The Power of Storytelling: The Experiences of Incarcerated Women Sharing Their Stories

Abstract

Women are the fastest growing prison population in the United States. Women who are incarcerated are characterized by significant mental health needs and intense societal stigma. Despite such vulnerabilities, little is known about their experiences or the pathways that lead them toward recovery and rehabilitation. This qualitative research explores the lived experiences of incarcerated women sharing their stories with high school students and their teachers as part of a community outreach project entitled “Stories of Change.” Six women were interviewed about what it was like to participate in the project. The data were coded and analyzed using phenomenological techniques, and the results were interpreted through a social constructionist framework. Five themes were revealed through an analysis of the interviews: (a) making a contribution, (b) connecting with others, (c) difficulty of telling their story, (d) identifying personal growth, and (e) moving forward. Storytelling is a powerful experience with lasting effects on the teller. This research explores the phenomenon of storytelling within a context of incarceration and stigma. These findings point toward the importance of providing programming to women within the criminal justice system that allows for meaningful interaction with normative individuals and opportunities for storytelling.

Keywords

Storytelling incarcerated women identity stigma prison programming gender informed

Women are the fastest growing prison population in the United States (Gilham, 2012). Incarcerated women have been characterized as having significant mental health needs and intense societal stigma (Kelly, Cheng, Spencer-Carver, & Ramaswamy, 2013; Wilson, 2013). They are one of the most invisible and misunderstood populations in American society (Fryer, 2006; Girshick, 1999; Talvi, 2007) and are disproportionally women of color who are poor (Gilham, 2012). We cannot study women who are incarcerated without acknowledging the pathways of trauma, poverty, and substance use that bring them into custody and how these differ from their male counterparts (Bloom, Owen, & Covington, 2005; Covington & Bloom, 2006). Considering this research gap, it is important to gain a deeper understanding of their experiences. One way to do this is by listening to their stories.

Stories have the power to change the identities and future of those telling them (Reissman, 2008). The following phenomenological research examines what it was like for women who are incarcerated to share their stories with others. Incarcerated women shared their stories of loss, hope, recovery, and change with students and teachers at local area schools within the framework of the project titled “Stories of Change.” Over the course of 18 months, participants in the project shared their stories at nine area high schools in a total of 13 presentations. The audiences ranged in number from 10 to 250 and were mostly made up of students. Presentations lasted for 1 to 2 hrs and often included a question and answer period at the end.

For the women who participated, telling their stories began a process of destigmatization that allowed both the listener and the teller to strip away the labels and gain a better social understanding of what it means to be incarcerated. The act of storytelling allowed the women who shared, and the audience who listened, an opportunity to know more deeply the person who exists underneath the label “prisoner.” “Stories of Change” offered the women a gender responsive means of healing by creating opportunities to build relational connections. “Females develop a sense of self and self-worth when their actions arise out of, and lead back into, connections with others” (Bloom et al., 2005, p. 5). By telling their own stories, the women who participated had an opportunity to reconstruct who they are and who they wish to be. These opportunities for introspection and empowerment have the potential to promote a re-storying of negative self-concepts that can positively affect the lives of not only the prisoners but also their families and communities. Prison is not just a place to house offenders, but should be used as a building block for women’s futures (Butcher, 2006). To gain insight about storytelling, the following question was asked: What are the experiences of women who are incarcerated and share their stories with students and teachers as part of the community outreach project “Stories of Change?”

Women in Prison

There are currently more than 200,000 women who are incarcerated in the United States (Weiss, Hawkins, & Despinos, 2010). The incarceration rate of females is increasing at a rate nearly twice that of men (Fryer, 2006; Mignon & Ransford, 2012; Salina, Lesondak, Razzano, & Parenti, 2011), and the total number of women involved in the criminal justice system has increased 600% since 1990 (Kelly et al., 2013). Most of these women are sentenced for nonviolent crimes (Girshick, 1999; Law, 2009; Talvi, 2007), and more than 50% will reoffend after being released (Weiss et al., 2010). Women who are incarcerated are disproportionally women of color who are poor, undereducated, and single mothers (Bloom et al., 2005; Gilham, 2012).

