Abstract
The relation between mild to borderline intellectual disability (MBID) and violent offense behavior was studied among a group of former juvenile delinquents currently in a diversion program for persistent young adult violent offenders from Amsterdam (N = 146). Offenders were considered MBID if they had received juvenile probation from the local youth care agency specialized in intellectual disability (21%). A file study was used to estimate prevalence rates of criminogenic risk factors. Police data were used to depict recent criminal behavior. Nearly all offenders grew up in large and unstable multi-problem households and had psychosocial problems. More MBID offenders displayed externalizing behavior before the age of 12, were susceptible to peer pressure, and had low social-relational skills. MBID offenders committed more violent property crimes than offenders without MBID. Youth care interventions for MBID offenders should focus on the acquisition of social-relational skills and on the pedagogical skills of parents.
Keywords
Introduction
Over recent years, evidence has been built up that juveniles with a (mild to borderline) intellectual disability (MBID) are overrepresented in the criminal justice system (e.g., Frize, Kenny, & Lennings, 2008; Kroll et al., 2002; Van der Put, Asscher, Stams, & Moonen, 2014). Although prevalence estimates of intellectual disability (ID) among juvenile criminal offenders are sparse, the available literature suggests that this overrepresentation accounts for the Dutch situation as well (e.g., Kaal, 2010; Teeuwen, 2012; Van Marle, 2004). The (composite) MBID definition is applied to groups with MBID. The definition comprises those having a mild ID (MID; 55 < IQ < 70) or those with borderline intellectual functioning (BIF; 70 < IQ < 85 with accompanying problems in adaptive functioning). Both levels of intellectual functioning are considered a disability only when they originate before the age of 18 (Schalock et al., 2010; Van Nieuwenhuijzen, Vriens, Scheepmaker, Smit, & Porton, 2011).
Juvenile offenders in general have received much attention from disciplines such as criminology, forensic psychiatry, and orthopedagogy. Juvenile offenders with ID however, have not sufficiently been considered a subgroup that merits scrutiny regarding the prevention of criminal behavior and recidivism, especially concerning violent crime. Also, compared with juveniles and adults, criminological research on young adults is still in its infancy (Blokland, Palmen, & Van San, 2012).
Overview of the Literature
With respect to population studies, literature reviews strongly indicate a relation between ID and delinquency (e.g., Farrington, 1995; Loeber, 1990; Loeber & Farrington, 1998; Moffit, Gabrielli, Mednick, & Schulsinger, 1981; Murray & Farrington, 2010), even while controlling for socioeconomic status (Taylor & Lindsay, 2010). Fairly recently, a study that set out to overcome common methodological limitations in empirical criminological research provided strong evidence for the association between IQ and delinquency (Beaver et al., 2013). There is no evidence for a causal relationship however. Although the possibility exists that ID in itself contributes to the development of delinquent behavior, a clear view on the exact relation between ID and criminal behavior is often polluted by the phenomenon that offenders with ID are more prone to be caught and arrested, prosecuted, and sentenced than offenders without ID (Boertjes & Lever, 2007). Some explanations for this phenomenon have been documented. Offenders with ID are found to be less able to manage anger and frustrations (Boertjes & Lever, 2007; Novaco & Taylor, 2004), to adopt a disrespectful or belligerent attitude toward police officers more often (Yun & Lee, 2013), and to be more prone to make false confessions while in police custody (Clare & Gudjonsson, 1993) than offenders without ID.
Research evidence points toward an inverse relation between IQ and offending rates (e.g., Goodman, Simonoff, & Stevenson, 1995; Hirschi & Hindelang, 1977; West & Farrington, 1973). This relation is not apparent for those with an IQ < 70 (e.g., McCord, McCord, & Zola, 1959; Taylor & Lindsay, 2010). Also, compared with offenders without ID, offenders with ID are more prone to commit property crimes and less prone to commit violent crimes (Van Marle, 2004), to engage in delinquent behavior at a younger age, to be more criminally active, and more likely to commit sexual offenses and arson (Barron, Hassiotis, & Banes, 2004).
