Adolescent Compensated Dating in Hong Kong

Abstract

Although numerous studies have examined the prevalence, contributing factors, and consequences of compensated dating (CD) among young people, few empirical studies have investigated the process of engaging in CD. This article intends to fill this research gap through semi-structured interviews with 30 young people who have experience in CD in Hong Kong. The current study provides a step-by-step account of the involvement of young people in this illegal/immoral activity from a crime script perspective. Twelve decision-making points in four crime commission stages are identified in this study. The findings of the study will not only advance conceptual understanding of the choice, script, and dynamics of young people’s path to CD but also provide suggestions for formulating stage-specific measures for situational crime prevention. This empirical study is the first to investigate the process of this specific emerging offense in the Chinese community.

Keywords

teen prostitution compensated dating Chinese adolescent crime script analysis situational crime prevention

Introduction

Compensated dating (CD), or teen prostitution, is a global concern with many international events focusing on this issue. The First World Congress Against the Commercial Sexual Exploitation of Children, held in 1996 in Stockholm, Sweden, and the Second Congress held in 2001 in Yokohama, Japan, alerted governments and non-government organizations (NGOs) in numerous countries to this problem. Such awareness has prompted the development of initiatives to protect children from sexual exploitation. Although prior literature has investigated contributing factors to CD or teen prostitution, including advancements in communications technology (e.g., Lam, 2003; Radford & Tsutsumi, 2004), the pressure to retain high a standard of living (e.g., Messner & Rosenfeld, 1994), and family dysfunction (e.g., Cheung, Lee, & Li, 2011; Ho, 2003), little is known about the decision-making process of young people engaging in this illegal/immoral activity. Knowledge about the decisions and actions of young people at each stage of involvement is crucial in formulating crime prevention measures.

This study intends to fill this gap in the literature by applying the crime script approach and situational crime prevention perspective, testing their utility, and extending them. The article is structured as follows. First, research on CD and the conceptual framework of the crime script analytical approach are briefly reviewed. Second, the data set and analytical strategy are described, and relevant strategies for situational crime prevention (SCP) are proposed. Finally, the limitations of the study; the implications of the findings for conceptual understanding of the choices, crime script, and dynamics of the offender; and precautions in implementing preventive measures are discussed to conclude the article.

CD (“enjo-kosai” in Japanese) originated in Japan in the 1970s. In Japanese, enjo means “assistance” in the sphere of business, and kosai means “socializing and entertaining” in society and culture (Lam, 2003). In Hong Kong, a female teenager involved in paid sexual services is called see-chong-mu (“hourly call girl”) and yuen jao (“assistant for social life”). The term yuen jao is also popular in Taiwan, where it describes similar behavior among adolescents. In the United States, this phenomenon is commonly referred to as a “sugar daddy” relationship (Barthelemy, 2004). CD is sometimes perceived by young people as acceptable because it does not necessarily involve sexual relationships. Wakabayashi (2003) found that enjo-kosai may consist of various non-sexual services, including having dinner, watching a movie, or visiting an amusement park. In most CD cases, sex services are provided afterward. In this study, CD involving subsidized dating and freelance teenage prostitution simply indicates that a person goes on dates solely for compensation, often in the form of remuneration.

CD is also prevalent in Asian societies other than Japan, such as South Korea, Taiwan, and Hong Kong. In affluent cities of the People’s Republic of China, such as Shanghai, CD is predicted to grow in the coming decades (“Expert’s prediction,” 2012). A survey conducted among 5,500 junior and senior high school students in Tokyo in 1996 indicated that 4.0% of senior high school girls and 3.8% of junior high school girls were involved in some form of enjo-kosai (Kadokura, 2007). In a survey with a sample of 1,232 Taiwanese high school students, 1.8% admitted to having engaged in CD as customers and 2.1% had provided CD services (Yeung, Wu, & Chen, 2002). In Hong Kong, 34% of young individuals considered engaging in CD, although more than 70% acknowledged the adverse effects of such a practice on society (Chu et al., 2009). A survey conducted by the author of this paper and her colleagues revealed that 25.3% of 387 delinquent youths engaged in CD with or without sexual relationships at an age younger than 18 years (Cheung et al., 2011).

CD is generally viewed as illegal and immoral in many societies, and previous studies have confirmed that such a practice is physically and psychologically harmful to young people. American teenagers engaged in sex work face an increased risk of sexual and physical assault and multiple health problems, including sexually transmitted infections (STIs) and unplanned pregnancies (Heilemann & Santhiveeran, 2011). Taiwanese girls involved in CD have lower self-esteem than ordinary girls and even girls involved in full-time prostitution (T. H. Li, 2006). Moreover, heroin, crack, and amphetamine use (Melrose, Barrett, & Brodie, 1999) and assaults by pimps (National Centre for Missing and Exploited Children, 1992) have been found to be prevalent among young sex workers.