Mental Health Needs

A constellation of trauma, substance use, and mental health symptoms compose the portrait of the incarcerated American woman. Of those women who are incarcerated, more than 35% report histories of childhood physical, emotional, or sexual abuse (Kelly et al., 2013). Eighty percent have been diagnosed with a psychiatric disorder, and more than 60% deal with symptoms related to substance dependence (Kelly et al., 2013; Salina et al., 2011). The majority of women who are incarcerated report having been abused at some point in their lives (Bloom et al., 2005; Girshick, 1999; Harner, Hentz, & Evangelista, 2010; Law, 2009; Pomeroy, Kiam, & Abel, 1998; Robertson-James & Núñez, 2012; Sweeney, 2012; Williams & Taylor, 2004), and as many as 75% of the women who are incarcerated meet the symptom criteria for posttraumatic stress disorder at the time of entry into jail or prison (Salina et al., 2011). Women who are incarcerated typically possess low levels of self-esteem (Girshick, 1999; Law, 2009). They are more likely than men to engage in self-harming behaviors while in prison and have a disproportionately high number of suicide attempts (Mahoney & Daniel, 2006). When a woman enters the criminal justice system, it is difficult to fulfill her role as mother, daughter, wife, or friend. Incarcerated women often experience a profound sense of loss and stress in the struggle to adapt to the prison environment (Girshick, 1999; Law, 2009; Sweeney, 2012).

Stigma

The intensity of the stigma faced by women who are in jail or prison is well documented (Alarid & Vega, 2010; Asencio & Burke, 2011; Fryer, 2006; Geiger & Fischer, 2005; Mahoney & Daniel, 2006; Steffen, 1997; Talvi, 2007; Wilson, 2013). Labeled by society as deviant and subsequently devalued (Wilson, 2013), women who are incarcerated are often rejected by friends, family, and society as a whole (Asencio, 2011; Mahoney & Daniel, 2006). Coinciding with this rejection are intense feelings of guilt, powerlessness, and shame (Mahoney & Daniel, 2006; Wilson, 2013). Regarded as “damaged human beings” (Talvi, 2007, p. 11), women who are incarcerated are the victims of stereotypes and systematic condemnations (Mahoney & Daniel, 2006). Many researchers distinguish incarcerated women as being one of the most disenfranchised groups in society (Wilson, 2013). The stigma associated with this devalued position often compounds issues of low self-esteem, anger, guilt, and learned helplessness that are common among women who are incarcerated (Mahoney & Daniel, 2006). Making matters worse, these women are further shamed for failing to fulfill their duties as mothers (Geiger & Fischer, 2005; Mignon & Ransford, 2012; Talvi, 2007). Their inability as women to conform to the master narrative of motherhood reinforces self-stigma and further contributes to a spoiled identity. This may explain the research finding that women suffer more than men from the stigma of incarceration (Mignon & Ransford, 2012).

Lack of Appropriate Treatment

Although the mental health and social needs of incarcerated women are significant, female offenders lack access to adequate mental health care (Salina et al., 2011). Part of the reason for this is that most of the treatment, resources, and programs available were originally designed for men (Bloom et al., 2005; Welsh, 2015). Given that female inmates differ from men in their social and emotional needs, it should be understood that they require a different treatment approach (Erickson & Young, 2010).

The terms “gender responsive” and “gender informed” are terms that some correctional jurisdictions have begun to experiment with (Day, Zahn, & Tichavsky, 2015). Although research shows that gender responsive/gender-informed interventions reduce recidivism (Gobeil, Blanchette, & Stewart, 2016), very few programs fully embrace this idea (Law, 2009). Gender-informed treatment approaches for women who are incarcerated must focus on creating environments that recognize and address the pathways of trauma, poverty, and substance use that lead women into the criminal justice system (Bloom et al., 2005; Covington & Bloom, 2006). In this way, treatment for women must also be trauma informed (Gobeil et al., 2016), acknowledging the unique social and political factors that compose the female identity.

The relationships that women form in their lives affect them both positively and negatively. Relational theory can be a useful lens when working with female offenders as relationships and connections with others are often a primary motivation for women throughout their lives. Developing mutual relationships is key for a woman’s sense of self-identity and worth (Bloom et al., 2005; Covington & Bloom, 2006). Considering the severe stigma encountered by women who are incarcerated and the negative value assigned to this population by society, treatment that focuses on improving self-esteem and creating positive identities is particularly important (Geiger & Fischer, 2005; Salina et al., 2011).