Asscher, Van der Put, and Stams (2012) found no differences in the number of committed offenses between juvenile offenders with and without ID. They did find, however, that more juvenile offenders with ID had committed a crime against a person and had problems concerning general attitude, aggression, and social-relational skills. Compared with offenders without ID, substance use problems were less common.
Koolhof, Loeber, Wei, Pardini, and d’Escury (2007) found that different prevalence rates of criminogenic risk factors could largely be attributed to environmental characteristics that were more frequently problematic among juvenile offenders with ID (e.g., number of delinquent/antisocial peers, diluted pro-social network, bad neighborhood, detrimental housing) and less to personal characteristics. Also, accumulation of risks was higher among offenders with ID.
Last, Kaal, Brand, and Van Nieuwenhuijzen (2012) studied juveniles with a PIJ order (Placement in an Institution for Juveniles for mandatory treatment), the most severe measure in the Dutch juvenile justice system (Stevens & Van Marle, 2003; Van der Linden, Ten Siethoff, & Zeijlstra-Rijpstra, 2001). They found more similarities than differences between three different IQ groups—a finding that was largely attributed to the fact that among PIJ juveniles in general, problems are so widespread that IQ’s distinctive capacity is smaller than in other forensic groups (Kaal et al., 2012). More important is that the differences they did find related strongly to social (relational) skills, with the lowest IQ group having the most (severe) problems (e.g., low ego-strength, susceptibility to peer pressure, lack of problem awareness and insight).
In the present study, we elaborate on differences and similarities between offenders with and without ID. To be specific, the forensic group under focus consists of a sample of young adult violent offenders from Amsterdam with a history of juvenile probation. From this group, the presence of criminogenic risk factors during childhood and committed offenses during young adulthood are investigated. Our research questions are as follows:
Method
Sample
The study was centered on a cohort of former juvenile delinquents. This cohort consisted of men, born between 1985 and 1994, with a known history of juvenile probation in Amsterdam. From this cohort, only young adults included in a local diversion program for violent repeat offenders were drafted. This program started in 2011 and maintained the inclusion criteria that one had to have been an arrested suspect at least three times in the preceding 5 years (from 2007 to 2012) for a violent crime (attempts included) of which at least one had to have been committed (or attempted) in the last 2 years. Also, one had to have been arraigned to the examining magistrate in the same period. Offenders with only one or two of such violent crimes but with at least 33 additional arrests also met the program’s inclusion criteria. Examples of crimes considered by the program as violent are violent theft and burglary (residential home), manslaughter/homicide, public/aggravated assault, street robbery, and armed invasion/robbery.
MBID
Presence of MBID is notoriously difficult to determine. Consequently, a lack of solid information about MBID was anticipated due to either non-availability or uncertainty of IQ scores. Important to consider is that previous research has shown that IQ scores tend to be less reliable among ethnic minorities (e.g., De Jong & Colijn, 2010; Resing & Hessels, 2001).
Instead, the differentiation between violent offenders with and without MBID was based on the youth care agency that had executed case management during the periods the offenders received juvenile probation measures. In Amsterdam, there are two agencies that coordinate all voluntary and mandatory youth care programs, interventions, or treatments that a child receives. Jeugdbescherming Regio Amsterdam (JBRA) is a youth care agency responsible for child protection and juvenile probation and, in addition, offers preventive assistance to juveniles and their family members within a voluntary setting. The William Schrikker Groep (WSG) operates similarly but is a youth care agency specialized in the guidance of children and their family members with intellectual disabilities or chronic illnesses.
In retrospect, the general referral process of children who received juvenile probation in Amsterdam was as follows: Children were commonly referred to JBRA. Children were delegated to WSG when they were known to have (MB)ID and subjected to complex problems, before or during the period they were already under guidance. Also, if a child’s family or family member was already known by the WSG, the child in question was referred to WSG.
In practice, referral of a child to WSG because a family member was already known by WSG mostly occurred in the realm of child protection. Regarding juvenile probation, referral to WSG was almost always based on the level of intellectual functioning of the child. Professionals from both youth care agencies endorsed the current choice to retrospectively determine ID based on the guiding youth care agency. This classification is more likely to resemble a clinical assessment of ID than a bare IQ score (if available at all). So, all offenders having received guidance from WSG were considered to have MBID. A sensitivity analysis will be presented in the section “Discussion” in which we ratify this choice more thoroughly.
