 2004).

Data collection, triangulation and analysis

With ethical approval, I emailed the participants an interview schedule with questions including the parenting they received, the success/failure in their learning journeys, and the development of their musical and occupational identities. All six members of this family emailed me their consent forms for research individually. One month later on my conference visit to Washington, DC, I conducted one-on-one interviews with Vincent and his parents in their family home. The father drove me to Cherry’s university and I interviewed her in her dormitory. A few days later, I flew to New York and I interviewed Jasmine there. I arranged to have an online interview with the remaining sibling Peony one month after my return to Australia. Data collection was completed between February and May, 2016, including initial email contact, invitation and clarification for research participation. Each interview lasted between 90 and 120 minutes. Data consisted of six semi-structured interview transcripts and participants’ email correspondences over four months. All interviews were transcribed and sent to the participants for member-check; then a synthesised family narrative was sent to seek moderation since contradictory perspectives between family members is common. The amended and approved transcripts with additional parental feedback and clarifications were read by a colleague to confirm credibility and trustworthiness (Castillo-Montoya, 2016; Morrow, 2005; Pietkiewicz & Smith, 2014; Sinkovics & Ghauri, 2008). The analysis involved line-by-line analysis, identification of key words and emergent patterns, development of coded data, construction of a complete frame illustrating the relationships between themes, organisation of clusters of themes into the final structure, collaboration and external audit to test my coherence and plausibility, and development of the full narratives with overarching themes supported by verbatim extracts (Larkin, Watts, & Clifton, 2006; Smith, 2015).

Results

Using participant quotations as in standard IPA procedures, I will show how the sub-themes emerged from the interviews through the processes of a) making sense of parenting received; b) making sense of sibling interactions; c) making sense of practice; d) making sense of music learning and performing opportunities. The emergent themes will be summarised in a table, then grouped together to form the overarching themes for discussion.

Emergent themes

Making sense of parenting received

Both Jasmine and Peony received authoritarian parenting with some physical punishment as children. As adults, they both challenged their parents for the rationale of their differential treatment of the siblings. Reflecting on her upbringing, Jasmine described herself thus:

I was very rebellious. Not only I skipped Sunday school, I took the younger church kids to the woods nearby … got into huge trouble with kids injured. Every bad thing I did was fun and a test to see how far I could push it. I didn’t benefit from excessive parental control, mother wanted me to play well; I quit piano, needed freedom. I questioned my parents why they had gone “soft” on my younger two siblings … they said they had not learned how to be good parents yet.

Peony also reported that her younger siblings were treated differently by her parents, receiving much softer parenting. She recalled:

I remember my parents watched the first two kids very closely with regard to homework books and Chinese character writings every day. If the characters looked bad, we had to do them again. If we didn’t hold our pencils correctly, they yanked them out of our hands. That happened a lot over many years. With my younger sister, it happened only a couple of times. It barely happened to my younger brother. We had a cane-stick at home, it was used for punishing kids. My older sister said, “they [youngest two] were barely hit at all … we were getting so many more beatings than them!!” Kids fight with each other, when I picked on my younger siblings, my parents hit me. I decided that I would do my best not to be the angry and rebellious type. When my parents got older, their tempers mellowed and didn’t get angry as quickly as they used to.

Both Cherry and Vincent received authoritative parenting with more understanding and warmth. They were barely hit by the cane-stick. Regarding PDT, the father confessed:

Each family has different ways in parenting, depending on the developmental stages and the kids’ personality characteristics. We don’t feel that we treat any child better or worse; it is natural that we have selective memories. My eldest daughter was a “trial and error experiment”, we learned parenting by doing. She was rebellious, disciplined more harshly among the four children. Peony was very stubborn so she was disciplined a lot; later she became the “good girl” in the family. Jasmine and Cherry didn’t like parental supervision, so it appeared that we invested more time on Vincent. The older two complained about the younger two going out socially, but chose to forget that we also encouraged them to go out. Cherry was hit a couple of times in the palm of her hands; Vincent was a compliant kid so physical punishment was almost not required. My wife complained that I often spoke to Vincent with a stern voice because I consciously wanted to rough him up to become a man for the real world. He also needed to develop assertiveness and take initiative. We talked about the differential treatment openly and remained as a close-knit family.