Identity and Storytelling

Incarceration has a profound effect on identity and one’s sense of self. Combined with societal stigma and prolific stereotypes, a women’s sense of self and personal identity are fundamentally altered by the experience of being incarcerated (Alarid & Vega, 2010; Asencio & Burke, 2011; Geiger & Fischer, 2005; Mahoney & Daniel, 2006; Talvi, 2007). “The concept of self takes on a new meaning after entering prison” (Harner et al., 2010, p. 454). The process of incarceration significantly affects an individual’s self-concept and personal identity. Previous social roles become hollow memories of who they once were prior to incarceration. The struggle of women who are incarcerated is to reassemble a positive sense of self by remembering who they are, who they were, and who they want to become.

One way of changing identity is through storytelling. The telling of one’s story offers opportunities to reflect, helps articulate a future sense of agency (Butcher, 2006; Enck, 2015), and allows for alternative definitions of the self to be explored (Geiger & Fischer, 2005). Stories can open up new ways of thinking by relating past experiences with the present and by preparing the teller for future life events (Butcher, 2006). The act of storytelling reaches deep down into areas of a person’s life that may never have been accessed, releasing hidden potentials and providing different views of life circumstances. If a person is to grow and change, it is imperative that they begin to understand where they have been and how past situations have affected them in the present (Butcher, 2006).

Storytelling as a therapeutic technique for women who are incarcerated has been well documented (Enck, 2015; Geiger & Fischer, 2005; Mahoney & Daniel, 2006; Wilson, 2013). A former prisoner recounts that “women in prison want their words to be heard, they want people to know they still exist” (Talvi, 2007, p. 267). As women share their narratives with people inside and outside the institution, it becomes possible for them to reinterpret past events and render new meanings from what they have been through (Ketelle, 2010; Mahoney & Daniel, 2006). Storytelling is a process of reauthoring the self that promotes a language of personal agency and empowerment (Geiger & Fischer, 2005; Mahoney & Daniel, 2006; Saltzburg, 2007). It is through this reauthoring that fundamental shifts in identity can occur. Such shifts, and the attitudinal and lifestyle changes that often coincide with them, have been linked to desistance from crime (Giordano, Cernkovich, & Holland, 2003; Giordano, Cernkovich, & Rudolph, 2002). When incarcerated individuals are given opportunities to shift their attention toward intentional self-reflection, lasting cognitive and behavioral change is more likely to occur (Giordano et al., 2003; Giordano et al., 2002). In this way, storytelling can be conceived of as a therapeutic intervention that helps incarcerated individuals desist from criminal behavior.

Gaps in the Literature

Incarcerated women are among the most invisible and misunderstood in American society (Fryer, 2010; Girshick, 1999; Talvi, 2007). Although storytelling has been documented as a vehicle for transforming the identities of stigmatized populations, little research exists about the lived experiences of incarcerated women who participate in this phenomenon. Considering this gap, qualitative research methods offer an opportunity to gain a deeper understanding of how the act of storytelling is experienced by women who are incarcerated. The current study utilized phenomenology, which is a research method that provides rich and descriptive understandings of the essential meaning of an experience from the perspective of the participant (Gerstenblatt, 2014). This line of inquiry presents a valuable opportunity to explore the experience of storytelling within a context of incarceration and stigma.

Methods

Over the course of 18 months, participants in “Stories of Change” shared their stories at nine area high schools in a total of 13 presentations. The audiences ranged in number from 10 to 250 and were mostly made up of students. Presentations lasted from 1 to 2 hrs and often included a question and answer period at the end. A phenomenological research method was employed to more deeply understand the essence of what it was like to participate in “Stories of Change.” Phenomenology helps to illuminate the underlying meanings of experience and is well suited for determining the invariant constituents of a particular phenomenon (Armor, 2002; Moustakas, 1994). In this case, the phenomenon under investigation is participation in the “Stories of Change” community outreach project. Using a phenomenological research design enables a full exploration into what “Stories of Change” meant to the incarcerated women who participated.

An important component of the phenomenological method involves the researcher setting aside any beliefs or suppositions that could influence how a given phenomenon is understood. Given that both researchers in this study were also participant observers in the “Stories of Change” project, it was important “to establish mechanisms that hold the researcher accountable for the disciplined use of his or her subjectivity” (Armor, 2002, p. 373). To account for these potential biases, both researchers utilized the phenomenological procedures of bracketing and field memoing to enhance the rigor of the research. Furthermore, each researcher kept a detailed audit trail of their emotions and experiences throughout the research process and reviewed all data with each other and a faculty advisor.