In Hong Kong, a young person engaged in CD is treated as both an “offender” and a “victim.” An individual can be charged for soliciting and may be subjected to maximum penalties in the form of a fine of HK$10,000 (US$1,280) and imprisonment for 6 months (Crime Ordinance, Cap. 200, s147). Individuals below 18 years are protected from moral danger through custodial treatment (Protection of Children and Juvenile Ordinance, Cap. 213, s34). Both selling and buying sex are morally unacceptable in many societies, especially in Chinese society. Chinese citizens, especially those who greatly value the familial institution, perceive prostitution as unjustifiable (Cao & Stack, 2010). Under this social context, purchasing sex from underage individuals is illegal in Hong Kong. A man who engages in unlawful sexual intercourse with a 16-year-old girl is guilty of an offense and liable for 5 years of imprisonment (Crime Ordinance, Cap. 200, s147). In addition, pimps are punished with a maximum penalty of 10 years of imprisonment (Crime Ordinance, Cap. 200, s137). Despite the strict control of criminal justice measures, CD and teen prostitution remain rampant. Thus, interventions other than those related to criminal justice are worth considering. Techniques for SCP are viable options.

Theoretical Background

Crime Script Analysis

Formulating effective situational interventions to alter risks, efforts, and rewards requires two conditions: (a) crime-specific interventions and (b) familiarity with the procedural aspects of crime (Cornish, 1994). The crime script is a step-by-step account of procedures adopted by offenders before, during, and after committing a crime. Cornish (1994) borrowed the concept of scripts from cognitive psychology to develop the crime script analysis, a systematic framework that captures the elements involved in the process of committing a crime. Scripts can be “divided into scenes involving smaller units of action, or plans required to achieve major sub-goals. Indeed, the term ‘scene,’ in everyday parlance, suggests episode, location, background, and plan of action all at the same time” (Cornish, 1994, p. 159). The crime script approach systematically captures, organizes, and presents the procedural requirements of a specific offense, including decisions, scenes, plans, action, resources, and modus operandi. This approach has been used to understand a range of crimes. Applications include adult-child sex offenses (Leclerc, Wortley, & Smallbone, 2011), drug manufacturing in clandestine laboratories (Chiu, Leclerc, & Townsley, 2011), illegal waste activities (Tompson & Chainey, 2011), and carjacking (Copes, Hochsteller, & Cherbonneau, 2012).

SCP

For formulating a crime-specific intervention plan to prevent adolescents from engaging in CD, some techniques of SCP are worth considering. SCP “seeks to alter the situational determinants of crime so as to make crime less likely to happen” (Clarke, 2008, p. 178) through 25 techniques in five broad strategies (Clarke & Eck, 2003, 2005; Cornish & Clarke, 2003). SCP deals with various offenses, such as child sexual abuse (Wortley & Smallbone, 2006), Internet fraud (Newman & Clarke, 2003), sex trafficking (Finckenauer & Chin, 2010), drug dealing (Jacques & Reynald, 2011), child sex offenses (Leclerc et al., 2011), and violence against sex workers (Li, 2012). Each of the five broad SCP types has a specific function and a set of corresponding techniques. The first SCP category aims to increase the effort required to commit a crime in several ways, such as by “hardening targets” and “controlling access to facilities.” The second SCP category intends to deter an individual from committing a crime under the assumption that people are rational and less likely to take risks in committing a crime. Such deterrents include “adequate natural surveillance” and “strengthening of formal surveillance” (e.g., security provided by police or security guards and installation of alarms and video cameras). The third SCP category is designed to discourage people from committing offenses by reducing the rewards attached to a crime, such as by reducing the amount of cash kept in the cashier counter by introducing electronic money. The fourth SCP strategy hopes to reduce the provocations of crime. Young people are encouraged to decline the invitation of friends to take drugs through TV publicity (neutralizing peer pressure). The last SCP strategy aims to reduce an individual’s justifications for committing a crime. Techniques for this strategy include setting rules and posting instructions in a particular place.

This study is based on the crime script approach and assumes that engaging in CD is not a singular event. Rather, CD is a process that consists of a series of individual decisions and actions, resources, skills, and networks used to access this illegal activity, as well as the area of management and the dynamics of different settings. A full understanding of these aspects facilitates the formulation of effective crime prevention measures. However, the nature of crimes, offender characteristics, and the social context of a given society must all be considered in the application of these techniques. The attitude and behavior of law enforcement agents, citizens, and community leaders either impede or support such measures (Li, 2012). The current study hopes to contribute to the design of context-, situation-, and crime-specific prevention measures.

Data and Method

This study attempts to enrich understanding of an underinvestigated topic with thick data. Thick data that require “the researcher to provide sufficient detail of the original observations or commentaries—and the environments in which they occurred—to allow the reader to gauge and assess the meanings attached to them” (Lewis & Ritchie, 2003, p. 268) will facilitate the achievement of this aim. The qualitative method, which is appropriate for collecting “thick” data, was used in this study because this approach allows interviewees to freely describe and elaborate on their perceptions and considerations of the offenses (Bennett & Wright, 1984; Maguire & Bennett, 1982). Thick data are fundamental to script analysis, which focuses on examining the details and process of crime commission.