Making sense of sibling interactions

The oldest child Jasmine had a lot of power and authority within the Confucian familial hierarchy. She described her status as:

At home, I was a clan leader who bossed my younger siblings around; they all listened to me, even as adults now. In our annual reunion at home, if I hear them talking about music all the time, I will tell them to shut up. I didn’t regret quitting piano and I’m not jealous of their musical abilities. They talk to me about IT, dad and I have common interest in electronic stuff.

Peony described her sibling interactions:

My older sister is my oldest female friend who is always there for me, she played piano. Initially I wanted to copy Jasmine so I learned piano. I felt sorry for Vincent being constantly teased by the girls. As much as wanting to protect Vincent, I also resented him. I was five years older than Vincent and felt embarrassed that we played the same piano pieces. His talent demotivated me, I quit piano and focused on flute. Cherry played violin, she got upset easily and she didn’t get along with Vincent sharing her room. I talked about my passion for biochemistry; both younger siblings’ later interest in science was inspired by me.

Cherry reported that she wanted to learn violin to be different because her two older sisters were learning the piano. Cherry is a very good violinist, but was overshadowed by the exceptional talent of her brother; she described her agony thus:

I was the best violinist in my school and in a leadership position. In the Conservatory where I received a scholarship, I was important enough to be sitting near the front of the orchestra. I did national string competitions for four years, never won anything, not like my brother who won a lot of competitions. Later, I became interested in science and Peony helped me with biochemistry.

Being the youngest male child, Vincent witnessed a smorgasbord of learning styles and disciplinary measures in his family. He explained:

I observed how things worked at home and could always avoid punishment because I was sensitive to the changes of tones of voices in my parents. All members of this family do spontaneous singing, but my oldest sister was the reason I learned piano. I hung around her to listen to her piano playing. I was bullied and excluded by all my sisters who thought of me as a “yes man”. I was frustrated but not upset anymore; we are close to each other. My sisters’ interests in science influenced my career pathway in nano-technology.

Making sense of practice

The participants’ internal scripts guided their motivation to learn and practise their instruments. Piano was not Jasmine’s choice, so she discontinued lessons when the practice became burdensome:

My parents set me up for lessons. It went well for five years, but I was demotivated to practise towards the last four years. At Grade 9, I was glad I quit. I picked woodwork and ceramics at high school as electives, everyone [three other siblings] picked music. My dad built electronic gadgets as a kid, so did I.

The other three siblings showed intrinsic motivation to learn and self-regulated their practices with/without parental supervision. Peony described her practice habits:

I was self-motivated and felt I needed no one to supervise my flute practice. My dad sometimes came into my room during my practise and asked about my next performance, and what pieces I was working on in the wind ensemble. I liked that extra boost; but I didn’t like my parents being the human metronomes beating rhythms with their hands during Vincent’s piano practice.

According to the combined family script, Cherry was the one who resented her parents supervising her practice. Cherry’s self-report presented a slightly different perspective:

It was a habit to practise every day because mom told me to; I wasn’t sure anymore later. I wanted to be proud of myself, but struggled to put in the hours. I didn’t benefit from the excessive parental control … I needed to practise without mom watching. She backed off, I was on my own and learned self-discipline to manage my practice.

Vincent benefited most from parental guided learning and practice. He explained:

Early on, both parents reminded me to do my daily practice and I developed good habits and had intrinsic motivation for music learning. There was no physical punishment regarding learning. It is all about training yourself, the personal engagement, especially when piano is considered a solo instrument. I want to work regularly even during overseas holidays … I enjoy parental supervision during my practices, they give me constructive feedback. My parents also travel with me across the states for my competitions, they are very supportive.