Participants

Criterion sampling was utilized in this study. All of the participants were women who were incarcerated and had participated in the “Stories of Change” community outreach project (n=6). The age of participants ranged between 25 and 37 years. Five of the women identified as Caucasian and one woman identified as being of Indian descent. Four women identified as coming from low socioeconomic backgrounds and two identified as coming from middle-class backgrounds. All of the women were incarcerated for crimes related to the use of substances. They all were serving sentences ranging between 2 and 4.5 years. All of the women voluntarily participated in “Stories of Change” and agreed to be interviewed about their experience.

Procedure

Interviews were conducted over a 3-month period with six women who participated in “Stories of Change.” A semi-structured interview guide was employed to gather information about the women’s experiences. The guide addressed the following topics: motivation, rewards, challenges, and self-discovery (see Appendix A). The researchers conducted all six interviews at a correctional facility located in Northern New England, and the interviews were conducted in private settings during times that were convenient for the participants. Prior to each interview, the researchers reviewed the informed consent form, and participants selected pseudonyms to protect confidentiality. The interviews lasted, on average, 30 min, and field notes were completed immediately after each interview. Each researcher conducted and transcribed three interviews. The university institutional review board and the state department of corrections approved this study.

Data Analysis

All interviews were audiotaped and transcribed verbatim. A phenomenological analysis of the data was conducted using well-established techniques and procedures (Creswell, 2013; Moustakas, 1994). To reveal what the women who participated in “Stories of Change” experienced and how they experienced it (Creswell, 2007), the following steps of phenomenological analysis were employed: (a) bracketing all assumptions about the “Stories of Change” project, (b) conducting naïve reads of all interview transcripts to gain an appreciation of the totality of data, (c) highlighting statements in the transcripts that were significant to describing each participant’s experience of “Stories of Change”, (d) coding each significant statement for meaning (see Appendix B), (e) clustering meaning units into generalizable themes (see Appendix C), (f) reducing extraneous themes into the invariant constituents of the phenomenon, and (g) testing themes against the totality of all data. Inter-rater reliability of themes was achieved by including another researcher who was familiar with the research topic and the phenomenological method.

The data revealed five themes essential to the experience of participating in “Stories of Change”: (a) making a contribution, (b) connecting with others, (c) difficulty of telling their story, (d) identifying personal growth, and (e) moving forward. From these themes and through an analysis of “what” participants experienced and “how” they experienced it (Moustakas, 1994), the essence of the phenomenon was discerned through a synthesis of the common experiences of all six participants (see Appendix D). Social constructionism served as an additional vantage point for the analysis of data.

From a social constructivist perspective, reality is socially constructed in that all knowledge, and therefore all meaning, arises in and out of our interactions with others (Crotty, 1998). How and what we think, feel, and perceive about the world, others, and ourselves is generated through a process of social participation that occurs within a particular cultural and societal context. These contexts, and the dominant discourses they contain, imbue our world with meanings, norms, and attitudes that socially construct the reality in which we live. This affects the words we use, how we treat others, and how we define ourselves. The fact that some attributes are celebrated by society while others are condemned reflects one constructed social reality that may be changed. Given the intense stigma faced by women who are incarcerated (Alarid & Vega, 2010; Asencio & Burke, 2011; Fryer, 2006; Geiger & Fischer, 2005; Mahoney & Daniel, 2006), social constructionism is an important framework for understanding their lived experiences, and the means by which the women involved in “Stories of Change” may dynamically reconstruct different social realities and negotiate a more positive self and identity.

Results

Five themes were revealed through an analysis of the interviews. As is common in phenomenological inquires, these themes were not sequential, and there was no order to their emergence (Armor, 2002). Each theme may be present at any point during participants’ experiences.

Theme 1: Making a Contribution

For the incarcerated women who participated in “Stories of Change,” an important aspect of the experience was feelings of contribution. Sharing their stories in schools was an opportunity to give back to the community and make a difference in a meaningful way, while fighting the stigma that comes with being incarcerated. One participant shared how “Stories of Change” was one of the only times in her life where she was able to positively affect the surrounding world. “It’s nice to go out into the community and do something. ‘Cause for me, I have messed up the community more than I have helped, so it’s nice getting out and helping.” Another woman felt that going to schools and sharing her story were ways to transform the negative “being incarcerated” into something positive. “You’re doing some kind of good, being incarcerated and being able to talk about it.”

