Persisting with a music career despite the insecurity: When social and motivational resources really matter

Abstract

Drawing on conservation of resources theory and self-determination theory, coworker support and work motivation were investigated as resources that should buffer or mitigate the negative consequences of career insecurity for professional musicians. We surveyed 200 professional musicians. Analyses revealed that only those musicians with low career insecurity and better-quality motivation (i.e., either high autonomous or low controlled) were less prone to problem drinking. Importantly, the combination of high coworker support and high autonomous motivation was associated with less emotional exhaustion from career insecurity. These resources were not simply stress-buffers of career insecurity, but helped well-resourced musicians thrive on career insecurity. Additionally, it was found that career insecurity was associated with greater intentions to leave the profession for all musicians, except for those with high controlled motivation when they also had access to high coworker support. For these musicians, having access to supportive coworkers was important for persisting with their music career despite the insecurity.

Keywords

music career career insecurity coworker support work motivation emotional exhaustion drinking behavior

A musical career is challenging, characterized by physical strains (e.g., Williamon & Thompson, 2006), performance anxiety (e.g., Steptoe, 1989), and mental health issues (e.g., Thomson, Keehn, & Gumpel, 2009), the later possibly due to rumination accompanying the creative process (Verhaeghen, Joormann, & Khan, 2005). There is a plethora of research on the etiology and management of musicians’ experiences of these strains. However, research on the impact of employment characteristics is more recent. Although qualitative studies with musicians have revealed themes related to career insecurity (Coulson, 2012; Cooper & Wills, 1989; Dobson, 2011; Hoedemaekers, 2018; Kirschbaum, 2007; Umney & Kretsos, 2014; 2015; Oakland, MacDonald, & Flowers, 2012; Portman-Smith & Harwood, 2015; Vaag, Giaever, & Bjerkeset, 2014), this is yet to be studied systematically. As such, our research investigates the impact of career insecurity (i.e., a stressor) on a range of potential strains relevant to musicians. Our research question, drawing on Conservation of Resources (COR) theory and Self-Determination Theory (SDT), examines if there is a protective role for social and motivational resources in the context of musicians’ career insecurity. Next, we outline our predictions, which we tested in a sample of professional musicians in Australia.

Career insecurity as a threat to resource loss

Job insecurity is an individual’s concern over threats to the future continuity of a certain employment situation (de Witte, 1999, 2005; Sverke & Hellegren, 2002z). It is a subjective experience, reflecting anticipation of a fundamental and involuntary change to one’s work prospects (Sverke, Hellegren, & Naswall, 2002). In a large-scale study, a comparison between “objective” (i.e., temporary work) versus “subjective” job insecurity revealed it was the subjective experience of insecurity that decreased employee satisfaction and commitment (de Witte & Naswall, 2003). Meta-analyses demonstrate that job insecurity has consequences for a range of employee strains, including physical health, mental health, job satisfaction, performance, and ultimately intentions to find different employment (Cheng & Chan, 2008; Jiang & Lavaysse, 2018; Llosa, Menendez-Espina, Agullo-Tomas, & Rodriguez-Suarez, 2018; Sverke et al., 2002). There also is evidence job insecurity can increase problem drinking in employees (Frone, 2008; Mackey & Perrewe, 2017). Whereas the effect of job loss is immediate, the feeling of insecurity involves prolonged uncertainty about future work prospects (Sverke et al., 2002), and this uncertainty can have far-reaching implications.

Scholars also note the importance of distinguishing between quantitative and qualitative forms of job insecurity. Career insecurity is a qualitative form, related to perceived threats to future features of the job or quality of the employment situation (e.g., demotion, decreasing salary development, concerns over person-job fit, and lack of career opportunities; Sverke & Hellgren, 2002). In contrast, quantitative job insecurity reflects a fear of imminent job loss, which is a threat to a job itself rather than important job features (Sverke & Hellgren, 2002). Studies that compare job loss insecurity and career insecurity have found that career insecurity is the more serious stressor, having stronger negative consequences for employee attitudes and behaviors (van Eetveldt, van de Ven, van den Tooren, & Versteeg, 2013). It makes sense that career insecurity would be experienced as more threatening than job loss insecurity, as the implications are more “high stake” (e.g., need to retrain and pursue a different career path). Because of the nature of music work (i.e., temporary and contract-based, not often embedded within an organization), we focus on career insecurity as a primary source of stress as this type of insecurity should be relevant for many music professionals. Indeed, the Future of Music Coalition reports that musicians are now shouldering more risk while simultaneously being tasked with more career management (and often lower rates of pay) than ever before (Thomson, 2013).