Aims of Study

This study aims to use the crime script approach to understand the process of CD from the perspective of the young people involved. Specifically, this study intends to achieve two goals. The first goal is to use empirical data to enrich readers’ theoretical understanding of this specific crime from the crime script approach. The second goal is to shed light on the ways to address this problem through several SCP measures corresponding to each stage of involvement and scene.

Study Sample

A convenience sample was obtained through the assistance of 13 social work service units in Hong Kong that provide services to high-risk youths. Interviewees were paid HK$300 (US$40) for their participation. Thirty face-to-face interviews were conducted in the summer of 2010, covering the responses of 27 females and 3 males aged between 14 and 23 years (M age = 17). A larger sample would have yielded a deeper understanding of the issues derived from this study. Nevertheless, the sample size (30 cases) was adequate because a sample of less than 50 for a qualitative study still guarantees the quality of the data collection and analysis (Ritchie, Lewis, & Gillian, 2003). At the time of the interviews, 11 out of the 30 respondents had completed senior secondary education whereas the rest had completed only junior secondary education. Of the interviewees, 16 were unemployed and10 were employed. Two interviewees received custodial drug treatment, two were still students, and three were still involved in CD. Four girls in this study eventually became pimps who introduced their friends to prostitution. One became a customer of prostitution. The respondents of this study were categorized by issue, including (a) engaging in CD with sex below the age of 16 years (n = 12), (b) engaging in CD with sex at 16 years old or above (n = 8), (c) engaging in CD without sex at 16 years old or above (n = 5), and (d) engaging in CD without sex below the age of 16 years (n = 5). The first two scenarios involve a criminal act, whereas the last two may involve certain moral issues.

Data Collection

A team of trained interviewers conducted the interviews in the offices of social workers, where an adequate level of confidentiality was assured. Prior to the interviews, verbal and written consent was obtained from the interviewees. Respondents were then briefed on the background, possible risks, and data collection procedures of the study, as well as the measures for protecting their identity. The interviews were semi-structured and in-depth, lasting from 30 min to 2 hr. The interviews were conducted primarily in Cantonese. The interviewers used a one-page interview guide (see the appendix) based on the theoretical framework of this study to collect data on the respondents’ (a) background (e.g., family background, demographic data, and experience of involvement in CD), (b) motives, (c) perception of risks and rewards, (d) decision points, (e) techniques and actions taken, and (f) interactions with customers, workplace personnel, and pimps (if any) at each stage of involvement. When necessary, exploratory probing and clarification probing skills (Legard, Keegan, & Ward, 2003) were used during the interviews.

Data Analysis

All interviews were audio recorded and transcribed in Chinese. Quotes in this article were translated verbatim from Chinese into English with several grammatical amendments. The researcher specifically developed the coding framework by creating themes based on the items of the interview guide and on the new categories derived from a review of all the scripts. These themes are as follows:

stage of desire (instrumental, relational, psychological, and physical motives)

stage of determination (what, who, when, and where)

stage of doing (search, social chat, sell, see, and sold)

stage of desistance (risk, religion, regret, and reflection)

A research staff member coded the scripts of the 30 cases using the NVivo software package (SQR International, Version 9) according to the instructions of the researcher. The researcher then confirmed and analyzed the data and generated conclusions regarding the feasibility of SCP application in dealing with CD among adolescents in Hong Kong.

Results

The retrieved qualitative data indicated that adolescents had their own script when engaging in CD. Such a script fell under the four aforementioned stages (see Figure 1). At each stage, adolescents had particular goals, calculations, and culminating actions, which if successfully achieved enabled the offender to proceed to the next one (see Table 1). Other than goals and actions, how people became motivated or ready to offend was also important for understanding the crime commission process. The concepts of motive from the rational choice perspective (Clarke & Cornish, 1985) and resource¹ proposed by Ekblom and Tilley (2000) elucidated this connection.

Figure 1.

Compensated dating script among adolescents.

Table 1.

Framework for Stage-Specific Situational Measures for Crime Prevention.