Educating others

All of the participants felt that “Stories of Change” was a platform that allowed them to educate the audience about their experiences of trauma and the devastating effects of addiction. Most women felt that by telling their story, they could help students make more responsible choices. “My first initial hope is that by sharing my story it would help somebody else. In my case, hopefully kind of provide a little bit of knowledge and education and help people make better choices.” Another participant puts it succinctly, “I want to be able to get through to somebody to let them know, ‘Hey, don’t do what you are doing ‘cause you’re going to end up where I am or in the grave.” In addition to helping students, an important feature of the experience was the sense that by telling their stories participants were able to educate teachers as well. One participant felt that teachers are uninformed about the severity of some of their students’ situations, “and maybe we can open their eyes a little bit to what some of their students might be going through.”

“Stories of Change” allowed participants an opportunity to turn their stories of loss, trauma, addiction, and incarceration into lessons that could help others. In this way, “Stories of Change” gave a sense of purpose to the women’s past mistakes. One woman spoke of how making a positive impact allowed her to move on from regret. “It helps me to accept that this is what happened and not regret it. Especially if it can help someone else, then I really don’t regret it.” Another woman found humor in the fact that she willingly stood in front of students and teachers and shared all the mistakes she had made in her life:

Because really, who wants to stand in front of 250 people and let them know some of the horrible things you’ve done, you know? Or where you are even. It’s not something I always want to do is say, “Hi, I’m in prison” you know? Especially to that many people. And I would get nervous, but knowing that even if it helped just one person there, it’s rewarding. It is.

Feeling valuable

Underlying the sense of contribution experienced by participants was the feeling that despite being incarcerated they had some value in that they had something to offer. One woman described how addiction and incarceration had left her with a sense of emptiness, and how “Stories of Change” was a way for her to fight against this feeling. “I think as an addict, as an incarcerated woman, you feel empty. And this is a way to relieve that a little bit.” This sense of emptiness and isolation was shared among participants, and they noted that speaking in classrooms helped them to feel wanted and accepted by the rest of society. As one participant stated, “You get very looked over. You know? You feel very forgotten, you feel very abandoned. And so, it’s kinda nice to be—to feel like you’re being requested and that somebody wants to hear you speak.”

Theme 2: Connecting With Others

Participating in “Stories of Change” allowed the women to connect with students and teachers during each presentation. Making connections with other people was something that the participants found enjoyable and fulfilling. Connecting and relating with an audience of nonincarcerated individuals gave the women the opportunity to bridge the gap between the deviant and the normative to feel like “normal” people. It provided participants with a temporary escape from the burden of being incarcerated. For one woman, the connections she made through “Stories of Change” gave her the strength to endure her sentence:

How am I going to live two years with seventy people that don’t get along and hate me and I’m gonna be in this tiny little room and I can’t do it. But getting out and seeing people and feeling like you’re making a little bit of a difference makes you feel like you can—makes me feel like I can do it.

The connections made with students during each presentation were strong. So strong in fact that many of the participants expressed frustration that they were not able to offer greater support to the students who approached them afterwards and disclosed their struggles. The participants of “Stories of Change” created genuine, therapeutic, and meaningful relationships with members of the audience. In some instances, a few of the participants even became pen pals with students they met. “I wrote her, she wrote me, and I wrote her back twice.”

Heightened Emotional Awareness and Expression

One aspect of connecting with other people involves an ability to communicate effectively. “Stories of Change” revealed that communicating with others increased the women’s awareness of and ability to express their own emotions. One participant stated that participating “helped me be able to express my feelings better to people when I’m talking to ‘em.” This idea was shared by another interviewee, who self-disclosed a history of loneliness, anger, and repressed emotions. She attributed her newfound emotional maturity to her involvement with “Stories of Change:”

Well, me, I used to, if I was sad or I couldn’t figure something out, or, you know, I was just confused or lonely, I’d get angry. That’s the only emotion I could show. I knew I felt the other way but I just couldn’t show it. Now I don’t—I guess I’m not embarrassed to cry if I need to, or say, “Hey I need help” or, “I’m really scared.” So it’s…maybe matured me? Maybe, I’m like, an adult now?

The act of storytelling allowed the women an opportunity to express deeply rooted feelings and share previously hidden aspects of their true selves.

