Abstract
After thousands of people went on to the streets of Addis Ababa to protest earlier this year, there was a hope that dissenting voices might be heard again in Ethiopia. But, finds
When pioneer journalist Muluken Tesfaw found himself in a police cell, he realised just how dangerous the situation is for journalists in today’s Ethiopia. He had been arrested for investigating the illegal land evictions of a minority group living near the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam.
Tesfaw, who works for privately-owned weekly newspaper Ethio-Mihdar, was reporting extensively on the eviction of thousands of Amhara people, some of whom were injured or killed when their homes and farms were burnt down by authorities in May 2013. After interviewing villagers and photographing burnt-out buildings, local government officials arrested the journalist, tied him up, and moved him to various police cells in the region, some with no access to toilet facilities. He was taken to the regional government 360km away for questioning, accused of acts of terrorism and held for eight days without charge.
He believes that the situation for journalists like him, who are working to expose the government’s actions, is unlikely to improve any time soon. “The police commissioner told the regional government that they had detained a terrorist,” he said. “I tried to convince him that I am not a terrorist and that I am working for the wellness of my country. But he intimidated me.”
They released Tesfaw without charge. In a breach of his constitutional rights, authorities gave no reason for his arrest, and confiscated the evidence he had gathered from the evictions. He wrote the articles from memory in spite of his imprisonment.
“While there are enough spaces at Kaliti and Maekelawi prisons, the imprisonment of journalists and politicians will continue,” he says. He is certain other newspapers and media organisations will face closure in the near future. Unless the system put in place by the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) “is changed by a miracle, things will get worse,” he adds. Although he has not faced any direct attacks since May, he believes he is still at risk. “Here in Ethiopia, the ruling party looks at private journalists like they are opposition parties,” he says.
Earlier this year, there was a glimmer of hope for press freedom in the country when 15,000 people marched through the centre of Addis Ababa to demand the release of jailed journalists and political prisoners. This was a significant moment, according to news reports. Aside from some smaller protests by Muslim groups, the march was the first major demonstration since violent election protests in 2005 when hundreds of people were killed or imprisoned by government forces.
Above: A news conference held by the Unity for Democracy and Justice Party. The party called on the government to scrap the anti-terrorism law, which has been widely used to stifle dissent, Addis Ababa, 20 June 2013
Credit: Tiksa Negeri/Reuters
More significant was the fact that the new prime minister and leader of EPRDF, Hailemariam Desalegn, who came to power last year after long-time leader Mele Zenawi died suddenly, apparently allowed the event to take place. The demonstration, led by new opposition group, the Blue Party, passed peacefully.
Even though the internet is heavily censored, they are still working to find a way
For a moment at least, critics seemed hopeful that this apparent openness to public dissent was a sign that the new leadership might allow space for other voices in the debate. Another similar protest took place in September, this time led by opposition party Unity for Democracy and Justice. Had these two events revealed a shift in the political climate?
Like many of his peers, Muluken is adamant that there will be no change under the new leader. “I strongly believe that the late prime minister is ruling and managing the party and Ethiopia from the grave. As long as the new prime minister does not have his own dreams and visions, how can the political system change? His advisers are the same people as before.”
The ongoing situation for journalists in the country appears to support his argument. The detention of journalists who criticise the government’s actions, or are perceived to do so, remains increasingly common. Ethiopia is close to becoming the top jailor of journalists in Africa, overtaking Eritrea. The situation for those in prison is extremely serious. Human Rights Watch published a shocking report in October on the torture and ill treatment faced by prisoners in Maekelawi jail, where scores of journalists are held.
Campaigners around the world are currently fighting for the release of outspoken journalists Reeyot Alemu, winner of the 2013 UNESCO/Guillermo Cano press freedom prize, and Eskinder Nega, detained since 2011 for alleged “links with terrorist organisations and conspiracy to harm national security”. They are being held under the widely used 2009 Anti-Terrorism Act, and are facing up to 14 years behind bars.
According to the Committee for the Protection of Jourrnalists (CPJ), 49 journalists have fled Ethiopia since 2007. Fasil Aragaw is one such journalist from Ethiopia currently living in exile. He previously worked for the state-run Ethiopian Radio and Television Agency, but after the 2005 elections, he explains, the government recruited “gatekeepers” for the most influential editorial positions. They censored everything he wrote, and he could no longer exercise freedom of expression as a professional journalist. He resigned, and joined Transparency International Ethiopia, where he worked on issues linked to investigative journalism and anti-corruption. He started a blog on press issues, but after publishing just eight articles, it was blocked. He was put under government surveillance and, in fear of arrest, he fled to Kenya where he now lives in exile.
“Being a critical journalist in Ethiopia, there is always the risk of being jailed. Even after I came to Kenya I feared the government security officers might take me back and arrest me,” he says.
While Aragaw commends the opposition parties for holding protests, he does not believe they will make any difference. The prime minister, he says, recently told local journalists that public protests will not be allowed to take place in future unless the opposition starts making different demands. What the prime minister means, he says, is that the opposition make demands that are not about anti-terror laws.
“There is no change regarding lack of press freedom in Ethiopia. There should be political willingness from the top level of the government, and press freedom laws should be amended in order to fit with international standards. There must be a general political change to see a good press in Ethiopia.”
As well as censoring and controlling the print media, last year the government passed a new telecommunications law, hampering online debate, and blocking access to websites which criticised the government. Despite this, Mohamed Keita from the CPJ in New York believes new technology and the determination of journalists and activist groups may offer some hope for the future.
“You have young journalists like Muluken Tesfaw who are still trying to do their jobs under very difficult conditions. You’ve got the Zone 9 bloggers [a group of Ethiopian bloggers who are concerned about human rights and democratisation] trying to use social media to contribute local, independent or alternative perspectives to developments on the ground. Even the peaceful Muslim demonstrators were using social media very creatively to circumvent the government’s efforts to suppress news about the protests.”
He adds, “Even though the internet is heavily censored, they were still working to find a way. There is the general idea that people are constantly fighting or trying to counter censorship.”
Over the next year, in the run up to the elections in 2015, we will see how protest and social media contribute to the campaign for press freedom by bringing the issue to the attention of the international community. Perhaps then the Ethiopian government will finally be forced to take note.