Qualitative studies with musicians have identified issues related to career insecurity as significant sources of stress. In an interview study with London-based jazz musicians, precarity in work life was reported (Umney & Kretsos, 2015). For Norwegian freelance musicians, an “unpredictable future” was identified as the primary job-related threat (Vaag et al., 2014). UK-based self-employed musicians identified competition, insufficient funding, unregulated contracts, and protection of intellectual property as key risks (Portman-Smith & Harwood, 2015). UK-based musicians from various genres (i.e., classical, jazz, folk, and popular) equated themselves as entrepreneurs working in a competitive environment (Coulson, 2012). Similar “pressure towards entrepreneurialism” was observed in young jazz musicians in London (Umney & Kretsos, 2014). Young freelance musicians, also based in the UK, expressed concern over their lack of job and financial security and linked this with problem drinking (Dobson, 2011). In interviews with popular British musicians, a major source of stress included career development worries (Cooper & Wills, 1989). Indeed, in a case study analysis of the biographies of US jazz musicians, Kirschbaum (2007) identified typical and non-typical career trajectories, indicating that even for successful musicians the pathway to success was rocky.

We identified only a few quantitative studies on musicians’ career-related stress. Dews and Williams (1989) surveyed 201 student musicians, and ranked music progression impatience, pre-performance nervousness, job insecurity, and work–life conflicts as important sources of stress. Parasuraman and Purohit (2000) surveyed 63 US orchestral players on work-related stressors, finding two stress reactions: distress and boredom. Akel and Duger (2007) surveyed 30 student musicians on work stressors, finding high levels of workload and physical exertion. Dobrow (2013) tracked 450 amateur musicians over seven years post their US high school music programme, in order to assess changes in their perception of music as a calling. Unfortunately, amateur musicians reported a negative trajectory in the experience of music as a calling, and actual ability (i.e., measured at auditions) was not related to initial calling or changes in calling. Dobrow concluded amateurs are naive to what working life in the profession is actually like, which then makes music work less rewarding over time. Although providing important initial insights, these early quantitative studies mostly focus on students and are yet to systematically consider career insecurity as a source of work stress in professionals.

Several occupational stress theories have positioned insecurity as a job demand central to the stressor-strain process (see Demerouti, Bakker, Nachreiner, & Schaufeli, 2001; Siegrist, 1996). Moreover, according to COR theory (Hobfoll, 1989; Hobfoll, Halbesleben, Neveu, & Westman, 2018), career insecurity should be experienced as salient and threatening because of the primacy of resource loss (see also de Cuyper, Makikangas, Kinnunen, Mauno, & de Witte, 2012; de Witte, 1999). The fear associated with career insecurity exists because of possible career loss or need for career adaptation. The consequences of uncertainty about one’s future career can take a variety of forms for musicians. There is some evidence from qualitative research that career insecurity might increase problem drinking (Dobson, 2011). Career insecurity also is known to exacerbate the experience of emotional exhaustion from work in employees (Jiang & Lavaysse, 2018; Sverke et al., 2002), a strain central to the burnout process (Leiter & Maslach, 2004). Qualitative research (e.g., Cooper & Wills, 1989) indicates this also could be the case for musicians. For music professionals, uncertainty about their career also could lead to intentions to leave the profession. Such a relationship between insecurity and intentions to leave is evident in the job insecurity literature with employees (Jiang & Lavaysse, 2018; Sverke et al., 2002), as well as qualitative research with musicians (e.g., Vaag et al., 2014). However, although we anticipate that career insecurity can be associated with these strains (i.e., problem drinking, emotional exhaustion, and intentions to leave the profession), we do not make a direct effect hypothesis, as we expect the effect to be conditional on resources.

Social support as a stress-buffering resource

Social support is defined as having access to helping relationships (Viswesvaran, Sanchez, & Fisher, 1999) and is found to reduce strain, perceived stressors, and buffer stressors (Cohen & Wills, 1985; Viswesvaran et al., 1999). In particular, having supportive coworkers can buffer a range of work-related stressors (Ostberg & Lennartsson, 2007; Hobfoll & Leiberman, 1987; Oxenstierna, Ferrie, Hyde, Westerlund, & Theorell, 2005) and even protects against all-cause mortality (Shirom, Toker, Alkaly, Jacobson, & Balicer, 2011). Support from coworkers is arguably an important resource for music professionals, for whom there might not be organizational or supervisory sources of support available. In their study on student musicians, Dews and Williams (1989) reported that while 96% sought help for music-related stress, the vast majority sought help from informal (i.e., friends) rather than professional sources. In Brodsky’s (2006) interview study with orchestral players, they viewed their career as the essential means to being able to socialize with like-minded others, experience camaraderie, solidarity, and friendship. Using a case study, Hoedemaekers (2018) discovered musicians are concerned with employability and invest efforts into developing social networks to support their career. Indeed, other interview studies also highlight the importance of social networks for managing life as a musician (Coulson, 2012; Dobson, 2011; Lim, 2014; Portman-Smith & Harwood, 2015; Umney & Kretsos, 2014; Vaag et al., 2014).