Reconnecting with Family

Participation in “Stories of Change” created a platform for many of the women to reconnect with family members and mend relationships that had been damaged by past choices. The participants became eager to share with their families about “Stories of Change.” In addition, the experience encouraged them to reach out and communicate their feelings with family members they had been estranged from. One woman wrote a letter to her mother after participating. “I just wrote her and told her how I felt. Apologized for my actions and everything, you know, and just hoped that we could have a better friendship, which worked out pretty well.” Whether it was connecting with the audience or rebuilding broken ties with family members, the interviewees experienced the healing power of sharing their feelings with others which resulted in heightened introspection and emotional awareness.

Theme 3: Difficulty of Telling Their Story

An important aspect of the women’s experiences participating in “Stories in Change” was the difficulty they faced in telling their stories. “Stories of Change” involved multiple presentations, which occurred over the course of months. Many of the women were uncomfortable speaking in public. This anxiety was compounded by the content of the stories they were sharing, which contained traumatic and/or shameful incidents from their pasts. One young woman talked about how uncomfortable she felt sharing her story with strangers. “It’s hard to be vulnerable about that stuff anyways, let alone in a group full of people that you don’t know.” Overall, the women described their experiences participating as “emotional,” “difficult,” “scary,” “exhausting,” and “very challenging.”

As a result of sharing their stories, the women often experienced a wide range of fluctuating emotions. One participant described this undulation succinctly, “It is a lot of feelings. Like you’re nervous, you’re sad, then you feel like a piece of crap—and this is all within the time that you’re speaking because all this stuff is coming out.” Faced with the difficult and emotional nature of sharing their stories publicly in classrooms, the women described their experience as one which required courage. Overcoming fear and anxiety gave the women who had participated confidence and a sense of personal accomplishment:

I got a lot more confidence in myself. Like I don’t think I can’t do something. Now I’m just like, ‘Yeah sure I’ll do it.’ Try it out, and if it works, it works, and if it don’t, it don’t

Another participant reported that by sharing her story in classrooms, she learned that she could “walk through fear.” Others echoed this feeling of facing fear, and one viewed confronting the fear from participating as a necessary part of her recovery:

Part of my recovery is I am going to face a lot of things that I don’t want to, a lot of fears. And I learned that I was strong enough to do it. Even though I was really nervous at some points I knew that I would feel better afterwards, so I just did it.

For the women involved, “Stories of Change” was a risky and difficult endeavor that ultimately felt cleansing and cathartic.

Theme 4: Identifying Personal Growth

“Stories of Change” provided the women who participated an opportunity to identify personal growth. Through storytelling, the participants were able to critically examine their own unique life circumstances and contextualize who they are now versus who they were prior to incarceration. Self-reflection was an important part of the experience for many participants. One woman stated that preparing and telling her story for “Stories of Change” helped her realize that ideals of perfection had been haunting her throughout her life. “Because I didn’t even know that I felt like that. I didn’t even realize that I tried to be perfect, but never could be. You know?” Another woman shared that “Stories of Change” helped her to understand that she was not responsible for the abuse and trauma she suffered during childhood:

Being able to say my story over and over helped just get it in my head that it wasn’t my fault some of the things that happened to me. I have come to realize a lot about myself doing it that I didn’t realize before.

The ability to self-reflect helped the women identify personal growth and positive change. One participant described an experience of disbelief when recounting her past behaviors and credited “Stories of Change” with helping her realize that she is not the person she once was:

I am not that bad of a person. I have changed a lot. ‘Cause when I told my story I looked at myself now and I’m like, ‘Oh my god, like, how could I ever even do those things?’ You know, so I see a big difference in myself.

“Stories of Change” was an experience involving reflection, recovery, and contextualization that led to emotional awareness and facilitated an identification of personal growth and change.

Theme 5: Moving Forward

An essential aspect of the women’s experience participating in “Stories of Change” was a personal journey toward self-acceptance that entailed moving on from the past. In many instances, this meant learning how to handle judgment from others. The participants frequently expressed that participating in “Stories of Change” allowed them to accept past mistakes. One woman shared that it allowed her to finally come to terms with the person she was prior to incarceration. “It made me be ok with who I am now, and with who I used to be.” Another participant described “Stories of Change” as providing her with a sense of closure. “I have become more comfortable with some of the choices that I made. Not comfortable with them, but able to sit with them and accept that they have happened and move on.” One woman spoke of the abuse and neglect she experienced during childhood. “I have come to accept a lot that has happened, and know that it is not my fault. I may never forgive but I do accept.”