Stages		Actions/decisions	Opportunities	Possible prevention techniques
Pre	Desire	1. Acquiring motive Instrumental (e.g., money, cell phone, and drugs) Relational (e.g., helping parents or friends in pressing need of money) Psychological (e.g., social status, self-esteem, care and concern, social skill, and security) Physical (e.g., sex)	Friends involved in CD (motives) Casual sex permitted by parents Ran away from home and requires money to live Working parents	For young people Setting rules (by parents) Controlling access to indecent online materials Neutralizing peer pressure, especially from boyfriend or pimp Family bonding (relationship aspect)
	Desire	2. Acquiring connections and network Friends Partner Workplace personnel (e.g., club manager) Pimp Online friends	Friends involved in CD (techniques)	For young people Enhancing problem-solving skills Building resilience through religion Disrupting market (online policing of specious websites)
	Determination	3. Setting baseline and rules (what) Condom required No sadomasochism No removal of T-shirt No oral sex No anal sex	Working in nightclubs, where potential customers are readily available Working at nightclubs and bars allowed by parents	For young people Organizing guardianship or mentorship programs Conducting sex education in hot spots of commercial sex (risk awareness)
		4. Preference for clients (who) Age of 20-30 is preferable Regular customers Good looking is preferable		For adult customersAlerting conscience(e.g., informing potential customer that underage sex is legally and socially unacceptable)
		5. Preference for date and time of activity (when)WeekdaysChristmas eveWeekendWorking hours of parents (morning)EveningNo preference		For young peopleEnhancing guardianship (e.g., parents maintaining contact with children through mobile phone communication during working hours)
		6. Preference for location of activity (where)HotelCustomer’s placeHomeBarNightclub		For adult customersPosting reminders (e.g., signs at hotels reminding customers not to have sex with minors)Improving management (e.g., strengthening ID checks)
During	Doing	7. Uploading pictures, entering chat or forum (search)	Online social networks (e.g., MSN and forums)Social clubs for singletons (e.g., for dining and other social activities)Referral by friendsAvailability of CD websites	For adult customersSetting up formal surveillance measures (e.g., online policing, checking and questioning “couples” in motels)Alerting conscience (e.g., posting friendly reminders for potential customers online)
		8. Assessing background of potential client (social chat)
		9. Making service available (sell)
		10. Meeting online or in person (see)
		11. Social or sexual activity (sold)
Post	Desistance	12. To quit or notRisk perceptionRelationship or religionRegret or reflection	Assistance by social workersPolice interventionBattery by customersResponse of parentsReligious support	For young peopleAlerting conscience (e.g., harm to self, family members, and partners)Encouraging reflective learning (regret and reflection aspect)

Stage of Desire

People are motivated to commit a crime after perceiving its benefit. The “benefit is not always financial, but it might be excitement, sex, power, intoxication, revenge, recognition, loyalty, love—indeed, anything that people want” (Clarke, 2008, p. 179). Previous studies have investigated the motives of juveniles for engaging in prostitution. These motives include meeting the financial need of street life (Tyler, Hoyt, & Whitebeck, 2000), seeking a viable source of income for those without legal alternatives (Brock, 1998), and maintaining drug habits (Cobbina & Oselin, 2011).

Instrumental motives

Respondents most often referred to money and material goods as their criminal motives. Sixteen out of the 30 respondents claimed to have this motive. Girls accompanying a stranger, not necessarily for sex but for a cell phone, are common.

C015:

He already asked me to be his girl even before I received a cell phone.

Interviewer:

Did he ask for sex?

C015:

He did not.

Interviewer:

Only for dinner and movie?

C015:

Yes.

CD seems to be the only feasible source of income for those individuals below the legal working age. One girl described her need to maintain a materialistic lifestyle:

C021:

I am not even 15. How can I get a job? I don’t want to go to school.

Interviewer:

Why do you want to work?

C021:

Because of money.

Interviewer:

Why do you need money so much?

C021:

Because I want to buy clothes, cell phones, new gadgets, and many other things.

Surprisingly, the desire of young people to lead a materialistic lifestyle is motivated by improper messages from parents. The current study uncovered that parents can be a crime promoter. The following conversation is an example:

Interviewer:

When your mom found out that someone had been admiring you and giving you money, how did she react?

C001:

Nothing special. She just said if he’s giving me some gifts, why does he not give me something more practical?

Relational motives

Four respondents claimed that involvement in CD results from an individual’s consideration of friends or family. A 15-year-old girl (C003) attributed her involvement in CD to a desire to help her father recover from financial debt:

I haven’t been to school since I was 15. I didn’t have a job either. Several loan companies found us at our address and asked [my father] to repay thousands of dollars. I don’t know the exact amount. It’s around HK$10,000 (=US$1,300). I said I would try to get around HK$10,000 for him. I have asked my friends. My sister could not also find a way to help our dad.

Involvement in CD is perceived as a good chance to increase the social exposure of a person. One girl (C016) articulated how she benefited from this kind of involvement: “I get to know different people. Everyone has different characters.”

Psychological motives

Nine respondents claimed that their engagement in CD was neither for tangible returns nor for interpersonal relationships but for the satisfaction of their psychological needs, such as to acquire a sense of achievement and satisfaction, develop affiliations, and deal with self-inadequacy. This study supports that a presentable appearance is a personal resource facilitating one’s engagement in CD. One girl (C010) felt proud that men found her physically attractive:

Not everyone cares about sex only. Some people didn’t touch me but still paid for the time. He said he didn’t intend to have sex. If he was seeking sexual relief, he didn’t need to pay as much money; he could pay a couple of a hundred dollars in China. I think there are many people who want to feel like they “have a girl friend.”