According to COR theory (Hobfoll & Leiberman, 1987; Hobfoll et al., 2018), social support is a contextual resource that can be leveraged to mitigate resource loss. Coworker support can offer both emotional and instrumental support relevant to alleviating the pressures of career insecurity. For example, coworkers can provide emotional support through creating a sense of “being in this together” despite the adversity, which can be experienced as emotionally soothing and/or allow a chance to vent distressing emotions. In addition, coworkers can provide instrumental support through practical information on how to cope and/or on opportunities for career development. These support resources could alleviate the negative consequences of career insecurity.

Hypothesis 1: Social support from coworkers will buffer the detrimental effects of career insecurity on strains, such that (a) at high coworker support there will be no relationship between career insecurity and strains, while (b) at low coworker support there will be a positive relationship between career insecurity and strains.

Motivation as a resource (or vulnerability)

Another theme emerging from the qualitative literature on music work is the motivation involved (Lim, 2014; Umney & Kretsos, 2014, 2015). Indeed, Brodsky (2006) reported that symphony orchestra players view their commitment to the profession as a lifelong passion for music performance. Indeed, for opera choristers facing job loss, personal identification with one’s career was considered central for overcoming the experience (Oakland et al., 2012). Ostensibly, a love of music work could be something that sustains music professionals, despite career insecurity.

According to SDT, work motivation can be categorized into two main types: autonomous and controlled (Gagné & Deci, 2005). Autonomous motivation involves acting with a sense of volition and choice. Herein, motivation is relatively internalized and driven by the pleasure of the activity and/or the importance of it for one’s own goals. On the other hand, controlled motivation involves acting with a sense that one has to engage in the activity. Herein, motivation is relatively externalized and driven by contingencies (e.g., rewards) and/or guilt or other social pressures. It is important to note that both motivations are intentional; it is the reasons for acting that differ, with autonomous characterized as an “I want to,” and controlled characterized as an “I have to” motivation.

Research has demonstrated that controlled motivation prompts more defensiveness and reactivity to environments, whereas autonomous motivation prompts more reflectivity as well as improved self-regulation (Hodgins, Yacko, & Gottlieb, 2006; Knee & Zuckerman, 1998; Legault & Inzlicht, 2013). Thus, musicians who hold greater autonomous motivation towards their music work should be protected from the consequences of career insecurity, as these musicians are best positioned to regulate stress associated with career insecurity.

Hypothesis 2: Autonomous motivation will buffer the detrimental effects of career insecurity on strains, such that (a) at high autonomous motivation there will be no relationship between career insecurity and strains, while (b) at low autonomous motivation there will be a positive association between career insecurity and strains.

Autonomous motivation also could determine how useful coworker support is as a resource to buffer career insecurity. According to COR theory (Hobfoll, 1989, 2018; Halbesleben, Neveu, Paustian-Underdahl, & Westman, 2014), those who have more personal resources (i.e., autonomous motivation) are better equipped to take advantage of contextual resources (i.e., social support) in mitigating resource loss. Thus, those with more autonomous motivation should have more commitment to the goal of a music career, which they can then direct towards capitalizing on the social support available from coworkers. Indeed, COR theory proposes those with abundant resources will thrive (or at least survive) under resource-threatening conditions, such as high career insecurity, whereas those who lack these important resources will suffer. In this way, when career insecurity is high, access to greater motivational and social resources should be protective (or at the least stress-buffering), compared to when these important resources are lacking. As such, we also expect:

Hypothesis 3: (a) For musicians with high autonomous motivation and high coworker support, there will be a negative relationship of career insecurity on strains, (b) for musicians with low autonomous motivation and low coworker support, career insecurity will have a positive relationship with strains, and (c) the strongest detrimental effect of career insecurity on strains will occur for those musicians with low autonomous motivation and low coworker support.

Furthermore, according to COR theory (Hobfoll et al., 2018, Halbesleben et al., 2014), although those who lack resources are more susceptible to resource loss, somewhat paradoxically, they are more motivated to restore or protect resources by leveraging access to other resources, for example, social support. In COR theory, this idea is referred to as resource compensation (Hobfoll & Leiberman, 1987). Musicians with greater controlled motivation towards their music work might be at the most risk of resource loss, as this form of motivation acts more like a vulnerability rather than as a resource (Gagné & Deci, 2005). However, under higher career insecurity, those with controlled motivation might leverage social support (if they have access to it) to mitigate resource loss. In support of this idea of resource compensation, there is evidence that high-quality coworker relationships are crucial for burnout reduction in employees with controlled motivation (Fernet, Gagné, & Austin, 2010). Thus, we expect that when career insecurity is high, musicians with high controlled motivations will be able to compensate for this stress when they also have access to social support. As such:

Hypothesis 4: (a) For musicians with high controlled motivation and high coworker support, there will be no relationship of career insecurity with strains, (b) for musicians with high controlled motivation and low coworker support, there will be a positive relationship of career insecurity and strains, and (c) the strongest detrimental effect of career insecurity on strains will occur for musicians with high controlled motivation and low coworker support.