Criminogenic Risk Factors During Childhood
A file study was performed. Relevant information on criminogenic risk factors was extracted from archived youth care files. All violent offenders in our sample received youth care in Amsterdam between 1990 and 2011, most in 2004, and two thirds of all offenders received their first guidance before 2006.
Case management as executed by JBRA and WSG was similar in nature. Subsequently, youth care files from both organizations were similarly built up during the periods in which children had been under their active guidance. The content and extensiveness of these files vary, mainly according to the total time children spent under guidance and to the nature and severity of their problems. Valuable to the study were psychiatric and psychological reports and inquiries of the council for child protection. These have common ground and share language with instruments with which to quantify file information. Other documents of interest were police reports, orders from juvenile courts, and documentation on the progress of youth care programs.
Offense Behavior During Young Adulthood
Registration data on criminal offenses, committed in the period January 2007 to August 2012, of all offenders in our sample were provided by the police department of Amsterdam–Amstelland, with permission of the Dutch Council of Attorneys General from the Dutch Public Prosecutor’s Office. The following types and numbers of committed offenses could be recognized: violent theft/burglary (residential house), manslaughter/homicide, public assault against a person, aggravated assault, street robbery, (armed) invasion/robbery, property crime without violence, violent property crime, violent offense, drug-related offense, weapon-related offense, sexual offense, traffic offense, arson and general offenses in the public domain (e.g., public intoxication, nuisance, vandalism).
Instruments
File information was quantified with the Juvenile Forensic Profile (FPJ; Brand & Van Heerde, 2004, 2010), originally developed to retrieve data for forensic research from files from juveniles with a PIJ order. The FPJ consists of around 70 criminogenic risk factors and is based upon other validated measurement questionnaires, such as the Child Behavior Checklist (CBCL), the Youth Self-Report Questionnaire (YSR), and the Structured Assessment of Violence Risk in Youth (SAVRY).
All FPJ items are ordered into seven domains, namely, (1) history of criminal behavior, (2) upbringing & environment, (3) offense situation & drugs, (4) psychological factors, (5) psychopathology, (6) social & relational, and (7) behavior during stay in the institution (for an extensive overview of all risk factors included in the FPJ, see Brand & Van Heerde, 2010). The FPJ allows raters to choose per risk factor, with a few exceptions, from three answer options: 0 = no problem, 1 = moderate problem, or 2 = severe problem.
The FPJ has been shown to have good psychometric properties (Brand, 2005a, 2005b; Van Heerde & Mulder, 2005). It has an overall inter-rater reliability of r = .73 and Kappa = 0.61, which ranges between 0.45 (domain social & relational) and 0.85 (domain offense situation & drugs), and high convergent validity with the SAVRY was demonstrated (Kappa = 0.61; Van Heerde, Brand, Van ’t Hoff, & Mulder, 2004). Also, the predictive validity of the instrument was tested (see Brand, 2005a) with an area under receiver operating characteristic curve (AUC) of 0.803 for the first five domains.
Risk factors from the last domain behavior during stay in the institution were omitted. Although 76% of our sample had been detained during childhood, reports on their functioning in juvenile detention centers were only sparsely available. A few items were added to indicate general information about the family situation (e.g., dominant parent in upbringing, parental divorce/parents living separately, presence of a stepparent, number of siblings). From the existing domain history of criminal behavior, the items “number of non-violent offenses” and “number of violent offenses” were removed due to insufficient information. For the same reason, the items “number of offenses perpetrated in a group/solo” were replaced for “offenses predominantly committed solo/in a group.” Last, the item “somatic problems parents” was added to the domain upbringing & environment.
Procedure
Data collection started in October 2011 with a set of practice files that were “multiple” scored by four educated and trained raters independently. This process was continued until the threshold of 80% consensus of all administered scores was reached. Then, files were allocated to single raters who always had the opportunity to consult each other. Every 10th file was double-scored by at least two raters, but preferably all, independently.