Learning to accept the past, self-judgment, and judgment from others was an important part of the women’s ability to move forward with their lives. Whatever their past choices may have been, “Stories of Change” provided an opportunity to examine the circumstances that led them to become incarcerated. One participant shared that “Stories of Change” helped her realize that she was still a good person in spite of everything that had happened to her. “I have learned that through everything that I have been through I am not a bad person, and you know, you have to love me for me.”

An important aspect of the self-acceptance the women experienced during “Stories of Change” was honesty. Telling their stories was an opportunity to be honest about their lives and choices. Being truthful led to an acceptance of self, which gave participants a sense of closure and ultimately, rebirth. One participant credited “Stories of Change” with giving her the chance to take accountability for her past.

Yeah I did this, yeah I did that. But until you really come to terms with like being honest with yourself, like, ‘Hey, yeah I almost killed my little sister by giving her drugs.’ You know? Hearing it from your own mouth was like, ‘Oh shit.’ That was horrible. But I was ok because I could take responsibility for it now.

Discussion

The women in this study shared their stories of abuse, grief, loss, recovery, and hope with students and teachers. Their experience participating in “Stories of Change” was a story of contribution through education, feeling valuable, connecting with others, rebuilding family relationships, dealing with difficult emotions, learning about themselves, growing, and moving forward by accepting themselves and looking toward the future. Research that explores the factors that cause individuals to change criminal attitudes has shown that an internal shift away from self-absorptions and toward a more genuine concern for others and community is an important factor in desisting from crime (Maruna, 2001). “Stories of Change” offered the opportunity for such internal shifts to occur.

The results of this research point to a profound feeling of isolation experienced by incarcerated women. Participants reported feeling disconnected from society, from their loved ones, and most importantly, from their true selves. Women are relational beings, and their primary motivation in life is to develop connection with others (Bloom et al., 2005; Covington & Bloom, 2006). Consequently, their physical removal from society is reflected by the internal magnification of shame, low self-esteem, and emotional isolation (Mahoney & Daniel, 2006; Wilson, 2013). As a result, women in prison frequently adopt a negative and shameful sense of self that is perpetuated by socially constructed ideas about what it means to be incarcerated (Wilson, 2013). This spoiled identity is further compounded by a common constellation of past trauma, mental health symptoms, and addiction (Kelly et al., 2013; Salina et al., 2011; Sweeney, 2012). Despite obstacles, findings of this study reveal storytelling as a powerful gender responsive antidote to the suffering experienced by women who are incarcerated. “Stories of Change” allowed the women to form relationships and connect with others. Relational cultural theory confirms the fundamental importance of relationships in women’s lives, and how they affect their sense of self and self-worth (Bloom et al., 2005).

“Stories of Change” provided the women with an opportunity to reconstruct the past with a sense of purpose by using their past mistakes for a greater good. The process also allowed them to take ownership of their lives and “seize back pride and reassume a law respecting, other respecting and self respecting identity” (Maruna, 2001, p. 122). Telling their stories to a room full of students placed the women in a vulnerable situation that might invite judgment from the audience. This required courage, as none of the participants had public-speaking experience, much less sharing the personal details of their past and the reason for their incarceration. As a result of the risky endeavor of candidly sharing their stories in front of normative audiences, participants developed honest and authentic connections while gaining self-confidence and self- respect in the process.

The women who participated found meaning by contextualizing past behaviors and orientating themselves toward a more fulfilled future. This kind of newly formulated meaning has the potential to assist them in becoming desisting ex-offenders (Maruna, 2001). The findings of this study elucidate the power of storytelling as participants offered an inside version of themselves that was appreciated and valued, which helped transform their identity from shame to an example of strength, resilience, and inspiration. By sharing stories, participants of “Stories of Change” reported a more positive sense of self and articulated a beginning to overcome feelings of anger, guilt, and helplessness. They gained power over their lives and began to rebuild relationships new and old. The women were able to leave behind the prison both physically and emotionally, exploring an alternative identity that was empowering and not defined by stigma, past choices, and stereotypes. Although participating in “Stories of Change” offered a temporary reprieve from incarceration, the experience left the women with a belief in the possibility of a new future. In many ways, “Stories of Change” was an experience that runs counter to the dominant social narrative that paints incarcerated women as unworthy of participating in society and incapable of fulfilling their responsibilities as women.