Making sense of learning and performing opportunities

The four siblings were privileged to have generous financial support from their parents to learn from good teachers but Jasmine ceased piano learning after nine years. She recalled:

It was something my parents wanted me to do. I went well for a while until middle school. My friends would go out to play, but I had to go home to practise. As a kid, I just wanted to play. If my siblings like it, they do it, but I don’t have the patience to practise like them. In nine years of learning, I did annual piano recitals and had four good private teachers. I wouldn’t say I regretted quitting.

Both Peony and Cherry began learning their instruments with private teachers. They later obtained fee-exemption scholarships for lessons during their middle and senior schools. Peony learned from a community college, Cherry went to a famous conservatory with selective entries for high schoolers. Peony hated solo performances, but overcame her fear in auditions and received continuous scholarships. She explained:

I don’t like competitions and hated the time I had to perform for scholarship auditions. I hated recitals, but was okay with ensemble performances, wind choir or orchestra. If you put me in front for solo performance, I would shake crazily. I am also not the type that likes showing off.

Since senior high school, Cherry performed regularly in ensembles as part of the learning routines in her conservatory, she took part in four annual national competitions. Although disheartened by never winning, Cherry was able to rationalise her failure and continued to motivate herself through positive self-talk:

I have a notecard on my violin case which says, “I can play every note in tune beautifully. I have an amazing sound, I am perfect.” My teacher said that I was in the top 10%, and at this level, it was very competitive and asked me to “accept it.” I know I am not a soloist performer.

Vincent had one private piano teacher up to intermediate level; he then took lessons from two well-known coaches per week, developing different aspects of his musicianship. All siblings have had optimal performing opportunities throughout their life courses; but Vincent is the most successful, having won numerous awards. He explained what occurred:

I began competitions and recital work when I was seven, the first year I took lessons. There was an annual studio recital; I usually did eight or nine competitions each year, up to middle school. Now I slow down and reduce the frequency of competitions. Over learning piano for 10 years [before tertiary education commenced], I have done 60 to 70 competitions. Every few months, I have a competition. I learn a new repertoire and memorise it. A pianist’s reputation is built on competitions, I have won many monetary prizes.

Table 2 summarises the sub-themes found through the researcher’s understanding of the participants’ sense-making processes regarding their lived experiences.

Table 2.

Summary of emergent themes.

Theme	Description
CHC	The young(er) member is obliged to respect the old(er) member of the family based on filial piety. Music education is moral cultivation, a basic education to facilitate all learning. The parents set up music lessons and supervised their children’s learning; all younger siblings listened to the oldest sister who enjoyed the status of a co-parent. All four acknowledged the importance of education and developed dual occupational identities.
Parenting	Two common types of Chinese parenting: authoritarian and authoritative parenting were applied to the older two and younger two siblings respectively. Parental control is perceived as governance with love in CHC.
Parental musicianship	Musical parents imparted their love of music to their children; they actively take part in music making inside and outside the home.
Parental support	Charlie and Joy provided financial, physical and social support to all their children’s music learning. From the initial intense supervision to the later verbal encouragement, they have been a constant factor in their children’s in/consistent learning and music practices.
Kin role modelling	Except Jasmine, all were trained in music at tertiary level. Peony and Vincent wanted to copy Jasmine’s piano playing; Cherry couldn’t play piano with small hands so she became a violinist. All three younger siblings looked up to Jasmine’s computer science abilities and learned from each other. Peony went into pharmaceutical science; Cherry into behavioural science; Vincent into material science.
Practice habits	There were fluctuations in all siblings’ practice routines. Jasmine quit after nine years of learning. The younger three siblings chose to learn their instruments (unlike Jasmine being set up) and they developed intrinsic motivation to self-regulate their practices as they matured.
Learning and performing opportunities	All siblings were financially supported by parents with optimal learning opportunities; they had very good teachers. Also, they were exposed to consistent performing opportunities throughout their life courses.
Effect of PDT	PDT was understood within CHC. All adult children discussed openly with their parents about the PDT that occurred in childhood and they remain a close-knit family.