Another girl (C018) dealt with her loneliness through her involvement in CD. She said, “It could fill up my emptiness. That’s what I got. My actual reason for participating in CD is my unhappiness. Clients could give me comfort. However, I still felt a little bad afterward.” This observation also applies to one male respondent (C027), who said, “I do this not for money or gifts. I want to try this and know this. I hope to get security and dependence from someone.”

Physical motives

Three respondents attributed their engagement in CD to their physical motive. One male respondent (C027) offered a very straightforward answer regarding the motive behind his involvement in prostitution: “It helped satisfy my sexual needs. That’s one of the reasons.” Another male respondent (C028) shared this view. However, such a motive was not limited to the boys. One girl (C018) admitted that she had a strong sex drive long before her involvement in CD. Her involvement helps her fulfill her sexual needs.

These responses suggest that CD is purposive. Money, the most frequently cited motive for crime, was deemed merely a way to maintain a social and materialistic lifestyle. Aside from material needs, a sense of security or achievement and social exposure were the most frequently cited motives by the respondents.

Stage of Determination

After deciding to engage in CD, young people answer the question of whether to plan the engagement. Whether offenders plan to commit criminal acts is debatable. Based on samples comprising burglars, several studies argued that most offenders plan to commit crimes (e.g., Bennett & Wright, 1984; Wright & Decker, 1996). By contrast, several studies suggested that burglars act impulsively rather than plan (e.g., Haan & Vos, 2003; Wright & Decker, 1994). Nevertheless, no empirical work has considered logistics prior to engagement in CD. In the present study, the respondents indicated a strong preference for four aspects of service delivery in the context of CD.

Setting baseline and rules (what)

Most of the respondents (25 out 30) claimed to apply rules at the time of providing CD services. One girl (C006) refused to be naked when providing sex services. She described an encounter as follows:

He gave me around HK$2,000 (=US$260). I said no. He then offered me HK$3,000 (US$385). I said no. Four thousand and I still said no. He then offered HK$5,000 (US$640). I considered the offer. I didn’t even have to work for an hour, and I could already have five thousand dollars. It was really good money, but I just couldn’t accept it. My bottom line is that I can’t be naked in front of clients. Not even my boyfriend sees me naked. Of course, neither can my clients.

Another girl (C022) mentioned that typical rules applied to most CD clients: “My rules are: condom is required, blowjob is alright but not anal sex, and no playing with ‘daisy’—the anal area.” It is clear that adolescents in this study were good at negotiating with potential customers. Without a doubt, negotiation skills are a kind of cognitive resource.

Preference for clients (who)

Sixteen respondents had preferences in terms of the age and appearance of a customer.

Interviewer:

Who would you choose to conduct business with?

C004:

I would choose those around my age.

Interviewer:

So, a teenager—those younger than 20.

C004:

Yes.

Interviewer:

Why?

C004:

Because some of them are too old. They look ugly.

Interviewer:

Age is a part of the reason.

C004:

Yes. Age and appearance.

Interviewer:

Do you have a standard when it comes to age?

C004:

Yes, around 13 to 17 years old.

The boys in this study mostly entertained male customers. One boy (C026) described his encounter with two foreign clients.

Interviewer:

Did you know who they were?

C026:

Travelers or business men.

Interviewer:

So they were not locals?

C026:

I am not sure. One was a foreigner and the other was Singaporean.

Interviewer:

You could recognize the foreigner. How about the Singaporean?

C026:

He spoke Mandarin. I could tell from the accent.

Interviewer:

Around what age?

C026:

I could not tell. Maybe around 30 or above.

Preference for date and time of activity (when)

Although the working hours in CD are not fixed, 16 respondents indicated their preference for the date and time of their CD activities, likely determined by the daily routines of the individual. One girl (C018) elaborated on her routine:

I had to look after my brother. Sometimes I let the client stay at my home. I could handle one person at a time, but for the long term, it wouldn’t work. That’s why I chose to work before my brother came home from school, in the morning, or very late at night. In this way, I could arrange my time better, and it would be more convenient for me to pick up my brother from school.

Another girl (C019) chose to work during school hours:

I needed to pretend in front of my family that I was going to school. I wore my uniform in the morning, but I would actually go to meet my client. I usually checked online the night before to see if I could meet clients (for the business deal) in the morning instead. If it’s in the morning, then I do not go to school. I could meet them then. Some clients went to work after the deal.