The stigma and powerlessness associated with incarceration place a limit on human potential by amplifying past choices and dictating future possibilities. Society tells us that incarcerated women are deviant, dangerous, and damaged (Asencio & Burke, 2011; Talvi, 2007; Wilson, 2013). It tells us that they have failed as mothers and as women (Geiger & Fischer, 2005; Mignon & Ransford, 2012; Talvi, 2007). In response to these socially constructed ideas, it is important for incarcerated women to have opportunities to reconstruct an identity that challenges negative perspectives of incarcerated women through activities that demonstrate their value. “Stories of Change” was a way for participants to start a process of rebuilding a more positive sense of self. By challenging normative ideas about what it means to be incarcerated, a space was created where the women could explore new identities and where the audience could reconsider stereotypes about incarcerated people. In this way, storytelling can benefit the storyteller and the listener, offering hope for positive community change.

The women who participated in “Stories of Change” engaged in behavior that was unsanctioned by society and in conflict with prevailing norms and attitudes. In front of students, they were able to teach, inspire, grow, and overcome their pasts. They affected the community in a positive way and were viewed by the audiences through lenses unobscured by stigma. This experience served as a blank slate for the women, allowing them to uncover hidden aspects of self previously buried by layers of shame, stigma, and isolation. These women critically examined their own unique life circumstances and contextualized their current selves with who they were prior to incarceration. “Stories of Change” helped participants reconnect with their own emotions and confront deeply rooted feelings about themselves and the world. Well before becoming incarcerated, many of the participants had experienced trauma, loss, and grief. “Stories of Change” gave the women an opportunity to process and reframe their past, promoting a reflective consciousness that helped them arrive at an acceptance of self. This reauthoring of negative self-concepts offered a sense of closure and ultimately, rebirth.

“Stories of Change” provided an opportunity for participants to narrate their stories in their own words and in contexts of their choosing. A therapeutic environment was created that promoted a reauthoring of the self. Mahoney and Daniel (2006) argued that the development of new and empowering narratives “can be a primary vehicle for helping the multi-problem female inmate become more efficacious” and concluded through their research that the “feelings of hopelessness, loss of control, and disillusionment that frequently characterize the life of incarcerated women can be challenged in a very empowering, self-directed, and respectful way” (p. 79). The challenging of well-established narratives that occurred during “Stories of Change” fostered personal agency and allowed participants to regain control over their lives. As identity is an evolving construct in a constant stage of change (Alarid & Vega, 2010), it is possible for women who have experienced incarceration to heal damaged self-concepts and redefine themselves more positively. Women who are incarcerated deserve the chance to create a future in which they are valued and respected human beings.

This study supports research documenting the stigma faced by women who are incarcerated (Kelly et al., 2013; Wilson, 2013) and the utility of storytelling as a restorative therapeutic technique for stigmatized populations (Enck, 2015; Geiger & Fischer, 2005; Mahoney & Daniel, 2006; Wilson, 2013). It suggests the value of human connection and supports research showing the importance of prison programming that addresses the relational needs of women and the specific pathways that lead them to incarceration (Bloom et al., 2005; Covington & Bloom, 2006; Gobeil et al., 2016). Storytelling provides opportunities for female prisoners to alter negatively construed identities and concepts of self. This type of cognitive transformation has been linked with desistance from criminal behavior (Giordano et al., 2003; Giordano et al., 2002) and lends further evidence to the idea that storytelling can be conceived of as an important therapeutic intervention for incarcerated women.

Conclusion

This phenomenological investigation illuminates the subjective experiences of women who are incarcerated by providing a forum where their stories can be told. It was discovered that when women who are incarcerated share their stories with others, a space for healing is created that promotes a re-storying of negative self-concepts. Through a transformation from a prisoner into a teacher, mentor, and advocate, the women who participated in “Stories of Change” helped construct a more positive identity and remembered potentials and capabilities that had long ago been forgotten. The women were able to shed the label of criminal in an effort to transform conceptions of self, beginning a fundamental shift in attitude and identity that may lead them to sustained desistence from crime (Maruna, 2001). These findings point toward the importance of providing interventions to women within the criminal justice system that allow for meaningful interaction with normative individuals and opportunities for storytelling. The limitations for this study include a small sample size, short interview times, a lack of diversity among participants, and an inability to follow up with participants after release. Future research would take these limitations into account. In conclusion, further research is needed to gain a deeper understanding of women who are incarcerated, their experiences, and the means by which they can improve wellness.

Footnotes

Appendix A

Appendix B

Appendix C

Appendix D

Acknowledgements

We specially thank Paula Gerstenblatt, PhD, for her support, encouragement, and guidance.

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

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