Discussion and conclusion

Four overarching themes can be derived from the emergent themes summarised in Table 2: parenting rooted in CHC-inspired music learning in this family; parental musicianship and continuous support, combined with kin role modelling and siblings’ sound practice habit facilitated their successful music learning; optimal learning and performing opportunities were highly beneficial in the siblings’ music learning process; sibling relationships affected by PDT did not have long-term aversive effects on learning and wellbeing.

Academic attainment and moral cultivation are fostered through vigorous learning in CHC families (Kong-Zi, 2010). The parents said that learning music offers their children an opportunity “to enjoy the gift of music and help them in crises, since music is food for the soul and a good life companion”. They thought that “music learning requires daily quasi-militaristic training” that aligns with the CHC understanding of character building (Kong-Zi, 1885/2008). The parents believed that “music was good for their children’s brains”, which aligns with the understanding that musical engagement fosters brain development (Merrett & Wilson, 2011; Wilson et al., 2011).

All participants acquired highly proficient musical skills and are academically outstanding. These findings confirm existing research that Asian Americans are the “model minority” (Reese & Bennett, 2004) and achieving exceptional educational outcomes (Phillipson et al., 2014; Phillipson et al., 2013). Consistent with the characteristics of Chinese families (Chao & Tseng, 2002; D. Ho, 1996), the musician-parents provided scaffolding as home teachers for their children’s early music learning. Later, intense parent–child interaction and coaching were replaced by intellectual and psychological support. As the siblings matured, they had developed good practice habit; their final outcomes were enhanced by optimal learning and regular performing opportunities.

Within the CHC family where parents and the older siblings enjoy higher status based on filial piety, the younger siblings benefited from parental guidance and kin-teaching and acknowledged their career pathways in music/science were inspired by family members. This is congruent with prior research that older siblings acted as kin-tutors/co-parents to provide lifelong support to younger siblings (Li et al., 2008). Evidently there was childhood tension regarding issues of envy and jealousy among the siblings, but Peony reported that they were “out of their miseries” as they matured and became proud of their brother’s extraordinary musical achievements. The authoritarian (later authoritative) parenting characterised by home supervision with mild physical punishments, restricted TV and internet access were interpreted as acts of love and duty which did not cause lasting emotional damage among the four siblings. When challenged by their children, the parents revealed their rationale for practising PDT and acknowledged that it occurred as they progressed through authoritarian to authoritative parenting. Initially their parenting style was formed by their inexperience as new parents, their cultural understandings, and the different needs of their children. All family members have reached closure with the PDT. They emotionally reconnected and remain a close-knit family. This is congruent with research findings about high resiliency among migrant families (Luthar & Zelazo, 2003).

This phenomenological inquiry reveals multiple complexities in the interplay between parenting, child development, and learning. What is perceived as excessive parental control in Western psychological culture is interpreted as intense governance with love, which was the expected parental obligation within CHC. PDT does not always have a negative connotation among collectivist culture as in Chinese families. The gender, birth order, personality characteristics and individual abilities of the siblings further complicated their family dynamics and sibling relationships. The youngest and the only male child in this family has a special place in his mother’s heart; his father did not treat him the same way as he did with the three daughters because he needed him to become a “tough” man. In addition, Vincent’s outstanding musical talent made him the tall poppy which created inevitable psychological tension among his siblings. Concerning familial, personal, and environmental influences, I conclude that parental musicianship and continuous support, kin role modelling and interactions, combined with the siblings’ intrinsic motivation to regulate practice with optimal learning and performing opportunities contributed to their successful music learning. Furthermore, the parents had made substantial financial sacrifice to provide abundantly for their children’s instrumental music lessons. Although never mentioned explicitly, the socioeconomic status of the family and the parents’ willingness to invest in their children’s music education were crucial factors in their children’s attainment.