Method

Research design and procedure

Musicians were recruited to participate in an online survey via social media advertisements and email invitations distributed by professional music organizations in Australia. The inclusion criteria included: 18+ years old and earning an income from music performance and/or composition for at least 6 months.

Participants

A total of 229 musicians completed the online survey, of which 200 met the inclusion criteria. Men made up 62% of the sample. Mean age was 37.01 years (18–73; SD = 12.75). Average experience in the music industry was 16.28 years (1–63; SD = 12.34). Only 8% reported an employment arrangement that was secure, the rest reported temporary/casual forms of employment. When asked if they undertake other work to supplement music income, 87% reported a second job. Music teaching (44%) and work in other creative industries (21%) were the most common supplementary work. Approximately 69% had tertiary education (i.e., diploma, degree, or higher), while 22% were currently studying.

Common primary instruments were guitar (28%) or voice (25%). Other responses included piano (15.5%), percussion (10%), strings (8.5%), bass guitar (6%), woodwind (5.5%), brass instruments (1.5%), and composer (0.5%). Common primary music genres were: Eclectic (15.5%), Rock (14.5%), Jazz (13.5%), Classical (13%), and Pop (13%). Other genres included Folk (7.5%), Indie (4.5%), Contemporary (4.5%), World Music (3.5%), Country (2.5%), Film and Television (2%), and other (3%).

Participants also reported on achievements in the music industry. Approximately 40% had won awards and 29% were awarded grants. A total of 95% reported at least one of the following: won awards, won grants, sold my work, my music is played on radio, been on tour, and/or performed with a role model.

Measures

Career insecurity

A four-item version of the Future Role Ambiguity scale (Caplan & Jones, 1975; see also Sverke & Hellgren, 2002) was used to measure career insecurity in the music industry (e.g., “How certain are you that your future career opportunities in music are favorable?”). Responses ranged from 1 (very certain) to 7 (very uncertain).

Coworker support

Coworker social support was measured using six items adapted from Cousins et al. (2004; e.g., “I get the help and support I need from my coworkers”). Items represented emotional and instrumental support (Cohen & Wills, 1985). Responses ranged from 1 (never) to 7 (always).

Work motivation

An adapted version of the Motivation at Work Scale (MAWS; Gagné et al., 2010) was used. Responses ranged from 1 (not at all) to 7 (exactly). Items reflected reasons for investing effort from SDT (Gagné & Deci, 2005): five items on intrinsic (e.g., “Because I enjoy this work very much”), five items on identified (e.g., “Because this work fits my personal values”), five items on external (e.g., “Because it allows me to make a lot of money”), and five items on introjected (e.g., “Because my reputation depends on it”). Following Gagné et al., intrinsic and identified items were combined to form autonomous motivation, while introjected and external items were combined to form controlled motivation.

Problematic drinking

We used the Alcohol Use Disorders Identification Test (AUDIT; Babor, Higgins-Biddle, Saunders, & Monteiro, 2001). Ten items measured hazardous, harmful, and dependent drinking (e.g., “How often during the last year have you had a feeling of guilt or remorse after drinking?” from never to daily or almost daily). Scores are summated (range: 0–40). A total of 43% had scores in the “problematic” range (8+).

Emotional exhaustion

The five-item subscale of the Maslach Burnout Inventory (Maslach, Jackson, & Leiter, 1996) was used (e.g., “I feel emotionally drained from my work”), over the last 30 days; responding from 1 (never) to 7 (always).

Intentions to leave profession

Intentions to leave or change profession was measured using three items adapted from a “turnover intentions” scale by Meyer, Allen, and Smith (2003; e.g., “Do you seriously intend to seek a different occupation during the next three months?”). Responses ranged from 1 (definitely not) to 7 (definitely yes).

Trait negative affect

Trait negative affect can be a confounding factor, as individuals high on this trait tend to perceive stressors as more stressful and strains as more straining (Podsakoff, MacKenzie, Podsakoff, & Lee, 2003). Thus, we included a seven-item scale from the Multidimensional Personality Index (Agho, Price, & Mueller, 1992; e.g., “I often find myself worrying about something”). Responses ranged from 1 (not at all like me) to 7 (just like me).

Confirmatory factor analysis

Confirmatory factor analyses (CFAs) were performed to test the measurement model. Following procedures recommended by Little, Cunningham, Shahar, and Widaman (2002), we parceled items of scales with greater than five items. The hypothesized model with eight factors had adequate fit, χ²(271) = 446.10, p < .001; CFI = .945; TLI = .934; RMSEA = .059. All indicators loaded on their factor above .682, with no cross-loadings. Furthermore, a 1-factor model did not fit the data, χ²(90) = 2683.541, p < .001; CFI = .253; TLI = .188; RMSEA = .208).