Inter-Rater Reliability
Statistical measures were computed that offer a good indication of the attained inter-rater reliability (IRR): the raw correlation coefficient (r), the intra-class correlation coefficient (ICC), the proportion of raw agreement, and Kappa. Kappas were interpreted according to the Landis and Koch classification (Landis & Koch, 1977). All IRR statistics, with the exception of the ICC, were computed for each pair of raters separately and averaged into a mean consensus score. The ICC was computed for all raters simultaneously and interpreted according to Cicchetti (Cicchetti, 1994). IRR statistics were computed for the complete set of criminogenic risk factors and for each separate domain, except history of criminal behavior, which consisted of items with different levels of measurement (nominal, ordinal, and scale). These items are also not represented in the overall IRR statistics.
In total, 146 unique youth care files were quantified, of which 127 were scored by one rater only, and 19 files were multiple scored. This yielded a supply of 68 files from which IRR statistics could be computed. The IRR was r = 0.75 (p < .001), ICC = 0.78 (p < .001), 95% confidence interval (CI) = [0.75, 0.80], and Kappa = 0.62 (p < .001). The proportion of raw agreement was 77.3%. The proportion of raw disagreement in administered scores by one point (0 vs. 1 or 1 vs. 2) was 20.0% and by two points (0 vs. 2) was 2.7%. Domain specific analyses revealed IRR to be highest for the domains psychopathology and upbringing & environment and lowest for the domains social & relational and psychological factors. For these latter two domains, the proportion of disagreement by one point (e.g., no problem vs. moderate problem) was 41.1% and 33.5%, respectively, and the proportion of maximum disagreement (i.e., no problem vs. severe problem) was 3.3% and 2.9%, respectively (see Table 1).
Inter-Rater Reliability.
Note. ICC = intra-class correlation coefficient.
Strength of correlations (r, ICC) is qualified as “modest” (>.3), “strong” (>.5), and “very strong” (>.7).
Proportion raw agreement is qualified as “reasonable” (40% to 59%), “high” (60% to 79%), and “very high” (80% to 100%).
Kappa is qualified as “fair” (0.21-0.40), “moderate” (0.41-0.60), “good” (0.61-0.80), and “very good” (0.81-1.00).
Analyses
Analyses were performed with the SPSS 21.0 statistical package (SPSS Inc., Chicago, IL, USA). Chi-square tests were performed to determine differences between offenders with and without ID concerning the prevalence rates and severity of the majority of criminogenic risk factors and the prevalence rates of different types of offenses committed during young adulthood. ANOVAs were used to determine differences between the two groups on mean scores on the total number of committed offenses and the criminogenic risk factors: severity of violent offense, severity of sexual offense, age of first non-violent criminal offense, and age of first violent behavior.
Results
Sample
From our sample of 146 young adult violent offenders, 21% was considered to have a MBID (see Table 2). The mean age of offenders in our sample was 22.8 years (SD = 2.0) at the end date of the available police data. On average, MBID offenders were 1.4 years younger than offenders without MBID. The sociodemographic composition of both groups was roughly the same. The sample as a whole consisted of violent offenders with varying ethnic backgrounds (43% North African, 23% Surinamese, 10% native Dutch) who grew up in big and unstable households. A large majority had at least three siblings. More than half of all offenders had witnessed a parental divorce, around 45% grew up in a one-parent household, and 15% under unfavorable conditions (e.g., shifts from living as a child with parent(s) to living with other family members, with foster parents, or in boarding school; see Table 2).
Sample Characteristics of Young Adult Violent Offenders With and Without MBID.
Note. MBID = mild to borderline intellectual disability; JBRA = Jeugdbescherming regio Amsterdam (Amsterdam’s central youth care agency); WSG = William Schrikker Groep (youth care agency specialized in guidance of youth with intellectual disability).
History of Criminal Behavior, Upbringing and Environment, and Offense Situation & Drugs
On these domains, no significant differences were found. On average, offenders from both groups were between 12 and 13 years old when they had committed their first non-violent offense and a little younger than 14 when they had displayed their first disruptive aggressive offense. Around 80% of offenders from both groups committed their offenses during childhood mainly in a group. Nearly all offenders from both groups (98%) had committed violent offenses during childhood, and, on average, their offenses were equally violent.