Preference for location of activity (where)

With regard to the choice of the location of the sex deal, most respondents considered safety. Twenty-six respondents indicated their preference. Most of them preferred meeting clients in familiar districts and well-established hotels. One girl (C019) explained how she managed the risks involved in picking a location for service delivery:

I live in Tsuen Wan. Tsuen Wan has several love hotels—not the greatest ones, but still acceptable. I usually choose the places near my home because I want to get the money faster. Going to other areas costs me more money. Clients would sometimes play a prank on you. We are scared of these. If it’s in Tsuen Wan, then I could call my friends immediately. If the clients have their own car, they could drive you somewhere else. Every time I get in their car, I remind myself how dangerous it is.

However, several girls were flexible with regard to location choice and conducted sex deals at home.

C018:

At my place. I told him my address; he could come to my place.

Interviewer:

But you have your brother and father at home. How did you do the business?

C018:

My dad actually didn’t really care about me, no matter who or which guy I brought home. I also chose the days when my dad wasn’t home.

Interviewer:

Does your father know of your working schedule?

C018:

He could guess. Once he came home after I was done with a client. He asked me who he was, and I told him he’s a friend helping me fix the computer. Luckily, the client was young, so it was still reasonable.

No matter where they engaged in sex deals, the respondents had ways of managing possible site-associated risks. For example, one girl (C002) working in a nightclub remarked about the risk management measures adopted by her workplace: “Whenever the police were spotted, [the manager] would stop the music and ask the minors to leave. I was not too worried because there were always four to five escape routes for us.” Clearly, young people involved in CD plan to minimize risks.

Stage of Doing

Most of the respondents (26 of the 30) detailed the process of CD involvement. The 5S technique search, social chat, sell, see, and sold describes the entire process of CD involvement.

Search

First, young people need to acquire ways of connecting with potential customers. One girl (C003) said, “I knew those clients through the Internet, and then I started meeting them.” Another girl (C001) assisted other girls by locating customers and negotiating for a better deal: “I knew one when I was out playing around. There were a total of five to six girls. Because it’s usually difficult for girls to negotiate good prices alone, I fought for them.” A particular aspect of male service was brought to light. One boy (C026) claimed that he sought only customers from a designated group: “The ‘member’ [was] not from here. ‘Member’ is the name we use in gay society.” It indicates that most adolescents in this study had a network connecting them with CD—a kind of collaborative resource.

Social chat

Social chat is an important step that follows the first online encounter. Service providers can evaluate potential customers through online social chat platforms to avoid possible risks, such as detection by undercover police officers. One girl (C023) was proud of her ability to distinguish between real customers and police officers:

Normally, clients inquire about what they can and can’t do to me. If he’s undercover, he’s more casual. He doesn’t say what he wants and just asks me out immediately. Before meeting, I would usually talk with the client for a while. The conversation would include the price and details about the services, so that when we met in person, we would never repeat the information again. If the client asked me to repeat the price when we met, I would tell him we had already covered that in the conversation through the online platform MSN or cell phone apps. I would decline repeating or leave right away. If the client cancelled the deal after seeing me, I normally would bill him HK$100 (=US$13).

Sell

After a social chat, potential customers are informed of the compensation for the “date.” One girl (C001) reported, “I always complained about losing my wallet or phone, or that I didn’t have a phone or money.”

See

Another important decision is made once the girl meets the client in person. The girls decide whether to continue their services after meeting with a customer. One girl (C016) said, “I would excuse myself to go to the washroom. I have the right to leave and not give service or take the offer.”

Sold

According to one girl (C006), the arrangement for sex sometimes took place in the workplace (e.g., nightclub), where managers look after the operations and minimize possible risks (e.g., crime promoters). This girl calmly and casually recounted her story:

There was a sofa. If the manager was outside the room and he knew what was going to happen, then he would give you a condom. Then, after receiving the condom, what you needed to do was to go into the room, and he would put a sign outside the room. Then, after the light was turned off or dimmed, we conducted the business quickly, put our pants back on, threw the condom away, took the money, and went out. That’s it.

However, selling sex was not a pleasant experience for several girls. One respondent (C007) described her negative feelings:

I got the money. I think money from CD isn’t easy at all, especially when you don’t want to do it. When you don’t want to have sex and you do it, you will cry. You will not be happy at that time. I remember that I cried and begged my client to do it quickly.

Aside from the cognitive aspect (i.e., decision making), the emotions of the individual should also be considered (Cusson, 1993).

Stage of Desistance

Twenty-seven out of the 30 interviewees ceased their involvement in CD because of the following reasons.

Risks

Twelve respondents in the study worried about STIs, unintended pregnancy, violence, and even blackmail by customers, as well as police arrests. One girl (C029) observed, “They might rape you, stab you, or suffocate you with a pillow—things like that.” Another girl (C024) remarked, “The worst thing is being arrested and sent to the police station. I was worried my mom would find out. She would shout at me if she picked me up from the police station.” Therefore, young people are likely to consider desistance upon realizing that they cannot bear the risks.