Results

Descriptive statistics

Table 1 displays descriptives, correlations, and scale reliabilities. Sex, age, and work experience correlated with strains. As expected, trait negative affect was positively associated with emotional exhaustion and career insecurity (and also problem drinking). Thus, and in line with Becker et al. (2016), we conducted our analyses with the following control variables: sex, work experience, and trait negative affect. Because age and work experience correlated at r =.86, p < .001, we elected to include only work experience.

Table 1.

Descriptive statistics and bivariate correlations (n=200).

Variables	M	SD	Range	1	2	3	4	5	6	7	8	9	10	11
1. Sex^a	−	−	1-2	−
2. Age (years)	37.01	12.75	18-73	−.10	−
3. Work Experience (years)	16.28	12.34	1-63	−.13	.86**	−
4. Trait Negative Affect	3.75	1.34	1-7	.17	−.11	−.13	(.88)
5. Career Insecurity	4.06	1.59	1-7	.09	.12	.07	.27**	(.90)
6. Coworker Support	4.82	1.46	1-7	.16*	−.04	.05	−.11	−.35**	(.95)
7. Autonomous Motivation	5.73	0.86	1-7	.10	−.19*	.22**	−.03	−.35**	.39**	(.87)
8. Controlled Motivation	2.82	0.99	1-7	−.07	−.07	−.03	.10	−.15*	.06	.21**	(.81)
9. Problem Drinking	8.11	7.02	0-35	−.17*	−.12	−.05	.15*	.03	.04	−.02	.15*	(.89)
10. Emotional Exhaustion	3.05	1.28	1-7	.04	−.22**	−.22**	.46**	.20**	−.28**	−.21**	.03	.03	(.90)
11. Intentions to Leave Profession	2.18	1.74	1-7	−.05	−.07	−.08	.12	.36**	−.23**	−.34**	−.04	.05	.19**	(.87)

Notes. ^aWomen = 2, Men = 1. Cronbach’s alphas in parentheses on the diagonal.

p < .05; **p < .01. Two-tailed.

There were no significant differences in career insecurity as a function of education level, F(1, 5) = 0.57, p = .723, employment type, F(1, 4) = 1.66, p = .161, or the five most common primary music genres, F(1, 4) = 1.13, p = .343, consistent with the idea that career insecurity is a subjective phenomenon. Further, there were no differences across genres for strains: drinking problems, F(1, 4) = 1.89, p = .117, emotional exhaustion, F(1, 4) = 0.20, p = .940, intentions to leave, F(1, 4) = 0.75, p = .558. Moreover, there were no differences across genres for coworker support, F(1, 4) = 1.13, p = .344, autonomous motivation, F(1, 4) = 0.38, p = .825, or controlled motivation, F(1, 4) = 1.47, p = .216.

Data analysis strategy

Hierarchical moderated regression analyses were conducted (see Table 2). The control variables were entered at Step 1 and predictors at Step 2. The interaction terms were calculated by multiplying the product of mean-centered variables. The two-way interactions were entered at Step 3, and the three-way interactions at Step 4. Confidence intervals of the unstandardized beta coefficients are reported as well as the semi-part correlation (sr) as an indicator of effect size. Simple slope analysis (Jaccard & Turrisi, 2003) and the slope difference test (Dawson & Ritcher, 2006) were used to probe significant interactions. Values 1 SD below and above the centered mean were used for low and high values on the moderators.

Table 2.

Hierarchical Moderated Regressions with Coworker Support and Work Motivation as Moderators of Career Insecurity (n = 200).

	Problemdrinkingβ	Emotionalexhaustionβ	Intentions to leaveprofessionβ
Step 1 ΔR ²	.06*	.24**	.03
Sex^a	−.20**	−.08	−.09
Work experience (years)	−.08	−.18*	−.06
Trait negative affect	.17*	.45**	.13
Step 2 ΔR ²	.03	.09**	.19**
Career insecurity	.06	−.03	.29**
Coworker support	.12	−.19*	−.01
Autonomous motivation	−.06	−.19*	−.28**
Controlled motivation	.14	.05	.06
Step 3 ΔR ²	.07*	.02	.06*
Career insecurity x Coworker support	−.01	.03	−.10
Career insecurity x Autonomous motivation	.20*	−.17*	.02
Career insecurity x Controlled motivation	−.24**	.07	−.16*
Coworker support x Autonomous motivation	−.04	−.08	.00
Coworker support x Controlled motivation	−.10	−.05	−.26**
Step 4 ΔR ²	.01	.02*	.02*
Career insecurity x Coworker support x Autonomous motivation	−.08	−.19*	−.03
Career insecurity x Coworker support x Controlled motivation	.03	.02	−.17*
Overall R	.41**	.61**	.55**
Adjusted R²	.10**	.32**	.25**
Overall F	2.323 (14, 163)^b	7.114 (14, 172)	5.305 (14, 172)

Notes. ^aWomen = 2, Men = 1. ^b Missing data was 9.5% on the AUDIT of problem drinking, indicating some participants declined to tell us about their drinking behavior.

p < .05; **p < .01. Two-tailed.