More MBID offenders displayed severe problem behavior before the age of 12 (i.e., early age of onset of problem behavior) and fewer were physically abused by their parent(s). No differences were observed on the other risk factors from this domain. No differences were observed on the risk factors from the domain offense situation & drugs (see Table 3).
Differences Between Young Adult Violent Offenders With and Without MBID in Terms of Prevalence and Severity of Criminogenic Risk Factors.
Note. MBID = mild to borderline intellectual disability; ADHD = attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder.
Psychological Factors, Psychopathology, and Social & Relational
Concerning psychological factors, almost all offenders had a (severely) impaired conscience development. MBID offenders had a severely low ego strength/susceptibility to (peer) pressure more often. Most risk factors in the psychopathology domain did not differ between offenders with and without MBID. Among MBID offenders (indications for) neurological problems (e.g., atypical electroencephalogram [EEG], pregnancy toxemia, premature birth, sensory or motor deficiencies) were found more often. On average, more MBID offenders had problems with social skills than offenders without MBID (see Table 3).
Types of Committed Criminal Offenses During Young Adulthood
Overall, the most commonly committed types of offenses were property and/or violent crimes, followed by traffic offenses, general offenses in the public domain, and drugs- and weapon-related offenses. Sexual offenses and arson were committed by relatively few offenders. No differences in type of committed offenses were found between offenders with and without MBID (see Table 4).
The Proportion of Young Adult Violent Offenders With and Without MBID Who Committed an Offense at Least Once Between 2007 and 2012 and Differences of the Mean Number of Committed Offences Between Offenders With and Without MBID.
Note. MBID = mild to borderline intellectual disability.
Number of Committed Criminal Offenses During Young Adulthood
Only offenders who had committed a specific type of offense at least once were included in the analyses to determine differences in the level of criminal activity between both groups. Overall, with around 20 offenses committed, both groups of offenders had been equally active. When considering specific types of offenses, MBID offenders had committed more violent property crimes than offenders without MBID (3.7 vs. 2.4).
Discussion
Among a specific group of young adult offenders of violent crimes, our study explored differences between offenders with and without MBID. We focused on the prevalence rates and severity of criminogenic risk factors and on types of committed offenses and criminal activity during young adulthood.
In anticipation of a lack of solid information on determined MBID, all offenders who had received juvenile probation from Amsterdam’s youth care agency that specialized in ID youth were considered MBID. Indeed, many offenders’ youth care files did not mention IQ scores (34%). Also, our study population consisted in large part (90%) of offenders with a non-ethnic Dutch background, and IQ scores tend to be less reliable among ethnic minorities (e.g., De Jong & Colijn, 2010; Resing & Hessels, 2001).
We found that, in comparison with offenders without MBID, more MBID offenders displayed severe externalizing and disruptive behavior (i.e., at a younger age), fewer suffered from physical abusive parents, more were susceptible to peer pressure, more had (indications for) neurological problems, and more had problems concerning social-relational skills. No differences in types of committed offenses during young adulthood were found. Concerning levels of criminal activity, however, MBID offenders had committed more violent property crimes than offenders without MBID.
Although a multitude of specific criminogenic risk factors were included in our study, the two groups differed on not so many. MBID seems inept to distinguish a meaningful subpopulation of young adult violent offenders. A likely explanation, just as Kaal et al. (2012) described in their study of PIJ juveniles, is that among our study population, childhood problems were present at such high levels that MBID’s distinctive capacity is largely negated. After all, we did find unmistakingly high prevalence and severity rates of many criminogenic risk factors in both groups (e.g., early age of onset of problem behavior, lack of parenting skills, high involvement with antisocial/criminal peers, truancy, authority problems, impaired conscience and impulse control, diluted pro-social networks, and development of type B personality disorders).