Relationships

Fifteen respondents claimed that they withdrew from CD after considering the feelings of their significant others. One girl (C003) suggested, “If I had a boyfriend, then I would quit. To be honest, I would worry the most if it would hurt him.” Another girl (C017) had a similar perception: “First, I am tired of this job, of always being surrounded by these men. I am sick of those dirty feelings. Second, it’s because of my boyfriend.” Yet another girl (C017) had the same reason for stopping:

I started to feel like I was betraying my own body. I felt guilty about [betraying] my family, boyfriend, and everyone else who knew me. I thought that there were things that I didn’t need that much. I could make money [decently]. I didn’t have to choose that way.

One boy (C027) admitted that having a stable relationship was his main reason for quitting:

I found a man who is serious with me. He gives me feelings of security and dependence, and it’s for the long term, not just for a short moment. We trust each other and we communicate well. I can share my feelings with him, and he would tell me his so that we could come to harmony. Our relationship could last long, and he has forgiven my past. Then, I could leave these all behind.

Religion

Religion helps people desist from criminal behavior (e.g., Baier & Wright, 2001; Johnson, Li, Larson, & McCullough, 2000). This observation applies to one respondent in this study. One girl (C020) stated her reasons for desisting from CD:

Interviewer:

What are the reasons or motivations that stop you from working in this industry again?

C020:

Religion and my family.

Interviewer:

How does religion help you with that?

C020:

It teaches me to love myself, and I shall live by the Ten Commandments.

Regret and reflection

Data from the study indicated that desistance arises following deep reflection. However, deep reflection is unlikely if an individual is preoccupied with his or her own neutralization techniques (Matza, 1964). The situational technique of “removing excuses” prevents people from making excuses for their offenses. Seven respondents desisted from CD following a sense of regret and self-reflection. One girl (C018) described her negative feelings and reflections after watching a movie about girls involved in CD. The miserable circumstances of the character in the movie made her think about her need to desist:

You’d feel something is missing in your heart. You’d feel bad because the guy who had sex with you wasn’t someone you like. Sometimes they might be ugly, old, or violent to girls. There’s a movie in Japan called Compensated Dating Dolls. The sex doll had sex with different guys. I felt like I was the same as the doll. You have no control, and you can do nothing. It’s really sad. A CD girl is like a sex doll; she would get dumped someday. Clients like you because you’re young, and they like your body only. When you’re not young anymore, where’s your value, or who would still want you?

CD is a rational act. The respondents tried to minimize risks by choosing the customers and the sites to meet with them. The script analysis in this study outlines a series of decisions and actions involved in CD among young people, and the dynamics between the involved parties (e.g., the seller, client, and pimp). Four distinct stages of crime commission are identified and thus provide an adequate framework for mapping out corresponding prevention measures.

Discussion

Prevention Measures Are Stage Specific

The use of the crime script approach has practical implications for SCP. Clarke (2008) suggested that “understanding how a crime is committed helps in finding points of intervention to make the crime more difficult, risky or less rewarding” (p. 182). In the case of CD, rewards are tangible and psychological, whereas risks mostly refer to criminal records, the trouble brought to the family, shame, and social stigma. In the current study, following a comprehensive understanding of the event involvement process of CD, some stage-specific prevention measures for young people and customers are proposed as follows (see Table 1).

Stage of desire

Intervention at this stage aims to weaken the desire of the individual to engage in CD. Data reveal that having friends involved in the business, receiving no objection from parents, having an urgent need for money upon running away from home, and having parents who work outside the home for long hours significantly affect the involvement of young people in CD. In response to these conditions, crime preventers can pursue several actions. For example, parents can set family rules (the technique of removing excuses) for the children, such as by fixing a schedule for going in and out of the home. Placing some controls (the technique of increasing effort) over the access of children to suspicious online material is worth considering. Some computer software for screening out indecent online material can be installed. In line with appropriate controls, family bonding may increase young people’s reservations over engaging in any activity that may put their relationship with their parents at risk, including CD. Helping professionals can assist young people in neutralizing undesirable peer influence (the technique of reducing provocation) through assertive training. In this way, individuals are taught how to refuse unreasonable demands.

Stage of determination

The key to intervention at this stage is the elimination of all available opportunities to connect with pimps and customers. Working in nightclubs or karaoke bars enables young people to connect with suitable customers and learn sex-selling techniques from co-workers. Surprisingly, some parents do not prevent their children from working in such high-risk environments. This lack of objection indicates weak parental handling that prevents children from involvement in CD. In addition to empowering parents to strengthen their role as crime preventers through proper parental controls, mentorship, or extended guardianship can alert young people to possible dangers in such settings. In Hong Kong, some university students provide mentoring for at-risk youths as part of the joint community policing projects of police officers and social workers. These students then take on the role of crime preventers. Adult customers can also be the targets of intervention. They should be educated on responsible and legal ways of purchasing sex services (the technique of alerting conscience).