Main analyses

Direct effects. Higher career insecurity was associated with higher intentions to leave, β = .29, p < .001, sr = .25, 95% CI [.15, .49]. Higher coworker support was associated with lower emotional exhaustion, β = -.19, p = .007, sr = -.17, 95% CI [-.29, -.05], and higher autonomous motivation was associated with lower emotional exhaustion, β = -.19, p = .008, sr = -.16, 95% CI [-.49, -.08], and lower intentions to leave, β = -.28, p < .001, sr = -.24, 95% CI [-.87, -.25]. These direct effects lend support to the idea that coworker support and autonomous motivation are resources. Next, we evaluate if these resources are protective when career insecurity is high.

Interactive effects

There was no support for Hypothesis 1, as coworker support alone did not buffer detrimental effects of career insecurity.

There was a two-way interaction between career insecurity and autonomous motivation on problem drinking, β = .20, p = .044, sr = .15, 95% CI [0.02, 1.87], that partially supported Hypothesis 2 (see Figure 1). Simple slopes revealed a positive relationship between career insecurity and problem drinking when autonomous motivation was high, b = 1.20, p = .020, and no relationship when autonomous motivation was low, b = -.44, p = .467, ns. There was a two-way interaction of career insecurity and controlled motivation on problem drinking, β = -.24, p = .005, sr = -.20, 95% CI [-1.62, -.29]. Simple slopes revealed a positive relationship between career insecurity and problem drinking when controlled motivation was low, b = 1.31, p = .019; and no relationship when controlled motivation was high, b = -.60, p = .200, ns (see Figure 2). These interactions show AUDIT scores only trend below 8 (i.e., indicative of non-problematic drinking) when career insecurity is low and when musicians are either low on controlled or high on autonomous motivation. These interactions remain significant without controlling for sex, work experience, and/or trait negative affect.

Figure 1.

Two-way interaction between career insecurity and autonomous motivation on problem drinking.

Figure 2.

Two-way interaction between career insecurity and controlled motivation on problem drinking.

Two-way interactions on emotional exhaustion and intentions to leave the profession were qualified by three-way interactions.

For emotional exhaustion (see Figure 3), there was a three-way interaction between career insecurity, coworker support, and autonomous motivation, β = -.19, p = .033, sr = -.13, 95% CI [-.15, -.01], that partially supported Hypothesis 3. Simple slopes analysis for career insecurity revealed no differences in emotional exhaustion for musicians with low autonomous motivation and low coworker support, b = .05, p = .693, ns. These musicians had the highest levels of emotional exhaustion. However, and contrary to Hypotheses 3b and 3c, emotional exhaustion does not become higher under higher career insecurity. There is a positive effect of career insecurity for individuals with low autonomous motivation and high coworker support, b = .32, p = .016. However, for those with high autonomous motivation, both slopes are trending in a negative direction (in line with the direct effect of autonomous motivation), but the effect is non-significant when these musicians report low coworker support, b = -.05, p = .676, ns. Only when they also have high coworker support is emotional exhaustion lower under high career insecurity, b = -.19, p = .028, supporting Hypothesis 3a. Following Dawson and Richter (2006), the slopes that were statistically different were the high autonomous motivation and high coworker support slopes against the low autonomous motivation and high coworker support slopes (p = .005). This interaction does not remain significant without controlling for trait negative affect. Thus, as anticipated, trait negative affect is a potent control important in the relationship of career insecurity (i.e., a stressor) and emotional exhaustion (i.e., a strain).

Figure 3.

Three-way interaction between career insecurity, coworker support, and autonomous motivation on emotional exhaustion.

For intentions to leave the profession (see Figure 4), there was a three-way interaction between career insecurity, coworker support, and controlled motivation, β = -.17, p = .032, sr = -.14, 95% CI [-.19, -.01], that partially supported Hypothesis 4. Simple slopes analysis revealed a positive effect of career insecurity on intentions to leave for: musicians low in controlled motivation with low coworker support, b = .51, p = .003, musicians low in controlled motivation with high coworker support, b = .65, p < .001, and musicians high in controlled motivation with low coworker support, b = .41, p = .006. Slope difference testing revealed none of these effects were significantly stronger than another, thus, there was no support for Hypothesis 4b or 4c. However, for those with high controlled motivation who also had high coworker support, the detrimental effect of career insecurity was mitigated, b = -.036, p = .828, ns, supporting Hypothesis 4a, and this slope was significantly different to the other slopes (all ps < .046). This interaction remains significant without controlling for sex, work experience, and/or trait negative affect.

Figure 4.

Three-way interaction between career insecurity, coworker support, and controlled motivation on intentions to leave the profession.