Nonetheless, the differences we did find do have important implications. As said, MBID offenders displayed externalizing and disruptive problematic behavior earlier in life than offenders without MBID. Some displayed these behaviors even in kindergarten. This finding warrants early recognition of problem behavior and the necessity of timely interventions. Specifically, because early preventive interventions, such as the Nurse-Family Partnership Program (NFP; Mejdoubi et al., 2011; Olds et al., 1998; Olds, Hill, Mihalic, & O’Brien, 2001; Van der Duin, 2006), which focuses on ineffective parenting techniques, are associated with a reduction of delinquent behavior (e.g., Lundman, 1993).
Although problems concerning parenting skills were found to be highly prevalent and mostly severe for both groups of offenders, it seems that among the MBID group, one should be more inclined to think of unable rather than unwilling parents (e.g., Tymchuk & Feldman, 1991; Wade, Llewellyn, & Matthews, 2008). This is a notion that requires further investigation. These findings imply that it is important that interventions aim to affect behavior—and/or attitude change—of parents of under-aged MBID offenders, if considered necessary. In essence, interventions would need to dissolve parent-related risk factors, but, in a best-case scenario, even to transform these into protective factors.
Timing is an important aspect to consider. It is known that risk factors from the parents/family domain are found to be most strongly related to problem behavior before the age of 12. Van der Put et al. (2012) found that during the pre-adolescence phase, risk factors with a heavy impact on behavior tend to shift from the parents to the peers domain around the age of 13 and to the school and peers domain from 14 years onward. Interventions aimed to enhance the role of parents (especially those of ID youths) should best be deployed in a timely manner, that is, well before the age of 12. When criminal behavior presents at an older age (too late for parental involvement), interventions should primarily focus on dynamic risk factors.
Another finding of our study, in line with the literature (e.g., Asscher et al., 2012; Kaal et al., 2012; Van der Put et al., 2014), is that juvenile offenders with MBID presented with more problems concerning social and relational skills and were found to be more often more severely susceptible to peer pressure than juveniles without MBID. This finding confirms that juvenile MBID offenders have problems in their cognitive abilities related to the processing of social information (e.g., Gardner & Moffatt, 1990; Van Nieuwenhuijzen, Orobio de Castro, Wijnroks, Vermeer, & Matthys, 2004). It also indicates that interventions should focus on enhancement of social-relational skills. The What Works principles (Andrews & Bonta, 2006) and, from the derivative risk-needs-responsivity (RNR) model, most notably the needs principle (Bonta & Andrews, 2007) offer useful suggestions to do so.
Despite the fact that no differences were found concerning substance use and having committed offenses under the influence, youth care should be vigilant on addiction behavior among MBID youth. Literature suggests that although alcohol/drug use is less prevalent among juveniles with MBID, those who do are more prone to suffer from alcohol and drug-related problems (e.g., Bransen, Schipper, & Blekman, 2009; McGillicuddy, 2006; Van der Nagel, Kiewik, & Didden, 2012), of which criminal behavior is just one example.
All offenders in our sample have been under guidance of youth care. The extent to which the, then still under-aged, offenders were willing to accept youth care’s interference in their lives was strikingly low. To increase the attained potential of future interventions, juveniles’ acceptance of and motivation for youth care should be enhanced. The establishment of a good working alliance and base of trust between youth care workers and the offenders themselves, but also with their parents, seems an important prerequisite.
Again, the What Works principles (Andrews & Bonta, 2006) offer strong footing to do so. Especially the responsivity principle (Andrews & Bonta, 2006; Andrews, Bonta, & Hoge, 1990) should be well incorporated to enhance future interventions’ effectiveness by tailoring these to individual offenders or at-risk juveniles (Wong & Hare, 2005). Aligning interventions to cognitive capacity, learning style, cultural background, language mastery, or fluency are some examples of how to do so.
To further inquire the relation between criminogenic risk factors present during childhood and violent offense behavior during (young) adulthood with a focus on MBID, a follow-up study with a positive reference group seems obvious. Such a reference group could, for example, consist of peers (similar age) who have also received juvenile probation during childhood but who do not display persistent criminal behavior. Another comparison could focus on the escalation into violent crime. Such comparisons could also identify protective factors that buffer against the persistence or escalation of criminal behavior during the transition from adolescence into young adulthood. Recently, we finished the data collection of such a study, and we expect to publish these results in the near future.