Stage of doing

At this stage, the main focus of intervention is to increase risk awareness among CD service providers and customers. Several underage respondents admitted to making sex deals in hotels. Thus, the cooperation of hotel management is indispensable. Hotel management is encouraged to post friendly reminders to visitors that sex with minors is prohibited in the hotel (removing excuses). Accordingly, the front desk should strictly check the identity of every visitor. Moreover, online reminders should be sent out to the general public that sex with minors is both socially and legally unacceptable (alerting conscience). Thus, potential CD customers may be reminded of its negative effects on the psychological and social development of children, in addition to the risk of prosecution. Sex deals in nightclubs and karaoke bars are common. The police should impose tight controls on these places.

Stage of desistance

Sustaining desistance is the focus of intervention at this stage. Support from social workers, parents, and religion; increased awareness of risks; and self-reflection significantly influence young people to desist from CD. The connection between at-risk young people and social support networks is fundamental. In Ekblom’s (2011) concept of “mobilization,” youth centers can recruit young people through outreach programs where they learn proper development from social workers and ex-offenders now serving as co-preventers of crime. In addition, they require assistance in understanding the harm brought by CD not only to themselves but also to their families and partners (alerting conscience). In this regard, health care professionals, such as school and community nurses, can take an active role (Lau, 2008). The above proposals for each stage offer scope for preventing adolescents from engaging in CD. However, caution should be taken in putting such measures into place because crime prevention is “context-dependent” (Ekblom, 2011).

Prevention Measures Are Target Specific

Intervention goals are not only for young people but also for the customers. In addressing the CD problem, different intervention goals should be set for different targets. In this study, intervention targets mainly include the young CD providers and their adult customers. Alerting conscience and community education seems rather feasible for customers. The young people concerned are involved in CD with underage sex, CD without underage sex, CD involving sex with young people of legitimate age, or CD involving no sex with young people of legitimate age. Intervention goals for each situation should not be identical because of the different natures and concerns of each. The first type is definitely a crime whereas the rest are more about moral and employment issues. Zero tolerance and stringent laws should be enforced to prevent commercial underage sex. The prevention techniques of “extended guardianship” and “improved formal surveillance” are more feasible for this type. With regard to the remaining situation, the techniques of “alerting conscience” and “posting reminders” are helpful.

Prevention Measures Are Place Specific

We proposed different measures across settings. The entire CD process normally covers different settings: the Internet (for social chat, selling services, and sex deal negotiations), public places (streets or fast-food restaurants for first meetings), semi-private places (hotels and nightclubs), and private places (the home of the service provider or customer). Intervention in each setting requires different techniques and collaboration with different parties, such as with the Internet service provider (first setting) or hotel management personnel (last setting). However, difficulty in acquiring such cooperation should be anticipated, especially in Hong Kong, where individual rights and privacy are expected and strictly preserved.

Conclusion

This study can be used as a springboard for other studies of teen prostitution. Specifically, the present study applied crime script analysis to understand the pathways of adolescent CD involvement and to discuss possible corresponding measures for SCP. The findings have theoretical and practical implications. In terms of theory, the qualitative data provide a procedural account of the involvement of young people in CD. The study outlines a sequence of decision-making points and actions resulting from the interaction of individuals (e.g., young people, pimps, place management personnel, parents, and customers) and the immediate environment of different settings (e.g., the Internet, public places, entertainment workplaces, hotels, and residences). In addition, the study demonstrates that the concepts of resources by Ekblom and Tilley (2000) and risks and rewards by Clarke and Cornish (1985) supplement the crime script framework.

With regard to practical implications, the current study sheds light on formulating stage-specific SCP measures for CD. Specific intervention focus and strategies are suggested and discussed, with some cautions in implementation. For example, strategies should vary across different targets involving different issues and settings. Crime decision making is dynamic by nature and results from interactions between concerned parties (e.g., young people, customers, and pimps). Resources in crime commission should be further explored.

Although the current study provides some conceptual and practical advancement, two limitations should be noted together with directions for future improvement. First, the self-reported data in this study contain bias because of possible distortion in memory and perception as well as the reluctance of respondents to disclose a full picture of their circumstance. Data collected from other parties who play a role in the crime script (e.g., place managers, pimps, customers, and parents) may help form a comprehensive picture. Second, participants in the study were volunteers and were therefore self-selected or selected by referral agents. Under such circumstances, the responses collected may not have included non-social service recipients or those unwilling to disclose their involvement in CD. Difficulty in recruiting interviewees from Chinese society for this topic is understandable because teen prostitution in this society is viewed as shameful by the person involved and her or his family. Despite these limitations, this exploratory study attempts an application of crime script and situational crime prevention frameworks to the new topic of CD among young people.

Footnotes

Appendix

Acknowledgements

The author is very thankful to Paul Ekblom for his inspiring suggestions and thoughtful comments made on an earlier version of this article.

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) disclosed the receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: This study was funded by the Central Policy Unit, Hong Kong SAR Government.

Notes

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