Common method variance analysis

As the data were collected at one timepoint from one source, to assess common method variance (CMV) we employed the Common Latent Factor (CLF) technique (Podsakoff et al., 2003). When we added a CLF to the CFA, the factor loadings of three emotional exhaustion items were affected. Other deltas were below .06. To assess the impact of CMV in the analysis of emotional exhaustion, we saved the weighted composites of the factors (i.e., CMV partialed out) and then conducted the regression with these weighted composites. The three-way interaction between career insecurity, coworker support, and autonomous motivation onto emotional exhaustion remained, β = -.16, p = .017, sr = -.16, 95% CI [-.29, -.03]. Thus, we tentatively conclude CMV did not affect the results. This is in line with simulation studies, where interactions are found to be less susceptible to CMV (Siemsen, Roth, & Oliveira, 2010).

Discussion

This research has established career insecurity as a potential source of stress for music professionals. However, it was revealed that the mix of social and motivational resources available determines if career insecurity is associated with strain outcomes. First, those with low career insecurity and “good quality” motivation (i.e., high autonomous or low controlled) had lower problem drinking. Second, the combination of high autonomous motivation and high coworker support was associated with the lowest levels of emotional exhaustion, even when career insecurity was high. And third, although higher career insecurity was associated with greater intentions to leave the profession, for those with high controlled motivation, high coworker support was important for persisting with a music career despite the insecurity.

Problem drinking

Prior qualitative research has observed a pattern of career insecurity and alcohol use, such that musicians believe work-related drinking is crucial for career progression (Dobson, 2011). Prior research with employees has found associations between job insecurity and problem drinking (Frone, 2008; Mackey & Perrewe, 2017). However, we did not observe that concerns about career insecurity were associated with problem drinking. Instead, high career insecurity paired with “poor quality” forms of work motivation (i.e., low autonomous or high controlled) predicted AUDIT scores trending above the level at which the World Health Organization classifies individuals as needing counseling (Babor et al., 2001).

These interactions provide tentative support for Hypothesis 2; however, the exact pattern of interaction suggests that autonomous motivation is important at low rather than high levels of career insecurity. Moreover, controlled motivation is a vulnerability at high levels of career insecurity. Indeed, Frone (2016) maintains that the relationship between work stress and alcohol use will not be direct, but conditional on other factors. Prior research has shown that controlled motivation can lead to problematic drinking behavior in college-aged students, particularly when drinking is a mechanism to regulate emotions and gain social approval (Neighbors, Larimer, Geisner, & Knee, 2004). However, we found controlled motivation together with career insecurity predicts problematic levels of drinking for professional musicians.

Emotional exhaustion from work

Although we observed a positive correlation of career insecurity with emotional exhaustion, this relationship was not evident in the regression models when other variables were accounted for. Overall, musicians with high autonomous motivation and high coworker support reported less emotional exhaustion. Thus, these resources are important in determining musicians’ emotional exhaustion both directly, and, as revealed in the interaction analyses, in combination with career insecurity.

The three-way interaction provided some support for Hypothesis 3. Those with lower resources had the highest levels of emotional exhaustion. Access to coworker support alone was not enough to help with career insecurity. Emotional exhaustion under high career insecurity was only lower for those high in autonomous motivation who also had access to high coworker support. Thus, it seems that when musicians are well-resourced (high autonomous motivation and high coworker support), they can potentially thrive on high career insecurity.

Other scholars argue that job insecurity can simultaneously be a hindrance and a challenge stressor (Staufenbiel & Konig, 2010), which means it can be a positive form of stress for some individuals (i.e., a challenge that prompts adaptive coping), and a negative form of stress for other individuals (i.e., a hindrance that prompts maladaptive coping; see also Richter et al., 2013). Our three-way interactive effect speaks to this, as access to higher resources did not simply buffer career insecurity, but transformed it in a way that lowered emotional exhaustion. However, longitudinal research would be useful to determine the consequences of coping with this challenging job demand over the longer term.

Intentions to leave the profession

Those with higher autonomous motivation had lower intentions to leave the profession, and interactions did not qualify this direct effect. This finding is consistent with qualitative literature in which musicians have described their motivation and commitment to the profession as part of a lifelong passion (Brodsky, 2006) and personally identify with their career (Oakland et al., 2012). However, our results suggest that autonomous motivation does not buffer the effect of career insecurity on intentions to leave the profession. Rather, controlled motivation played an important role in understanding musicians’ intentions to leave, which speaks to the importance of a multidimension view on motivation.

In support of Hypothesis 4, a three-way interaction revealed that career insecurity was positively associated with intentions to leave the profession for all musicians except for those high in controlled motivation who had access to supportive coworkers. Prior research has shown that high-quality relationships (i.e., perceived as enriching, harmonious, and inspiring trust) can help individuals with controlled motivation feel less strained from work (Fernet et al., 2010). By measuring social support as a resource, that is, access to helping relationships, we were able to see if such support was useful for coping with career insecurity. Our results demonstrate that social support does not help controlled individuals feel less emotionally exhausted in the face of career insecurity (that is only the case for individuals with high autonomous motivation), but that it can help buffer their intentions to leave the profession when career insecurity is high.