Important to bear in mind is that a reasonable proportion of our study population (21%) was strongly indicated to have MBID. Knowing that ID is related to aggressive and delinquent behavior (Taylor & Lindsay, 2010), in combination with the fact that we studied violent offenders in particular of whom a significant part is strongly indicated to have MBID, necessitates profound attention to MBID, in general, when executing diversion programs or interventions aimed at reducing violent offenses or at preventing at-risk youth from drifting toward a violent criminal career.
Strengths and Weaknesses
We performed a systematic observation of historical information archived in youth care files for which a reliable and valid quantification instrument was used. Observers were thoroughly trained and a good inter-rater reliability was attained. Besides historic file data, we used objective police registration data on offenses committed during young adulthood. Important limitations of our study are that results can only be generalized to male offender populations. Also, because the measurement instrument used consists solely of environmental risk factors, our study did not take into account heritable features associated with both externalizing and disruptive behavior (e.g., Hicks, Krueger, Iacono, McGue, & Patrick, 2004).
In many youth care files, information was insufficiently available (and sometimes contradictory) to indicate the presence or absence of all criminogenic risk factors included in the scoring instrument FPJ with a decent amount of certainty. Raters were instructed to grant every file a quality score on a scale from 1 to 10. Quality scores were interpreted as a grade (ranging from 1 = very poor to 10 = excellent) that was mainly dependent on the amount of missing information and, to a lesser extent, on the amount of contradicting information within a file. A mean quality score of 6.2 was recorded. Scores were most often missing for the risk factors domestic violence, parents’ problems (e.g., addiction, psychiatric, and somatic problems) and on all risk factors from the FPJ domain offense-related risk factors and substance use.
Finally, we recognize problems with the validity and international generalizability of our findings, considering that offenders with and without MBID were distinguished based on service use in the local Amsterdam situation. However, within the context of the study, we were unable to use assessment or screening instruments to determine the presence of (indications for) MBID directly. To endorse our current choice to define offenders who have been under guidance of the youth care agency specialized in ID youth (WSG) as MBID, the distribution of offenders with a history of youth care at WSG or JBRA (Amsterdam’s central youth care agency) over the internationally used cutoff scores for MBID (Schalock et al., 2010) is presented, alongside a sensitivity analysis. Again, we would like to stress that IQ scores were unavailable for a significant part of the study sample (34%), and that available IQ scores should not be considered highly reliable (partly due to the ethnic composition of the study sample).
Table 5 shows misclassifications. From 29 offenders with a history of youth care at WSG, one had an IQ ≥ 85. Of 67 offenders with a history of youth care at JBRA, 19 had an 70 < IQ < 85 and four an IQ <70 (χ2 = 22.86; p < .001). This implies that the two groups do have some overlap that, besides (lack of) statistical power issues, may account for the relatively few significant differences found between the two groups.
Distribution of Offenders With a Known IQ Score and History at WSG or JBRA Over Three IQ Groups.
Note. IQ = intelligence quotient; WSG = William Schrikker Groep (youth care agency specialized in guidance of youth with intellectual disabilities); JBRA = Jeugdbescherming regio Amsterdam (Amsterdam’s central youth care agency).
Therefore, we also conducted a sensitivity analysis in which an alternative composition of the two groups was used. Only offenders guided by WSG and with an IQ < 85 were considered MBID (n = 28). All other offenders were considered no MBID (n = 118). Results from this alternative comparison largely replicated our earlier findings, and all statistically significant differences pointed in the same directions. However, the criminogenic risk factors concerning physical abuse by parent(s) and neurological problems failed to reach statistical significance. Concerning recent offense behavior, all results were similar. In general, this sensitivity analysis did not necessitate alteration of our main conclusions.
Conclusion
At least one in five of a group of young adult violent offenders from Amsterdam is strongly suspected to have a mild to borderline ID. Relatively few differences concerning prevalence rates of criminogenic risk factors during childhood and offense behavior during young adulthood between violent offenders with and without MBID were found. The group as a whole is characterized by many and severe problems that largely negate MBID’s distinctive capacity. However, the observed differences do offer useful insights to enhance the effectiveness of youth care interventions among juvenile offenders with MBID.
Footnotes
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