Implications

The findings of this study have important implications for music psychologists, teachers, health care practitioners, and researchers of family psychology and education. Since mono-culturalism is no longer the norm in contemporary societies, it is imperative for professionals in all fields to acquire intercultural knowledge. To fully understand an individual’s musical development over the lifespan is a very complex process. Socio-environmental factors including parent–child and sibling relationships, family belief and value systems, differential parenting, individual contextual frame, personality and freewill intensify such complexities.

The core teachings of Confucianism/CHC – focusing on moral development of an individual, aiming for constant betterment and self-perfection through arts immersion – have important implications for global music educators. It is crucial that teachers tap into such philosophical and intercultural understandings when interacting with CHC students. For example, students who have been raised with traditional Chinese values emphasising humility and moral self-cultivation tend to respond better to implicit acknowledgement rather than explicit verbal praises from teachers. Those who have experienced authoritarian and/or authoritative parenting (including physical punishment) respond more positively to teachers who are supportive and caring.

Regardless of cultural boundaries, parental support with mild disciplinary measures and sibling conflicts were found to foster adaptive child development. Although guan, the intense parental control in Chinese culture, is seen as authoritarian parenting in Western psychological culture, within CHC it is interpreted as tough parenting embedded with love that cultivates moral character. Teachers should be aware that Chinese parents normally take an active interest in the decision-making processes of their children regarding their subject choices and career pathways. PDT can have an adaptive connotation in Chinese parenting; educators should consider this positive connotation when working with CHC students. Since physical punishment is a corrective rather than preventive parenting practice, dealing with symptoms rather than causes, its negative consequences may outweigh the immediate benefits. Health organisations should target CHC families to encourage proactive parenting by replacing punitive measures with greater parent–child communication and positive reinforcement including relevant incentives. Direct applications of Western parenting strategies such as public verbal praise and touch should be used in moderation with CHC children.

The substantial academic and musical outcomes of the four siblings suggest that children need to have a safe and stable environment for learning and development to occur. The mother said that “after 30 years, I am still married and living with same man” as if this is a rare phenomenon in modern societies. In addition, the financial provision for children’s educational needs should not be neglected although it may not be the most important determinant to children’s later educational attainment. It is time for educators and policy makers to reflect on the diverse needs of students: education aims to cater to those outside the normative population with different socioeconomic backgrounds, personal beliefs, cultural assumptions, religious observances and lifestyles. Music students of Chinese ethnicity are occupying Western schools and tertiary music faculties at universities in greater number than ever. The current findings add new knowledge about the learning experiences of Chinese musicians and these could be referenced to assist music advocacy in an international context.

Limitations and suggestions for further research

The strength of phenomenological research is that it allows rich lived experiences to be reimagined by individuals, recounted in their own unique ways, and reinterpreted further by the researcher. For this reason, IPA studies do not intend to generalise findings across the population, and good IPA research always addresses a small selected and situated sample to enable muted voices to be heard. My current findings can illuminate the phenomenon of music learning among Chinese Americans. Cultural diversity remains on the cutting edge in psychological research. Intercultural and comparative research incorporating different philosophies and practices are welcome as they present fresh perspectives in music education that eschews holistic child development, made more complex by cultural diversity.

Footnotes

Acknowledgements

I owe a special debt of gratitude to this musical family who kindly offered their time for interviews and many months of email follow-ups. The author also gratefully acknowledges the advice of Dr. Jane Southcott and the supportive editorial review team at Psychology of Music.

Funding

The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: The author is a recipient of the Australian Postgraduate Award and Postgraduate Publication Award.

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