This begs the question: is it good to intend to stay in a profession viewed as insecure? One might think that it is adaptive to consider options for leaving a music career, if one perceives that prospects in the music industry are not good. However, SDT research on needs-as-motives suggests that individuals seek out situations that fulfil basic psychological needs, such as relatedness, that have not been satisfied elsewhere (Moller, Deci, & Elliot, 2010; Deci & Ryan, 2000). It is possible that musicians with high controlled motivation, who have access to supportive colleagues, intend to stay in the profession despite the insecurity they feel, because this is a context in which their basic need for relatedness is satisfied. In which case, there are probably competing benefits and costs to persisting with a music career for these musicians: benefits from a supportive context and costs associated with career insecurity.

Limitations and future research directions

The cross-sectional and self-report nature of the data are limitations. Nevertheless, prior longitudinal research has shown that the direction of the effect is from job insecurity to impaired mental health, and not the reverse (Hellgren & Sverke, 2003). Moreover, as career insecurity is a subjective experience, there is an implied difference between individual perception and the “objective” reality of it (Sverke et al., 2002; Kauhanen & Natti, 2015; Bernhard-Oettel, de Cuyper, Schreurs, & de Witte, 2011), meaning that two music professionals in the same type of work situation might perceive the insecurity differently. To what extent do musicians “sign up” for career insecurity? Perhaps those reporting the highest levels of career insecurity are experiencing this because of a violation of expectations they do not know how to deal with (Dobrow, 2013). Thus, future longitudinal research could investigate the antecedents to, or long-term consequences of, musicians’ career insecurity.

Another limitation is the sample size and recruitment procedure. A larger sample would have been desirable. Future researchers could try to mitigate this issue by following cohorts of music graduates over time (e.g., Dobrow, 2013). However, gaining access to musicians without formal training and/or with more experience might prove difficult without adequate sampling frames. Although our recruitment procedure generated a diverse group of music professionals, there could be sampling biases present. Though, as noted earlier, in our sample, there were no differences in levels of career insecurity across education, employment, and genre.

Practical implications

“Although the stressfulness associated with unemployment is well documented … job loss relieves at least one major source of stress – that of uncertainty” (p. 243, Sverke et al., 2002). For some music professionals, the uncertainty associated with a music career could be characterized as “part of the gig.” Thus, it is important to develop interventions to lessen this insecurity and help musicians cope. Psycho-education for musicians on the consequences of career insecurity and the importance of motivation and supportive relationships is needed, as are industry-based interventions to develop transferable skills. Musicians develop manual skills that are highly specialized and less transferable compared to other types of work. Thus, career counselling to develop career adaptability and other capabilities could be useful (see Colakoglu, 2011). As highlighted by Bennett (2016), collaborative efforts will be needed that involve students, musicians, educators, administrators, and funding bodies.

Theoretical implications and conclusions

We have established career insecurity as source of stress for music professionals, demonstrating that it does lead to detrimental outcomes for those who do not have the “right mix” of social and motivational resources. “Musicians have not viewed themselves occupationally when it comes to health problems, perhaps because, unlike factory workers, they’re supposed to love what they’re doing” (Rozek, 1985, p. 10). Certainly, motivation can offer some protection, in certain ways, but it is not an elixir. Our results suggest that one resource is not necessarily enough, that it is the combination of social and motivational resources that really matters. Thus, we extend the literature on work stress and career insecurity, wherein there is little evidence that social support is a standalone stress-buffer (Viswesvaran et al., 1999), despite calls for research on this (Sverke & Hellgren, 2002).

Our findings highlight the value of adopting a multidimensional view on motivation (Gagné & Deci, 2005). On one hand, autonomous motivation can help to lower emotional exhaustion in the face of career insecurity, especially when musicians also have access to supportive colleagues. Higher autonomous motivation also is directly related to lower intentions to leave the profession. Moreover, at low levels of career insecurity, autonomous motivation is associated with less problem drinking. On the other hand, controlled motivation had no direct effects. It is only in combination with higher career insecurity that controlled motivation is associated with more problem drinking. In addition, when career insecurity is high, intentions to leave the profession are higher for all musicians except those with controlled motivations who have coworker support. In this way, access to social support means these individuals intend to persist with a music career despite the insecurity. Whether this will be beneficial in the longer term is a question for future longitudinal research. Overall, by integrating COR and SDT approaches in the investigation of musicians’ personal and contextual work resources, this research paves the way to a deeper understanding of how this unique group of workers navigate their particularly stimulating yet demanding work context.

Footnotes

Authors’ note

Thank you to Karly Head, Aislinn Sharp, Philip Slade, and Alexander Fisher, for their assistance with data coding and preparation.

Funding

The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

ORCID iD

Stacey Parker

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